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Azerbaycan'ın XX. yüzyıl başlarında yaşadığı siyasi dönüşümler, bölgesel dengeyi etkileyen önemli bir süreci yansıtmaktadır. Bu dönemde, Rus İmparatorluğu'nun çöküşü ve “1917 Ekim Devrimi”nin etkisiyle Azerbaycan, bağımsızlık arayışında yeni bir evreye girmiştir. Ancak, bu arayış, “Bolşevik” etkisi altında bir yönetim kurulmasıyla ve “Bolşevikleşme” sürecinin başlamasıyla şekillenmiştir.Azerbaycan'ın 28 Mayıs 1918'de ilan ettiği bağımsızlık hareketi iç ve dış baskılarla çevrili bir mücadeleye dönüşmüştür. Bolşevik Kızıl Ordusu’nun 1920'de Azerbaycan'ı tamamen işgali, ülkenin Bolşevikleşme sürecini hızlandırmış ve 1922'de “Azerbaycan Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyeti” olarak Sovyetler Birliği'ne katılmasına neden olmuştur.Bu siyasi gelişmelerin içinde, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi'nin tutumu önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. TBMM, Azerbaycan'ın bağımsızlığına duyduğu destekle, Sovyet etkisine karşı net bir tavır almıştır. Diplomatik ilişkilerde Türkiye'nin Azerbaycan'ı destekleme çabası, bölgesel dengeyi etkilemiş ve Türkiye'nin dış politikasının önemli bir unsuru olmuştur.Bu çalışmada Azerbaycan'ın Bolşevikleşme süreci ve TBMM'nin bu süreçteki tutumu detaylı bir şekilde ele alınacak, dönemin karmaşıklığı içinde Türkiye-Azerbaycan ilişkilerinin nasıl şekillendiği incelenecektir. Bu analiz, tarihsel bir perspektifle, bölgesel siyasi dinamikleri anlamak adına önemli bir pencere sunacaktır.

