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Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Economic Research / Sosyal Ekonomik Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Sosyal Ekonomik Arastirmalar Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bolu Abant Izzet Baysal University Journal of Faculty of Education / Bolu Abant İzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Bolu Abant Izzet Baysal University Journal of Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article questions and analyses the supranational aspirations of the European Union (EU) over its intergovernmental policies. It addresses first nationalism followed by neo-functionalism, supranationalism, and intergovernmentalism; the dominant theories in European integration. The purpose of the study is to reflect the EU’s supranational limitations. Our main research question is to determine whether there is a new form of Europeanism across Europe. The study shows the rising nationalism across Europe, through the 2019 and 2024 European Parliament (EP) elections, and the growing Euroscepticism through public opinion surveys. Moreover, a “policy analysis” is conducted through the EP resolutions between 1999 and 2024 and in European laws through Eur-lex, to reflect the number of intergovernmental operations. The overall findings indicate that many EU countries have ambiguous positions and altered views on the EU, between “Europhoria” and “Europhobia”. The study suggests a new form of Europeanism is growing, between Pro-Europeanism and Anti-Europeanism: “Adapted-Europeanism”. This new typology is introduced to refer to countries asking for less but more adapted integrational policies.

This article explores the scope and evolution of the European transatlantic policy with the United States of America (USA). Our research questions are related to the number and content of the texts adopted by the European Parliament (EP) and the role of the EP and its Committees in shaping the European transatlantic policies. We examine which are the committees that lead and guide the EP transatlantic conclusions. Within this context, this research paper highlights the substance of the European Union (EU) and the USA relations over the last 25 years and the major areas in which the EU cooperates with the USA. We have built our research on the European Parliament since it has legislative authority in shaping and guiding EU’s external policy. Therefore, our study brings a new perspective to the current literature on transatlantic relations by assessing the EU-USA relations from the EP conclusions and adopted legal texts. A document and policy analysis are conducted between 1999 and 2024, to assess each of the last five Parliamentary Terms and through the entire current EU laws in force. We conclude that despite studies asserting the weakening of the EU-USA relations, EU’s relations have been consistent since 1999 and even increasing in the last decade, from technical and legal achievement, based on the quantitative and contentive analysis of our research.

Kuruluşundan bugüne entegrasyon amaçlarını ekonomik alanla sınırlı bırakmayarak genişleten AB’nin çevreci adımları 1987 Avrupa Tek Senedi’yle ete kemiğe bürünmüş ve çevre konusu resmen AB’nin ortak politikası haline gelmiştir. AB’nin çevre politikası oluşturma arzusu normatif amaçlar taşımakla kalmayıp bir Birlik stratejisi olarak yerini almıştır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışmanın amacı AB çevre politikasının gelişim sürecinin AB bütünleşme sürecindeki önemini ortaya koymaktır. Çalışmada çevre politikalarının yalnızca normatif bir amaca hizmet etmediği, AB’nin ekonomik ve siyasi bütünleşme sürecine de katkılar sunan stratejik bir alan olduğu açıklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın evreni AB olup, örneklemi iklim değişikliğinde politik fırsatlar için itici ve destekleyici faktörlerdir. Ele alınan itici faktör parametreleri; normatif ve sivil güç, önlem ilkesi, bilimsellik ilkesi, uluslararası işbirliği ve etkili çok taraflılık, sürdürülebilir kalkınma ve iklim göçünün güvenliği ilkeleridir. Çalışmada nitel araştırma tekniklerinden yararlanılmış ve literatür taraması yapılmıştır.

