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An atolia, home to many cultures and civilizations, was introduced to Islam in the 7th century AD. From the 9th century onwards, new settlements and local administrations formed by the intensive migration of Turks transformed Anatolia into an important Islamic cultural centre. In this process, Sūfism understanding developed in Iraq and Iran affected the religious life in Anatolia, and Sūfīs coming from the Khorasan region further revitalized this structure. On the other hand, Sūfī activities in Anatolia dating back to the Seljuk and Ayyubid periods became institutionalized. With their activities in the fields of politics, science, art, literature, and economics, these Sūfī orders encircled the social life in Anatolia. Mawlaviyya, one of the orders that emerged in the last period of the Anatolian Seljuk State, takes its name from Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, who belonged to a family that migrated here from the Khorasan region. Mawlana emerged with a discourse that transcended the traditional Sūfī thought and practices familiar to the 13th-century Anatolian society. With this discourse, unlike his contemporaries, he reached a recognition that transcended religious, sectarian, and regional boundaries. This article deals with the originality of Mawlānā Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī's Sūfī discourse that transcends time and space and, his general discourse on humanity. It aims to examine how Mawlānā became a universal personality based on his discourses in his work Masnawī and to analyse the subject with the data to be obtained with the qualitative approach method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mongol invasion, which profoundly altered the course of history in the early 13th century, had its most significant impact in the Khwarizm region. In the wake of the invasion, many residents fled in panic, migrating westward. After the defeat of the Khwarizmian forces, led by Jalal al-Din Khwarizmshah, by the Seljuk and Ayyubid armies at the Battle of Yassıçemen in 1230, the Khwarizmian soldiers scattered. The death of their leader in 1231 further disbanded their ranks, and many of the surviving soldiers began to serve as mercenaries for the Seljuk and Ayyubid states. Among those who joined the Ayyubid forces were Khwarizmian soldiers who, in 1244, became part of the campaign to capture al-Quds. At the time, al-Quds had been in Crusader hands since 1229, but it could not withstand the Khwarizmites’ siege and was forced to open its gates to the Muslim conquerors. This victory set the stage for further campaigns, as the Khwarizmian troops continued their journey and joined the Egyptian Ayyubid forces near Gaza. There, they delivered a decisive blow to an alliance of Ayyubids from Homs, Damascus, and Qarak, who had joined forces with the Crusaders. The Battle of La Forbie (or Harbiye) in 1244, where the Khwarizmian-Egyptian forces triumphed, is considered one of the most significant victories since the Battle of Hattin in 1187. This success, often overshadowed in historical accounts, is linked to the earlier achievements of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi, who had defeated the Crusaders at Hattin and recaptured al-Quds in 1187. Investigating this lesser-known chapter of Islamic history and examining its intricate details not only enriches our understanding of the region’s past but also sheds light on the historical events that continue to shape the tragedies we witness today, particularly those surrounding the history of al-Quds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the exception of the Haram al-Sharif area, which included the Dome of the Rock and the Al-Aqsa Mosque, Jerusalem was ceded to the Crusaders by the Ayyubid Sultan al-Malik al-Qāmil in the Treaty of Yāfā in 1229. Pursuant to the treaty, the Crusaders could not carry out reconstruction activities in Jerusalem, whose walls had been completely destroyed. For this reason, the Papacy and Europe, which wanted to militarily support Jerusalem, whose defense had become a problem over time, continued the Crusades from 1239 onwards, when the treaty expired. On the other hand, the Ayyubids did not want to engage in a struggle with the Crusaders as long as they did not take any action against them. However, the Crusaders, reinforced by the arrival of Thibaut, King of Navarra and Count of Champagne, broke the existing peace by plundering a caravan on the Ayyubid frontiers. This event and the Crusaders’ construction activities in Jerusalem drew the attention of al-Adil II, the Sultan of Egypt, and al-Malik al-Nāṣir Dāwūd, the ruler of Kerek, to Jerusalem. Conquering Jerusalem in December 1239, al-Nāṣir expelled the Christians from the city. Although it was the first conquest after the Treaty of Yāfā and was likened