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Atatürk has stood out throughout history with numerous qualities as a statesman and leader. It is a well-known fact that he has earned admiration not only in Turkey but also worldwide for his successful implementations in both military and civilian life, leading his society. Making it a principle to teach his people the requirements of being a civilized society, respecting and cherishing him appropriately in every aspect of life, showcasing our respect and love for him through our actions and what we impart to the future is essential to honor his spiritual persona. Although Atatürk's practices in his private life, especially his clothing preferences, have been to some extent articulated, they have generally been evaluated within the framework of his reforms, as understood from written and visual sources. The aim of this practice is to scientifically and sectorally evaluate Atatürk's bathrobes, which are one of the special parts of his daily life accompanying his affinity for sports, especially swimming. In this context, the worn-out bathrobe identified among Atatürk's belongings at the Beşiktaş Maritime Museum has been faithfully reproduced to preserve his memory. In this way, the study examined the data obtained with special permissions from the Istanbul Naval Museum, which is affiliated to the Navy as the first military museum of Turkey, and the Ministry of National Defense as a result of months of bureaucratic work. The Atatürk Bathrobe, which was originally in the museum in question, was examined in the integrity of detailed studies and a new work was created by evaluating the same color samples. It is hoped that the samples in question will be reproduced by making the necessary similar arrangements and that it will be an example for new studies to be carried out with the idea that it can be a source for the field in this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Republic of Turkiye administration understood very well how the Ottoman Empire disintegrated in the 19th century. Ataturk, who wanted to build a nation-state from the fragmented empire fragments, viewed the modernization process very critically. Therefore, after the victory of the Turkish War of Independence, another area of the struggle was determined as modernizing the country. In order to achieve this aim, revolutionary movements were initiated in many fields such as political, social, cultural, scientific and similar areas. It was a vital issue to convey the reforms to the people and to have them adopted. At this point, Ataturk deemed it necessary to open intermediary mechanisms to make the people adopt the reforms from the center to the periphery. With this idea, People’s House were first opened in 14 provinces, including Ankara People’s House, on February 19, 1932. Ankara People’s House carried out crucial activities within its sphere of influence to enlighten the public with its modest budget. This influential cultural institution has become a foundation where intellectuals and citizens come together and carry out scientific activities. In line with Atatürk’s principles, Ankara People’s House has made significant efforts to educate the citizens in order to make the people adopt the secular-modern state ideology and has carried out serious work in its field of duty to establish state-nation integration. The cultural institution, which hosted many local and foreign scientists and artists who are experts in their fields, supported Turkey’s modernization policies and struggle with its own resources. In addition, Ankara People’s House, which contributed to the free education of many successful students, helped these students to work in the state bureaucracy in the future. During the early Republic period, more than three quarters of Turkey’s population lived in rural areas. Ankara People’s House, which does not exclude rural areas from its field of interest, visited remote villages through the Peasantism Committee and it executed activities not only to increase the living standards of the citizens but also to reach the villages with state opportunities in the fields of health, education, culture, public works and production. In particular, health screening practices improved the public’s sanitary conditions and reduced epidemics. To sum up, Ankara People’s House provides many outstanding benefits services to Turkish modernization, literature, history, art and Turkish cultural life through its nine branches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The two countries of Iran and Turkey have witnessed significant developments historically and politically over a nearly identical period of time. Reza Shah and Ataturk, after coming to power and considering their country's internal and external conditions, sought to reform their westernization and secularization. The similarities and differences between the two countries' societies and the way in which different forces and social classes interact and oppose them have made a different fate. Both political leaders sought to push people toward modernization in a grammatical and orderly process. A comparative study of the modernization efforts of Reza Shah and Ataturk reveals many similarities, but given these similar aspects from a theoretical point of view, we see a different conclusion and conclusion. The present article seeks to compare the modernization process in Iran and Turkey from the point of view of empirical modernization or modernization from above. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question: Why, despite the many similarities, did the fate of modernization in Reza Shah's Pahlavi era differ from that of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk? The findings of this article indicate that the difference between the function of the institution of religion and its relationship with the government along with other factors has led to the failure of modernization in the reign of Pahlavi during the reign of Mustafa Kamal Ataturk. In this article we use the "comparative-historical" method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article examines Islamic historiography in the context of the Republican ideology's Turkish history thesis project by examining the perspectives of three key figures: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Zâkir Kâdirî Ugan and M. Şemsettin Günaltay. The change from a cosmopolitan state structure to a nation-state system was realized in the process that led from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic. Therefore, a new historical account of the legacy and historical context that would provide the recently installed political government its strength was required. Within this context, among political figures and scholars, there have been intense debates on how to approach Islamic ideas, particularly Islamic history. The discussion between Mustafa Kemal and Ugan was the most striking instance of this argument. While Ugan appears to have focused on the topic along the axis of traditional historiography, Mustafa Kemal believed that Islamic thinking and history should be analyzed from a nationalist viewpoint on a logical, secular, and laicist ground. The difference of opinion between these two figures has created a deep crisis. This dilemma was partially solved when Günaltay was given the task of writing the section on Islamic history. Günaltay makes Turks the subject of world history in his studies and views Islam as a transitional phase rather than a crucial turning point. Additionally, he argues that the Turks constructed a unique "Turkish Islam" which is distinct from Islam in Arab and Iranian contexts. The most striking sub-headings of Günaltay's new interpretation of Islam were determined as “the conception of an absolute God, a determinist view of the universe, a prototype of a free human being, and a religion, morality and legal system whose source is reason”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Hediye, tarih boyunca bütün kültürlerde görülen evrensel bir unsurdur. Bu kültürel unsurun amaçları, özellikleri, biçimleri devlet ve toplumlara göre farklılık göstermektedir. İlk Türk devletlerinden itibaren çeşitli kavramlarla ifade edilen hediye Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti’nin kurulmasından sonra da değişen şartlara göre devam ettirilen bir gelenek olmuştur. Atatürk Döneminden itibaren Türkiye’ye gelen yabancı devlet başkanlarına verilen diplomatik hediyeler, muhatap ülke ile siyasî, kültürel, ekonomik ilişkilerde olumlu bir hava oluşturmak, ikili ilişkilerini geliştirmek, çeşitli sektörlerdeki işbirliğini devamlı kılmak gibi amaçlara katkı sağlamıştır. Türkiye’nin uluslararası ve bölgesel politikalarında dostluk, barış ve dayanışmanın bir aracı olmuştur. Ayrıca hediyeler ile özellikle Orta Doğu, Balkanlar ve Asya ülke liderlerine karşı Türkiye’nin zenginliklerini göstermek ve saygınlıklarını artırmak gibi sembolik hedeflerde gözetilmiştir. Bu çalışmada konu, arşiv belgeleri, süreli yayınlar, telif ve tetkik eserler gibi kaynaklardan yararlanılarak hazırlanmıştır. Buna göre; Atatürk Dönemi’nde Türkiye’ye gelen Afganistan Kralı Amânullah Han’dan itibaren pek çok devlet başkanına sunulan diplomatik hediyelerin neler olduğu ve sunuş biçimlerine değinilecektir. Diplomatik ziyaretlerin oldukça arttığı bir dönem olan Demokrat Parti iktidarı yıllarında ise hediye takdim edilen ülkelerde bariz farklılıklar ve farklı uygulamalara dikkat çekilecektir.