This article investigates energy regionalism in wider Europe, examining extra-regional and intra-regional challenges. In recent years, the European Union (EU) has taken concrete steps to enhance its energy security and reduce its dependence on Russia. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has further highlighted the critical dimension of the energy crisis between Russia and the EU. This study emphasizes the vital role of sub-regional energy dynamics in regional policy formulation and criticizes the EU's regional approach. In this realm, the article assesses the EU's Eastern Partnership through the Caucasus Eastern Partnership countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and the Northeast Europe Eastern Partnership countries (Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus). Thus, countries' recent initiatives will be investigated to demonstrate how they cope with issues of energy security. In the end, the article underlines the necessity for the adoption of tailor-made sub-regional energy policies by the EU. For Northeast Europe Eastern Partnership countries, the EU needs to support energy market liberalization and stability, invest in critical infrastructural developments, foster effective dispute resolution mechanisms, and maintain transparent transit conditions. For Caucasus Eastern Partnership countries, the EU needs to facilitate multilateral energy cooperation and dialogue, promote energy market liberalization, and facilitate energy interconnection. In short, strong political leadership and continuous efforts to foster collaboration and interconnectivity in wider Europe are necessary to enhance energy security.

Türkiye’nin 1959’da başlayan AB serüveni 1999 yılında adaylık statüsü elde etmesi ve 2005 yılında da tam üyelik müzakerelerine başlaması ile sürmüştür. Özellikle Soğuk Savaşın bitimiyle birlikte AB içindeki etkisi ve gücü artan Almanya süreç boyunca AB’nin Türkiye’nin üyeliğine dair politikasında belirleyici olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı 2005 yılından 2021’e kadar iktidarda bulunan Angela Merkel’in başbakanlığı döneminde Almanya’nın Türkiye’nin AB üyelik sürecine yaklaşımını ve bu süreçteki etkisini tartışmaktır. Çalışmanın temel tezi; Merkel hükümetleri boyunca Almanya Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine açıkça karşı çıkmış ve tam üyelik yerine imtiyazlı ortaklık fikrini desteklemiştir. Ancak Almanya hem AB’nin hem de kendi güvenliği ve çıkarları gibi akılcı sebeplerden dolayı Türkiye’nin müzakere sürecinin sonlandırılmasını ve AB’nin dışına itilmesini göze alamamış ve Türkiye’nin AB ve diğer AB üyesi ülkeler ile yaşadığı krizlerde de dengeleyici bir rol oynayarak Türkiye’yi AB yörüngesinde tutmaya çalışmıştır.

Bu çalışma, Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) 1957 Roma Antlaşması’ndan günümüze toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği politikalarının tarih içindeki gelişimini dönemsel olarak incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. AB’nin eşitlik politikaları uluslararası alanda belirleyici bir rol oynamaktadır; bu sebeple toplumsal cinsiyet politikalarının tarihsel oluşum sürecini anlamak son derece önemlidir. Bu çalışma, AB belgelerinin analizi yoluyla, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği politikalarında benimsenen eşitlik yaklaşımlarını, odaklanılan konuları ve kullanılan politika araçlarını incelemektedir. AB başlangıçta ekonomik bir iş birliği olarak kurulmuş olmasına rağmen zaman içinde farklı alanlara genişlemiştir ancak sosyal politikalar açısından hâlâ piyasa odaklı bir yaklaşımı sürdürmektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet politikaları özellikle istihdam odaklıdır; bu da eşitsizlik meselesinin piyasa önceliklerine göre ele alındığına işaret etmektedir. Bu politikalar genellikle piyasayla doğrudan ilgili oldukları durumlarda bağlayıcı önlemler içermektedir ancak diğer durumlarda daha zayıf düzenlemelere tabi tutuldukları veya gündeme alınması için AB içinde veya dışında uzun ve zorlu çabalar gerektiği gözlemlenmektedir.