to the conquest of Salādin Ayyūbī, this event did not attract the attention of the scholarly world. This situation must be related to the fact that Jerusalem, which had fallen under the control of the Crusaders in early 1244, was conquered by the Khwarezmians in the same year and With the death of many Christians during the struggles. Although there were more Christians in the city at the time of al-Nāṣir’s conquest than when the Khwarezmians entered the city, their safety was ensured by al-Nāṣir and they were taken out of the city in safety. When the Khwarezmians entered Jerusalem, unlike the Ayyubids, they did not tolerate the Christians. This caused the Western world to focus on the activities of the Khwarezmians in Jerusalem rather than the conquest of al-Nāṣir. In this article, the reconquest of Jerusalem in 1239, the surrender of the holy sites to the Crusaders in 1244, and the reconquest of the city by the Khwarezmians in the same year are discussed in the light of changing alliances and the Crusades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rule of Saladin in the Ayyūbids State represents a rich and complex historical period in terms of political and religious aspects. One of the most significant events of this period is the execution of the Muslim philosopher Sheikh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī and the extensive political and religious implications that followed this dramatic event. Despite being known as a benevolent ruler who generally supported scholars, Saladin displayed a harsh attitude towards philosophical studies and education. This led to an increase in the number of madrasas focusing on Islamic sciences, as opposed to philosophical sciences, in the cities under Ayyūbid rule and turning these areas into centers of knowledge. The execution of al-Suhrawardī vividly illustrates the complexity of Saladin’s relations with scholars and the political sensitivities of the time. Al-Suhrawardī’s innovative philosophical ideas and political relationships particularly concerned the influential Shāfiʿī-Ashʿarī scholars in Aleppo, leading to his perception as a threat by religious and political structures and initiating the process of his execution. This situation sheds light on the internal political dynamics during Saladin’s rule and the religious dynamics of the time. Saladin’s reign was heavily intertwined with the Crusades and sectarian conflicts in the Islamic world. While contending with the Crusaders and striving for unity in the Islamic world, Saladin supported the widespread Islamic schools of thought such as Shāfiʿī, Ḥanafī, and Mālikī, but adopted a stricter stance against the Ismāʿīlī and Ḥanbalī sects and scholars due to the influence of Ayyūbids-era scholars. This policy significantly impacted Saladin’s relations with Islamic states. The execution of al-Suhrawardī holds historical significance as it highlights the contradictions in Saladin’s relations with scholars and the political sensitivities of the time. This event reveals the complexity of the relationship between AlSuhrawardī, the son of Saladin and the ruler of Aleppo, al-Malik al-Ẓāhir, and the political sensitivity of the period. Al-Malik al-Ẓāhir demonstrated his loyalty to his mentor alSuhrawardī by punishing those who encouraged him to issue the order for his death, thus exposing Saladin’s conflicting nature with the scholars and the political sensitivities of the time. This situation is an example representing the complexity of the political and religious structure of the Ayyūbids State and the challenging balances of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tahkik Journal of Critical Editions of Islamic Manuscripts is the property of Hacveyiszade Foundation for Science & Culture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are many uncertainties about the medieval history of Mecca, Islam’s holiest city. Our knowledge of certain periods and political events is incomplete, as is our knowledge of the composition of society. Fortunately, we now have more sources on the late medieval centuries to reconstruct the economic situation of the city and how the Sharifs, who held the reins of power, tried to preserve and extend their autonomy in the shadow of regional powers such as the Abbasid Caliphate, the Ayyubid Sultanate or the Mamluk Empire of Egypt. From the available data, we can conclude that Mecca was economically unviable on its own, constantly in need of external material aid and food supplies. The extent of its autonomy has constantly varied, but even in the most difficult times it has managed to retain at least some of its internal autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the role of Louis IX's defeat and captivity during the Seventh Crusade in the transition from Ayyubid to Mamluk sultanate. It focuses on the attempt of amir Fakhr al-Dīn ibn