With millions of confirmed coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and hundreds of thousands of deaths, the United States (U.S.) continues to battle the public health crisis arising from the pandemic spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (COVID-19 Dashboard, 2020). COVID-19 has emerged as an American health disparity, with racial and ethnic minorities exhibiting the highest burden of illness and deaths in the U.S. due to COVID-19 (Wortham et al., 2020). According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Black and Hispanic persons are 4.7 and 4.6 times more likely, respectively, to be hospitalized for COVID-19 compared to Whites (CDC, 2020). The global pandemic has also imposed significant economic and social costs for individuals, institutions, businesses, and communities. Here too, minorities have borne a disproportionally high share of the economic and social cost of the pandemic (CDC, 2020). A COVID-19 vaccine will be vital to producing an immune response that slows the pandemic. Depending on its efficacy, modeling studies indicate we could need up to 70% of the American population vaccinated against COVID-19 to effectively interrupt virus transmission (Bartsch et al., 2020). Critically, the decision to fast track a COVID-19 vaccine has raised concern among the public that vaccine development is being rushed. Surveys assessing the share of Americans willing to get vaccinated against COVID-19 place estimates of intention to refuse vaccination between 25 and 50% (The Associated Press, 2020). If that proportion of the public opts out of vaccinating, then vaccination rates may be inadequate to produce herd immunity to the virus. Vaccine hesitancy, “defined as the decision to delay vaccination or the refusal to vaccinate despite available vaccination services,” is growing increasingly common in the U.S. public (Callaghan et al., 2019). It has been observed for vaccination against influenza (Nyhan and Reifler 2015), human papillomavirus (Fowler and Gollust 2015), and pneumococcal vaccines (Glanz et al., 2011; Gatwood et al., 2020). Critically, however, we see intention to vaccinate against COVID-19 as similar but conceptually distinct from traditional vaccine hesitancy. Whereas traditional hesitancy occurs in circumstances where vaccine safety is established and the vaccine is already widely available, that is not yet the case with COVID-19 vaccination. Improving intention to vaccinate against COVID-19 to slow the pandemic will require targeted health communication strategies that effectively reach the subpopulations most likely to refuse COVID-19 vaccination and that ameliorate the primary concerns of individuals reluctant to vaccinate using scientific evidence (Goldstein et al., 2015). Consequently, an important first step in this process is to identify who in the American public is least likely to pursue an eventual COVID-19 vaccine and their reasons for not pursuing vaccination. Our efforts to start this process are, necessarily, an exploratory exercise. The uncertain nature of the COVID-19 pandemic, coupled with the unprecedented pace at which vaccines are being developed, makes it difficult to say with certainty whether previous research on the reasons for vaccine refusal may extend to this particular vaccine. Consequently, our work aims to provide a pluralistic overview of the public opinion landscape surrounding COVID-19 vaccination that considers many potential correlates and justifications for intended vaccine refusal. Of course, while we are open to the possibility that insights from past research may not apply to this particular vaccine, previous work nevertheless does suggest several areas in which we might expect to observe important differences in vaccination intentions. For example, it is critical to examine the possibility of racial differences in COVID-19 vaccine refusal, as previous research suggests that racial minority groups are less likely to be vaccinated against some vaccine-preventable diseases. For example, Black and Hispanic adults are less likely to receive annual influenza vaccinations (CDC 2019; “Immunizations and African Americans,” 2018). Moreover, concerning this particular vaccine, anti-vaccine advocacy groups have made a concerted effort to target Black Americans with anti-COVID-19 vaccine messaging. Specifically, the Children's Health Defense – a prominent anti-vaccine advocacy group – has suggested that a COVID-19 vaccine could fit in with a pattern of ‘historical lapses in public health ethics’ and has attempted to tie the COVID-19 vaccine with past medical abuses against Blacks in the U.S. (Children’s Health Defense, 2020). These anti-vaccination messages have invoked the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, in which the United States Public Health Service studied untreated syphilis in Black men who were never told about the purpose of the study, were led to believe they were simply receiving free health care from the federal government, and were never provided penicillin to treat the disease (Brandt 1978). To the extent that anti-vaccine advocacy groups are successful in framing COVID-19 vaccination in terms of past medical abuses against minority groups, it could decrease the likelihood that racial minorities will pursue COVID-19 vaccination, particularly in light of recent findings emphasizing the implications of peripheral trauma (Alsan et al., 2020). Additionally, while past research has presented a mixed pattern of results concerning the possibility that women are less likely than men to vaccinate, we nevertheless recognize that women make 80% of health care decisions for families and are more likely to be deeply concerned about vaccination issues, especially for children (Matoff-Stepp et al., 2014; Pew Research Center, 2017). Given this increased burden for health care decisions and concern about vaccination, women may pay particularly close attention to information concerning the safety and efficacy of a COVID-19 vaccine. Finally, we think it is important to consider the possibility of partisan asymmetries in vaccination intentions. Prior research suggests that conservatives are less likely to trust medical and scientific experts (e.g., Motta 2018), and – perhaps consequently – are more likely to think that vaccines are unsafe (Joslyn and Sylvester 2019; Baumgaertner et al., 2018). Conservatives are also less likely to believe that the COVID-19 pandemic poses a serious public health threat (Tyson 2020), potentially due to messaging from President Trump suggesting otherwise (Summers 2020), which could undermine the perceived necessity of vaccinating.