Bu çalışma Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) Kantçı veya liberal kozmopolitan köklerini ve özelliklerini ele alıp, bunların dış politikadaki yansımalarını Ukrayna ve Moldova’nın adaylığı bağlamında tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır. Demokrasi, serbest ticaret ve uluslararası hukuk normlarını kapsayan liberal kozmopolitanizm, AB’nin temeli sayılan Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu’nun (AET) oluşmasıyla pratik ve kurumsal bir şekle kavuşmuştur. AB genişleme süreçlerinde aday ülkelerin liberal kozmopolitanizmin bu ilkelerini benimsemesini ve uygulamasını temel şart olarak görmüştür. Genişleme süreçlerinde ince eleyip sık dokuyan ve adaylık statüsünün verilmesinde bile birçok tartışma yaşayan Birlik, Ukrayna ve Moldova için ezber bozmuştur. Hızlı bir şekilde Ukrayna ve Moldova’ya adaylık statüsü tanıyan AB, bunun nedenini komisyonun resmi ifadesine göre Ukrayna ve Rusya arasında 2022 yılı mart ayında başlayan savaş olarak göstermiştir. Bu makale Rusya’nın işgalci tutumuna karşılık AB’nin genişlemeyi bir koz/silah olarak kullanıp söz konusu ülkeleri genişleme sürecine dahil etmesinin kuruluş felsefesi olan liberal kozmopolitanizm ile bağdaşmadığı iddia etmektedir.

Following the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, there have been conflicts between the Turkish and Greek communities on the island. The reason for the conflicts was the assimilation against the Turkish community and the violence to realise Greek sovereignty. As a result of the Peace Operation in 1974 the Cyprus problem turned into a different phase. The United Nations was involved in the process and proposals were presented through the Secretaries General. The proposals were based on a federative state, within the framework of a bi-communal order under the same state roof. However, the efforts resulted in failure. The problem, which has been on the agenda of the international system for many years, should now be approached from different perspective. The aim of the study is to evaluate whether the two-state proposal can be successful or not due to the failure of the proposals so far. Thus, alternative will be produced to the problem that has not been solved for years. In our study, which is prepared with the qualitative research method, one of the main research methods of social sciences, the documents, minutes, reports and statements submitted by the parties to the Cyprus Problem will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of Turkic foreigners policy is located at the significant position in Turkish Migration Policy during the Republic history. It was interpreted within the settlement policy during the construction of the nation state in the first years of the Republic that is center of migration, settlement and population policies. With the increasing foreign population in Türkiye in the 2000’s due to economic, political and geopolitical reasons, the process of harmonization with the European Union acquis has brought about the updating of migration legislation, taking into account international migration law and the European Union acquis. The concept of Turkic foreingners policy existed in the Foreigners and International Protection Law 6458, which became law in 2013, and the immigration legislation developed accordingly, criticized on the grounds that it is an elite immigration policy aimed at a privileged group in terms of international immigration legislation. In this article, in the light of these discussions, the concept of Turkic foreigners policy will be criticized in terms of its place in current legislation and international migration law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ege Üniversitesi Ziraat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ege Universitesi, Ziraat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, the different attitudes of the European Union towards Ukrainian and Syrian refugees in its migration policies were examined. The intellectual infrastructure of these attitudes is analyzed within the framework of international relations theories such as The English School, which emphasizes the phenomenon of international society, Social Constructivism theory which emphasizes the construction of common identity and Securitization theory, which examines the process of making a political phenomenon a security issue. In addition to these approaches, the reasons for the double standard of the European Union in their migration policies are also examined in terms of the framework of geographical proximity. It emphasized to what extent the historical memories of European countries have an impact on their migration policies in the text. The theoretical analysis of the different attitudes of the European Union in the face of basically two similar events examined how these policies evolved into xenophobia and how they are fed by the current xenophobic phenomenon in Western Europe. In conclusion, it can be stated that xenophobia is a socio-psychological phenomenon in Western Europe, and this phenomenon is effective both in the determination of daily populist politics and in the attitudes preferred in the face of refugee policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Optimum: Journal of Economics & Management Sciences / Ekonomi ve Yönetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Optimum: Journal of Economics & Management Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Area Studies / Bölge Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of University Research / Üniversite Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of University Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Üsküdar Universitiy Journal of Social Sciences is the property of Uskudar University Journal of Social Sciences (JOSOC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Erzincan University Journal of Science & Technology is the property of Erzincan Binali Yildirim Universitesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey has implemented radical structural reforms in the field of education during its harmonization process with the European Union. In this context, in the last decades, the Ministry of National Education (MoNE) has implemented comprehensive EU projects towards integration with the European Union education policies. In the relevant literature review, it was seen that there are limited studies that evaluate the policies, strategies and practices that Turkey has been involved in and implemented in the European Union harmonization process in a holistic manner. Based on this gap in the literature, this research aimed to evaluate the European Union-supported "Strengthening the Vocational Education and Training System Project", "Basic Education Support Program" and "Modernization of Vocational and Technical Education" projects implemented by the Ministry of National Education. In this study, which was conducted based on qualitative research method, a holistic single case design was used and the data was analyzed by document analysis method. A total of ten documents were reviewed within the scope of the study. It has been concluded that the educational projects implemented based on the analysis and evaluations made significant contributions to Turkey's harmonization process with the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Izmir Journal of Economics is the property of Dokuz Eylul University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Economic & Social Research is the property of Abant Izzet Baysal University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hacettepe University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Hacettepe Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University, Faculty of Economic & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Istanbul Commerce University Journal of Social Sciences / İstanbul Ticaret Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Istanbul Commerce University Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the 2008–2009 global financial crisis, China began to engage in power competition in the CEE region for its economic and political interests. The EU regards the increase of Chinese influence in the CEE as a threat to its integrity and the interests of EU member states. The study argues that the basis of China-CEE cooperation is based on a realist thought that serves China's rise, aims to maximize China's economic power, and prioritizes Chinese interests. The study presents the basic motivations underlying China's involvement in power competition in the CEE, the impact of China’s growing influence in the CEE on the dominant actors in the region, such as the EU and Germany, and also their attitudes towards China-CEE cooperation from a realist perspective.