al-Shaykh (d. 647/1250), al-Malik al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb's (r. in Egypt 637/1240–647/1249) vizier and commander of his army during the crusade, to seize power and argues that following the death of the sultan, Louis IX's campaign tilted the balance among the various contenders for the Egyptian throne and decisively contributed to the assumption of power by the Mamluks. The article offers a new framework to explain this major political transition by comparing the failure of the Ayyubid traditional and hereditary military elites to repel Louis IX's invasion with the astounding successes of the Mamluks, all within the context of the structural and administrative changes instituted by al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb and his prevalent patterns of interaction with the Franks. It shows that Fakhr al-Dīn's endeavour to capture the Egyptian throne and to recreate the diplomatic conditions and political consequences of the Fifth and Sixth Crusades failed in the case of the Seventh since Louis IX did not intend to conclude any peace agreement with the Muslims. The article highlights how Louis IX's military and diplomatic defeats allowed the Mamluk regime to quickly consolidate its power and how the Mamluks succeeded where Fakhr al-Dīn failed: they ended the Ayyubid line, defeated Louis IX, forced the latter to surrender Damietta on their own terms, and garnered the necessary legitimacy and popular support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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İslam eğitim-öğretim tarihi ve bu alanın en öne çıkan hususlarından biri olan medreseler, İslam düşünce tarihi açısından önemli kurumlar olmasının yanı sıra bir o kadar da ilgi duyulan araştırma konularından biri olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Mahmut Dündar’ın doktora tezine dayanan Mısır Eyyûbilerinde Eğitim ve Öğretim Faaliyetleri adlı eseri, İslam eğitim ve öğretim tarihi alanındaki çalışmalara bir katkı niteliğindedir. Ancak kitabın hedefleri ile içeriği arasındaki uyum noktasında bazı problemler ve tarihî hususlarda birtakım hatalar dikkat çekmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Dündar’ın kitabı örneklemi üzerinden bilimsel araştırmalarda ihmal edilen bazı temel ilkeler ve bunun yarattığı sorunlar eleştirel bir yöntemle değerlendirilmeye çalışılacaktır.

AbstractSince the formation of Seljuks in the Levant, this region was subject to unrest, which continued the chaotic trend of the post-Hamdanid. What took place in the Levant in the Seljuk period was a series of replacing the governments by the soldiers of the same dynasty one after the other from 478 till 570 A. H. This research aimed to answer this question: What was the process of substituting governments in this period? To this goal, the reasons for the rise and fall of the Levant's governments and the records of substitute dynasties had to be analyzed. By using the quantitative historical method, the procedure of these substitutions was mapped. According to this study, the chronological process of substituting the governments had increased over time. The former disturbs were managed to be settled and the short-term rulers -inheritances of Arab tribes- to be altered by long dynasties, such as the Zengid and Ayyubid dynasties.IntroductionSome of the Levant governments were overthrown by foreign powers and as usual, the stronger governments prevailed over weaker ones. In the time frame presented in this paper, several local governments fell in this manner, among which we could mention Banu Ammar in Tripoli. There was another form of overthrowing a government that arose from within and took over. Those who served the former government then became the ones possessing power, resulting in dynasties, such as Burid, Zangid Atabegs, and Ayyubid dynasties. Since this form of conquest was defined as an uprising in the political terms of that time and new dynasties needed continuous efforts to maintain power and assemble sufficient legitimacy for themselves, they went through the process of start-points and continuance. Though each new dynasty tried to have a starting point of its own, they had to use covers, such as gaining the Atabeg of a Seljuk prince or receiving a charter from the Abbasid Caliph. Thus, only the passage of time and their behaviors to preserve their land became a factor of legitimacy that they had to earn it after several internal revolts of the generals. In other words, after some time, the land became their ancestral property and the oppressing commanders needed time to construct their property.Materials and MethodsThe author first dealt with the contexts of the fall and succession of the cited governments in this period. Therefore, he used the contextual description method. Accordingly, the political and social contexts of the lands and those, who started the new governance, were examined. Because the substitutions happened from T1 till time T2 in the context of time, a chronologic method was applied to estimate the government changes. Finally, the chronological and historical methods joined a quantitative view. The time passage had to be taken seriously to evaluate the stability of the government during their ruling time. The quantitative method also took the internal courses of the governments into account. The author tried to find the substitution process year to evaluate the alternative trends and identify the quantitative strategy for these events.Discussion and ConclusionsThe substitution of the Levant dynasties at that time was affected by instability, insecurity, and the pressure of foreign governments, building the necessity of raising a new government within the former. Therefore, the people who supported the Turk or semi-Turk troops could start a new dynasty from the heart of the previous one. The survival of the new government and its resistance towards subsequent replacement largely depended on managing the crisis that happened to the Levant in their time. Hence, the Burid took over the Seljuks of Damascus, but they were able to withstand the substitution trend for a long time because of their adequacy to protect Damascus against Crusaders and expansionists. First, it was assumed that all substitutions of the Levant governments followed an integrated pattern, but the data of the quantitative hypotheses proved it wrong. Based on the years that a dynasty maintained power in the Levant, the substitution process had increased from the Seljuks to the Ayyubid dynasty. This indicated stability in the Levant since the time of the Hamdanid. When the Hamdanid dynasty ended, the Arab tribes took control of this region and handed over a turbulent region to the Seljuks. The conflict between the Seljuk rulers brought this earlier chaos to the period of Ridwan's successors. Therefore, since the arrival of the first Turkmen associated with a rough and chaotic period in the Levant, these government changes grew until the Ayyubid dynasty. Saladin and his brother managed to divide the Ayyubid dynasty into the Ayyubid of the Levant and Egypt. Still, the Ayyubid dynasty held power in the 7th century A.H. Due to the timeframe of this paper, the substitution of the Ayyubid was not looked into; however, their long-term stability and continuation could be generalized to the Mamluk Sultanate and the Ottoman Empire, which certainly requires another research.

The first part of this article, published in 2021, discussed the status of medicine within Islamic societies and changing attitudes towards this discipline until the Ayyubid period that led to the so-called Islamisation of medicine. This second part will survey the sources conveying information about a unique phenomenon that took place in seventh/thirteenth-century Damascus: the endowment of madrasas for the study of medicine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Geniza fragment T-S AS 161.50 contains three poems, all in Judaeo-Arabic, attributed to the Egyptian Sufi poet Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm Abū ʿAbd Allāh, known as Ibn al-Kīzānī (d. 562/1167). None of the texts are present in his published dīwān. In the Egyptian section of his anthology Kharīdat al-qaṣr , Saladin's secretary ʿImād al-Dīn al-Iṣfahānī (d. 597/1201) testifies to the interest of Saladin in Ibn al-Kīzānī. We are thus in a unique position to evaluate the readership of this poet; while his followers called Kīzāniyya were already known, his popularity evidently extended not only across confessional lines to be read in a Jewish milieu, but also reached elite levels, despite his (according to ʿImād al-Dīn) "heterodox" beliefs. These new texts accordingly throw light on inter-religious and unorthodox currents normally not understood to have been promoted by Saladin and his avowedly Sunni successors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Makrîzî, who is one of the leading authors, who grew up in the Mamluks period when Muslim historiography gained a new dimension, as he stated in his preface, he deals with the Kurdish, Turkish and Circassian rulers who ruled in the Egyptian region and the events and narrations that took place during their period with the chronicle historiography system in his work titled "Kitâb al-Sulûk li-Ma'rifat Duwal al-Mulûk". The work is an important source of information both for those who study the history of the Ayyubids and Mamluks, and for researchers who work on the Syria and Egypt region. The Ayyubids part, which is the main subject of our study covers the issue of their ancestry and the events that took place in the period starting from the period of Saladin until the marriage of Shajar al-Durr with Emir Izz al-Din Aybak after the death of