Günümüzde pek çok ülke insan hakları, hukukun üstünlüğü, serbest ve adil seçimler ve çoğulculuk gibi demokratik değerleri kısıtlayan yasal ve idari girişimlerde bulunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda liberal demokrasi uzun yıllardır küresel ölçekte gerileme içindedir. Bu durum demokratik gerilemenin ampirik olarak tespit edilmesini ve nedenlerinin araştırılmasını teşvik etmektedir. Avrupa Birliği demokratik değerleri Birlik içinde yasal norm olarak kabul etmesine rağmen birden fazla üyesi hakkında liberal demokratik değerleri zayıflattıkları yönünde tartışmalar yürütülmektedir. Söz konusu üyelerden ikisi Macaristan ve Polonya olup iki ülke de anti demokratik uygulamaları nedeniyle eleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada da Macaristan ve Polonya demokrasilerinin gerileme içinde oldukları ampirik veriler ile ortaya konulmakta ve bunun nedenleri siyasal kurumlar ve uluslararası faktörler teorileri çerçevesinde açıklanmaktadır.

The Erasmus+ Sport project is a European initiative that aims to support various aspects of sport development and inclusion. It covers a wide range of projects focussing on different areas in the field of sport. This study aims to analyse the Erasmus+ Sport projects funded by the European Union and to compare Turkey with other European countries. In our research, a document analysis research method was used. In the first period of Erasmus+ Sport projects, 874 sports projects between 2014 and 2020 were analysed. The data were obtained from the details and results page of the projects funded under the Erasmus+ programme of the European Union Commission. As a result of the document analyses, Italy was the coordinator of the most projects with 188 projects. Spain was the coordinator in 60 projects, Croatia 47, Greece 46, Bulgaria and France 45, Slovenia 40 and Romania 35. Turkey, on the other hand, ranked 18th with 18 projects. Among the institutions applying for projects, non-governmental organisations stand out with 407 projects, followed by universities, sports federations and sports clubs. According to the years, the highest number of projects was finalised in 2020 with 465 projects. A budget of 196,936,797 euros was allocated to 874 projects in total. Turkey has received project support worth 2.068.076 euros with 18 projects from this budget.