Turanshah. While the events are reported year by year, the political, social and economic conditions of the Ayyubids and other administrative elements during the Crusades, starting from the time of Saladin, are also described in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Arabian Sciences Heritage is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Eskiyeni is the property of Anadolu Ilahiyat Akademisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Seljuk University Journal of Seljuk Studies is the property of Selcuk University Journal of Seljuk Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Seljuk University Journal of Seljuk Studies is the property of Selcuk University Journal of Seljuk Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A sustained relationship between Cairo, Egypt more broadly, and eastern Ethiopia appears to have existed, particularly in the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods. In the general absence of historical sources, it is archaeology that provides primary insight into how and why this relationship was maintained, particularly over the twelfth to thirteenth centuries. This is considered through archaeological data from the trading entrepot of Harlaa with particular reference to coins, glass wares, ceramics, bread/ textile stamps, marine shell, and jewellery moulds. The inferences that can be drawn from these regarding trade routes and markets are assessed. Finally, the Egyptian role in the decline of Harlaa and its replacement by Harar in the late fifteenth century are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Surra Man Raa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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What do we know about the occupation of the castle of Belvoir by the Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem? This paper endeavors to draw up the state of the written documentation, consisting of a few chronicles, both Arabic and Latin, supplemented by charters from the Hospital’s collections. The history of the castle is put into perspective with the process of militarization of the Order and its growing involvement in the defense of the Latin states of the East. Acquired between 1165 and 1168, Belvoir quickly played a key role in the defense of Galilee, to the point of appearing as a major fortress of the Hospital. By January 1189, however, the place was taken over by the Ayyūbids. In 1241, following a treaty with al-Kâmil, Sultan of Egypt, the castle and its territory were returned to the Hospitallers. However, we do not know the circumstances under which the brothers moved back into a castle that had, in the meantime, suffered several destructions. In 1255, the Order strengthened its position by absorbing the possessions of the monastery of Mount Tabor. But, between 1263 and 1266, the campaigns of the Sultan Baybars resulted in the destruction of the Hospitaller settlement in eastern Galilee.

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Abstract The existence of different sects and religions in the Ayyubid period (d. 567-658 AH) is one of the most important challenges people of that time faced. This issue forced their government to adopt different policies towards them. One of the most important religious groups in the mentioned period was Sofia. Studies about Sufis, who were able to play an effective role in various sections of the society and establish close relations with the government in the Ayyubid period, generally lack attention to the historical context, in which they lived, while no appropriate analysis of the time conditions and the ways of their interactions and relationships with various social institutions, especially with the government, has been presented so far. Using a descriptive-analytical method and citing historical sources, the present study sought to answer the question of what were the political, social, military, and religious positions of Sofia in the controversial arena of the Ayyubid government and how they was able to play a role in the relevant equations. The results of this research indicated that Sofia was able to penetrate into different sections of the society during this period and gain the support of the Ayyubids, while adopting an interactive religion-government approach and making material and economic benefits, such as construction and development of Sofia centers. In return, the Sufis helped to solve some of the political, social, and military problems of the Ayyubids. Introduction Simultaneously with the rise of the Ayyubids, Sufism emerged from the state of individual asceticism and moved towards a systematic set with transcendent thoughts and a broader organization. In the Ayyubid period, we see intense religious conflicts, such as the Ash’arite divisions. For instance, the Mu'tazilites, imposed severe pressures on those, who believed in the freedom of thought and belief. Some Ayyubid sultans even banned teaching courses other than religious commentaries and principles. They even issued an order for the assassination of Sheikh Ishraq. Yet, the most stubborn clashes between Sunnis and Shias was common in this period. Ibn Jubayr pointed out part of these religious differences among the Shiites in the Levant at the time of Salah al-Din (Ibn Jubayr, 1370, 341). Politically, despite initial unity of Salah al-Din province, disputes were sown between his sons and brothers by dividing the areas under his rule. Throughout the reign of the Ayyubids, it became one of the main reasons for the weakness and eventual fall of this government, same as the clashes and confrontation between the Kurds and the Turkmen occurred in the form of Crusades. Other concerns in the period included the contradictory actions of the Ismailis and Ash'arites, as well as other political and religious differences. During this period, Sufism entered the path in the form of group experience. In the framework of this system, Sufi thoughts entered its philosophical stage in the 6th and 7th centuries. It was able to present many new ideas and theories to the society based on the philosophical language. During this period, with the organization and designing of new ideas, Sufism attracted attention of the government (the Ayyubids) and gained a special place in the field of religion, politics, and society. Also, Sofia, which used to be engaged in its own religious activities at the corners of mosques, moved to new places like monasteries, Zavieh and Rabat, under new political, social, and cultural conditions during this period. They came together there and the governments, which valued constructions of mosques and schools and allocation of endowments to them in the previous centuries, also added to the centers of Sofia as their third pillar during this period. Therefore, it should be said that this special position prevented the Ayyubids from ignoring this special and powerful movement, while they were forced to communicate with them during their rule. Although this relationship was generally based on a mutual supportive view, it sometimes emerged as an aspect though often appeared violent. Materials & Methods This research was done based on a qualitative approach and a descriptive-analytical method with reference to the main historical sources. Discussions of Results & Conclusion Assessment of the relationship between the Ayyubids and Sufis showed that this relation was formed in line with the culture of trading and mutual interests and was strengthened as soon as possible although sometimes taking the form of confrontation and leading to the negation of each other. In other words, due to their political, military, and religious preoccupations, the Ayyubids tried to reconcile with Sufis and use their pervasive influence among the different sections of the people, thus benefiting from their good prayers for social legitimacy. On the other hand, in addition to gaining many economic benefits, such as construction of monasteries, they enjoyed political, social, and military positions. Based on the study of historical sources, we could see that Sufism was mentioned, along with the jurists, as one of the important classes of the society. With their support for Sofia, the Ayyubids were able to take their first steps in using this group as one of the non-repressive or peaceful means of controlling the political, social, and economic turmoil in the Levant and overcome the existing problems.

In this article, we carry out an introductory study of a little-known text titled Siyar al-mulūk , written in the late seventh/thirteenth century by an author named ʿUmar b. Dāwūd al-Fārisī, and dedicated to an Ayyubid amīr of Hama. There is only one known extant copy of this work, which belongs to the collection of the Topkapı Palace Library and dates to 727/1327. ʿUmar b. Dāwūd presents what he has written, confusingly, as an "arabicization" (taʿrīb) of the classic book of fables, Kalīla and Dimna — one of the most famous versions of which was already in Arabic. In fact, the Siyar al-mulūk is a translation; but it is derived from the sixth/twelfth century Persian rendition of Kalīla and Dimna by Naṣr Allāh Munshī. Analyzing how this text relates to its sources is made somewhat more difficult by ʿUmar b. Dāwūd's decision not to name any of them. Once the connection to the work of Naṣr Allāh is recognized, however, the Siyar al-mulūk emerges as a case study in both the evolution of Kalīla and Dimna as a global textual tradition and the transmission of Persian literature and scholarship to the Arab lands in the Mongol-Ayyubid-Mamluk period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 September 1191, a fierce battle took place in Arsuf (Palestine) between the Crusaders (marching