Toplumun uzun vadeli çıkarlarına zarar vermeden ekonomik büyümeyi gerçekleştirme ve çevreye zarar vermeden ihtiyaçları karşılama yeteneği olarak tanımlanan sosyo-ekonomik sürdürülebilirlik (SES), birçok ülke için kritik bir gündem maddesidir. Küreselleşme sürecinde sosyal, ekonomik, kültürel ve politik pek çok değişimle karşı karşıya kalan Avrupa Birliği (AB) ülkeleri için SES seviyelerinin analiz edilmesi stratejik bir araştırma konusudur. Mevcut çalışmanın amacı çok kriterli bir yaklaşımla AB üye ve aday ülkelerin SES performanslarını kıyaslayabilecek bir yaklaşımın geliştirilmiştir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda Entropi ve MAIRCA tekniklerini temel alan bir metodoloji önerilmiştir. Uygulamada otuz iki AB üyesi ve aday ülke, on kriter göz önünde bulundurularak değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışma sonucunda ağırlıkları en yüksek olan kriterlerin en yoksul yüzde 40'ın gelir payı (0.237), yoğunlaşma indeksi (0.168) ve AR&GE harcamaları (0.146) olduğu görülmüştür. Ayrıca SES performansı bakımından en başarılı ülkelerin Danimarka, Avusturya ve İsveç, en başarısız ülkelerin ise Güney Kıbrıs, Yunanistan ve Ukrayna olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Önerilen yaklaşım, hem SES kriterlerinin önem dereceleri hem de alternatiflerin durumları hakkında değerlendirme yapılmasına imkân sağlayacaktır.

The issue of migration and migrants has created problems not only for national states but also for the European Union (EU). Especially in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, the problem of migration and migrants was again seriously felt in the EU. Later, the political crisis in Belarus and Russia’s attempt to invade Ukraine deepened the ongoing migration and migrant problem in the EU. Therefore, Russia has been one of the important actors in the EU’s migration and migrant problem. In addition, the migration and migrant problem has also threatened Russia’s national security. In this framework, the multipolar and interconnected structure of the international system has raised a series of internal and external security issues for Russia on the basis of both the EU and EU member states. These issues have increasingly affected the national and regional security sphere. In this context, it is important to analyse the relations and cooperation between the EU and Russia on migration and migrants. This study analyses the policies and legislation of the EU and Russia on migration and migrants. This examination was carried out through a comprehensive comparative analysis in order to identify the common and distinctive features of the policies and legislation of the two actors. Therefore, the study analyses the relations and cooperation process between the EU and Russia on migration and migrants. In this context, the documents that started with the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PTA) between the two actors and continued with the roadmaps in the fields of “Freedom, Security and Justice” were analysed, which led to the signing of subsequent agreements between the parties such as readmission and simplified visa regime. Differences in approaches to migrants between the EU and Russia were identified. While the EU guarantees the rights of foreign citizens and their socio-economic participation in the life of host societies, Russia has adopted a cultural, linguistic and values-based approach to migrant integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integration efforts in Europe in order to maintain peace and stability have been an issue with great emphasis for a long time. Undoubtedly, the creation of an armed force that would protect this will of unity was continued in parallel with these efforts. The most fundamental attempt to establish a European Army aroused from the need to protect against the Soviet threat on the continent following World War II. This security need was met through NATO established under the leadership of the US because the Western European states were not strong enough to meet this threat after the war. The threat to Europe disappeared after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the EU tended to develop more independent foreign and security policy in line with its own interests. However, its security dependence on NATO and the US hindered this development. On the need for help from NATO to intervene even in crises on the continent strengthened the desire to establish a European army. Nevertheless, the concern of some Union members that an army to be established will not be as strong and deterrent as NATO and will undermine the role of the US in protection of the continent causes a dilemma. In the article, the contradictions created by the existence of NATO in the European security structure with the transition to the multipolar world order and the efforts to establish a joint European army were examined and analyzed. Considering the totality of views of European political leaders, press statements and the commission reports, it seems that the formation of a European army is inevitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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