south towards Jerusalem) led by King Richard the Lionheart and the Ayyubid army commanded by the sultan Saladin. The confrontation lasted for most of the day and terminated with a victory of the Crusaders, proving Richard's courage as a soldier and his skill as a commander while denting Saladin's reputation as an invincible warrior. The site (today known as Apollonia) holds the ruins of a Crusader castle perched on a cliff over the sea. We recovered plenty of pottery shards among which we could distinguish those of the Crusaders from those of the Ayyubid army. Extraction of food remnants confirmed that the Crusaders' diet consisted mostly of pig and sheep meat (together with cheese), with a minimum of carbohydrates (what today would be termed a "ketogenic" diet), whereas the Muslim army consumed mostly carbohydrates (wheat, Triticum durum, Hordeum vulgare), together with fruits and vegetables, with minimal levels of sheep meat and cheese. As a result, the Crusaders' diet had a positive effect on their slenderness and "cardio". This might have been why the Ayyubid army lost ca. 10 times more soldiers in Arsuf. Shrewdness of leaders and soldiers' equipment and willingness to fight are, of course, the main ingredients of victory, but diet too might not have a secondary role and help to tip the balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study aims to provide an overview of Imāmi Shi'ism in Aleppo province beginning from the rule of the Seljuqs in 479 AH /1086 CE, followed by reign of the Zangids and following them the Ayyūbids until the ending of their rule by the Tatar invasion of Bilād al-Shām (Levant) in 658 AH /1260 CE. We will also attempt to show the nature of the relationship between Shi'ites and Sunnis and the extent of conflict and dispute between them. The study attempts to outline the impact of the Imāmi Shi'ites of Aleppo on public, political and scientific life, without focussing on their beliefs and the explanation of their ideas and doctrines, but merely by reference to the sources that have addressed it, and by tracking the comments and works of the most prominent Shi'ite scholars and senior men of madhhab (doctrine) in Hadith , Fiqh (jurisprudence) and all fields of knowledge during this era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mısırlı tarihçi Abdul Rahman Azzam, Saladin adlı eserinde Selâhaddîn-i Eyyûbî’nin başarısının temel nedenlerini IV. (X.) ve V. (XI.) yüzyıllarda İslam dünyasında ortaya çıkan Sünnî uyanışın siyasî ve entelektüel boyutları bağlamında yeniden değerlendirmektedir. Selâhaddin’in parlak askerî başarılarına dayanan imajının gerçek mirasını anlamada yetersiz kaldığını düşünen Azzam, onun gerçek büyüklüğünün siyasî ve manevi vizyonuna dayandığını iddia etmektedir. Müslüman bir tarihçi tarafından İngilizce kaleme alınan ilk Selâhaddin biyografisi olma özelliğini taşıyan bu kitap, Selâhaddin’in başarısını etkileyen siyasî ve entelektüel arka planı tahlil ederek tarihi Selâhaddin’i efsanevi olandan ayırt etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

The existence of different sects and religions in the Ayyubid period (d. 567-658 AH) is one of the most important challenges people of that time faced. This issue forced their government to adopt different policies towards them. One of the most important religious groups in the mentioned period was Sofia. Studies about Sufis, who were able to play an effective role in various sections of the society and establish close relations with the government in the Ayyubid period, generally lack attention to the historical context, in which they lived, while no appropriate analysis of the time conditions and the ways of their interactions and relationships with various social institutions, especially with the government, has been presented so far. Using a descriptive-analytical method and citing historical sources, the present study sought to answer the question of what were the political, social, military, and religious positions of Sofia in the controversial arena of the Ayyubid government and how they was able to play a role in the relevant equations. The results of this research indicated that Sofia was able to penetrate into different sections of the society during this period and gain the support of the Ayyubids, while adopting an interactive religion-government approach and making material and economic benefits, such as construction and development of Sofia centers. In return, the Sufis helped to solve some of the political, social, and military problems of the Ayyubids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the first of a two-part article that aims at discussing the creation of medical madrasas for Muslims in 7th/13th-century Damascus. This part briefly examines the relationship between medical practitioners and rulers, especially in the Ayyubid period, and studies a number of works written by religious scholars and physicians —often addressed to their patrons—, in which they tackled problems affecting the practice of medicine and its scientific status. I particularly focus on the polemics against pietistic groups who adhered to the doctrine of tawakkul (reliance on God), the emergence of the genre of "prophetic medicine", and the denunciation of those physicians who impugned the universality of medical principles. This article will provide a wide contextualisation for the discussion of the phenomena that lead to the creation of medical madrasas, which will be analysed in detail in the second part. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Islamic Research / İslâmi Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkey Economical & Cultural Solidarity (TEK-DAV) Foundation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study begins with an overview of the Ayyūbid system of iqṭāʿ and its characteristics, followed by a review of the current state of scholarship on the Almohad iqṭāʿ system. Then some key primary-source passages concerning the Almohad iqṭāʿ are analysed in depth. The problem of the relation of the Almohad grantee (muqṭaʿ) to his estate is particularly focused on, and evidence is presented which suggests that the Almohad and Ḥafṣid grantees directly exploited and administered their estates without the intermediary role of the state, as was the case in the Mashriq under the Ayyūbids. Then evidence is presented from a neglected source, which shows that the Ayyūbid iqṭāʿ system was applied in Ifrīqiyya (western Libya and Tunisia) during the occupation of that region by Sharaf al-Dīn Qarāqūsh and the Ghuzz (Ayyūbid soldiers) in the 1180s. Following their defeat by the Almohads, the Ghuzz were employed in the Almohad army and some of them attained high rank. It is suggested that the Ayyūbid occupation of Ifrīqiyya, and the subsequent presence of the Ghuzz in the Almohad military apparatus may have had some influence on the development of the iqṭāʿ in the Almohad and post-Almohad periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the reasons for the preference of Hanafi sect against other sects have been examined in the context of the work titled "el-İntisar ve'ttercih li'l-mezhebi's-sahih" of the Sıbt Ibnü'l-Cevzî. The purpose of the ex In this study, the reasons for the preference of Hanafi sect against other sects have been examined in the context of the work titled "el-İntisar ve'ttercih li'l-mezhebi's-sahih" of the Sıbt Ibnü'l-Cevzî. The purpose of the examined work was to defend Abu Hanifa against some claims made against the Abu Hanifa and Hanafi sects during the Ayyubid period and to reveal that he was a superior interpreter of Islamic law than others. In his work, Sıbt İbnü'l-Cevzî defines the Hanafi sect as a sect that provides public benefits, gives wider powers to the head of state, facilitates the affairs of the people, and includes the most appropriate provisions for the Qur'an and the Sunnah. The work is a satisfying answer to the claims of the Shafiis at a time when the political preference prioritizing the Shafii sect in terms of subject and content started to turn in favor of the Hanafi sect. In addition, this work emerges as one of the pioneering and voluminous works that contributed to the Hanafi sect's existence in Damascus and Cairo. Since it is seen that various evidence and examples here are an inspiration for some works written in the following periods. It can be said that the understanding of tolerance, which sees fiqh diversity as richness, is determinant in this geography, except for the struggle between inter-sectarian activities that arise from time to time due to political and social conditions. On the other hand, this work is also valuable in terms of the identity of those who try to demonstrate the superiority of the Hanafi sect. Since it is known that both the director who promotes the writing of the work and the author preferred the Hanafi sect while they belonged to other sects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cairo Geniza preserved thousands of Arabic-script texts, among them documents from the Fatimid and Ayyubid government administration. This essay offers a brief overview of the state document corpus from the Geniza. It also surveys previous scholarship on the documents, attempting to push the material further in two ways: by reading it as evidence of Fatimid and Ayyubid strategies of rule, and by paying attention to its material clues and what they tell us about the production, storage, retrieval, and discard of state documents. The article concludes by suggesting areas for further research and offering an edition and translation of an official memorandum intended for palace officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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