Bu çalışma Türkiye tarihinin üç farklı dönemine odaklanarak, spiritüellik ile Kemalizm ilişkisinin değişen yapısını ele almayı amaçlamaktadır. Erken cumhuriyet döneminde spiritüel hareketlerin etkisi sınırlı olsa da ulus inşası ve Atatürk’ün karizmatik otoritesinin teşkili süreçleri, sonraki on yıllarda spiritüel içeriklere dair bir meşruiyet ve aşinalık sağlamıştır. Bu sayededir ki, Soğuk Savaş döneminde spiritüel hareketler kendilerini, dindar muhalefet ve ahlaki kodların yitimi risklerine karşı Kemalist modernizasyon projesini güçlendiren bir unsur olarak sunmuştur. Son olarak Post-Kemalist zamanlara denk düşen üçüncü dönemde bazı spiritüel akımlar kendilerini Kemalizm’in savunucusu olarak konumlandırmış ve bu amaçla Atatürk’ün kişiliği ile ezoterizm ve mistisizm gibi güncel new age temaları arasında bir sentez oluşturmuşlardır. Ancak Kemalist kültlerin ve ezoterik pratiklerin popülaritesi, aynı zamanda dinsellik ve postmodern eleştiriler karşısında Kemalizm’in yenilgisinin de bir sembolü konumundadır.

Ulu Önder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ni kurmadan önce Birinci Dünya Savaşı cephelerinde kumandanlık ettiği senelerde, üriner sistem hastalıklarından muzdarip olmuştur. Temmuz 1918’de, hastalığı için kaplıca kenti Karlsbad’da tedavi görmüştür. Bu terapötik ziyaret sırasında ayrıca, toplamda altı defterde yüz elli sekiz sayfaya varacak bir günlük tutmuş, bu defterler çok sonraları şahsî kütüphanesinde keşfedilmiş ve 1983’te yayımlanmıştır. Türkçe ve Fransızca kaleme alınmış olan bu notlardan Atatürk’ün gördüğü tedavinin zamanının hidroterapi ve tebdil-i gıda eksenli konvansiyonel tıbbı dairesinde olduğu görülmektedir. Daha da önemlisi, Atatürk’ün Karlsbad’da izlediği, kadınların kısıtlanmadan katılabildiği canlı sosyal yaşamdan derinden etkilendiği, Cumhuriyet’in kuruluşundan sonra Türk kadınına oy hakkı dâhil birçok hak tanırken buradaki deneyiminden de esinlendiği anlaşılmaktadır.

Every nation wants to pass on the events it has experienced during its historical process to future generations so that they can learn from them. This is closely related to the idea of securing the future of nations. By doing so, the new generations can have an idea about what to do when they face similar events in the future. As a result of this idea, the founders of the Republic of Turkey, who realized the struggle for existence against imperialism by waging a sacred war, wanted all the people and future generations to know how the National Struggle was won and how the Republic was founded, and to take ownership accordingly. This article discusses the formation process of Turkish Independence and the Republic, and explains under what conditions and at what cost the Turkish Independence was achieved. While examining the transformation Turkey has gone through over 100 years and the establishment of the republic based on national sovereignty, it will be revealed how this process has evolved and the important steps that the Turkish people have taken in their struggle for independence.

Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, 23 Ağustos 1925 ile 1 Eylül 1925 tarihleri arasında Ankara’dan ayrılarak Kastamonu gezisine çıkmıştır. Bu gezinin önemi, şapka ve kıyafet inkılabına ilişkin ilk konuşmaların Kastamonu’da yapılmış olmasıdır. Bu makalede, Atatürk’ün Kastamonu seyahatinden, 1934-1980 yılları arasında Kastamonu’da yapılan “Şapka ve Kıyafet İnkılabı” kutlamaları araştırılmıştır. Araştırmada kutlamaların Kastamonu’da ne zaman başlatıldığı, nasıl yapıldığı sorusunu cevap aranmıştır. Kutlamaların değişen zaman içerisinde kutlanış biçimi, kutlama programları üzerinden değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırmada literatür üzerinden yapılmış, araştırma inceleme eserlerinden yararlanılmıştır. Çalışma verilerinin derlenmesinde dönem içinde yayımlanan Kastamonu, Doğrusöz, Karadeniz ve Yenises yerel gazeteleri kullanılmıştır. Sonuçta, Kastamonu’da Şapka ve Kıyafet İnkılabı kutlamaları mahalli milli bir gün olarak 1934 yılında Halkevi merkezli başlatılmıştır. Kutlamalara verilen isimler zaman içerisinde değişiklik göstermiştir. Başlangıçta “Gazi Günü” ve “Atatürk Günü” olarak isimlendirilen kutlamalar daha sonra “Şapka İnkılabı” veya “Şapka Devrimi” şeklinde ifade edilmiştir. Etkinlikler Atatürk’ün vefatı, İkinci Dünya Savaşı, askeri darbe dönemlerinin ilk yılları, hava durumu gibi çeşitli sebeplere bağlı olarak dönemin şartlarına göre kapsamlı veya sade bir tören şekline yapılmıştır. Kutlama törenleri zaman zaman sıradan ve sönük geçtiği eleştirilerine de maruz kalmıştır. Şapka ve kıyafet inkılabı törenleri için Kastamonu’da bir milli gün kutlama geleneğinin oluştuğu anlaşılmaktadır. Günümüzde Kastamonu resmi kurum ve kuruluşları, sivil toplum örgütleri ve halkın geniş katımlıyla bir yerel millî gün olarak kutlama geleneği devam etmektedir.

Although history is a science based on concrete documents and information in the study of the past, it has started to be used as a tool of political powers, power centers, and groups who want to gain benefits by creating perceptions. As a result of the falsification of concrete facts, popularized history has started to replace real history and manipulate social perceptions. Dozens of popular historiographies create erroneous perceptions about the Turkish nation. These include the Blue Book, which portrays the 1915 events as the Armenian genocide, George Horton's "The Scourge of Asia", which claims that the Great Smyrna Fire was started by the Turks, and Margaret Housepian Dobkin's "Smyrna 1922: The Destruction of a City". One of these is Stefan Ihrig's "Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination". Immediately after the publication of the book by Harvard University Press, newspapers close to the Nazi Party and speeches of politicians within the party began to emphasize the admiration of the Nazis and Hitler for Atatürk, and it was discussed that Hitler took Atatürk as a role model. In particular, the book, which attempted to draw similarities between the Armenian deportation and the Holocaust, was also adopted and supported by some publications supporting the Armenian claims in order to strengthen the "so-called Armenian Genocide" allegations. This study aims to demonstrate the use of popular historiography as a method to create erroneous perceptions of societies by taking the book "Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination" by Stefan Ihrig as an example.

After the French and British occupation of the region, including the İskenderun Sanjak of the Ottoman Empire, following the First World War, the Ankara Agreement was signed on October 20, 1921, establishing a ceasefire with France. This agreement defined the Turkey-Syria border and outlined a special administration for the Sanjak. On July 24, 1922, France took control of İskenderun Sanjak as part of Syria and Lebanon under a mandate. Until the end of 1936, the French established political and administrative arrangements in the region to secure control in line with their interests in the Middle East. Atatürk, well aware of the importance of timing in foreign policy, played a decisive role in the peaceful and lawful resolution of the issue during the process of Hatay's accession to Turkey. This study, primarily based on official archive documents and newspapers, explores the issue of İskenderun Sanjak remaining outside the homeland, the commitments made on the basis of the 1921 Ankara Agreement, France's practices based on the Syria and Lebanon Mandate Law, the transfer of Hatay to Turkey, and the withdrawal from the region with the Treaty of June 23, 1939. The research is conducted using qualitative research methods, and the findings are presented descriptively, adhering as closely as possible to the original form of the documents and including direct quotations from participants' statements when necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gift is a universal element seen in all cultures throughout history. The purposes, features and forms of this cultural element vary according to states and societies. Expressed with various concepts since the first Turkish states, the gift has become a tradition that has been continued according to changing conditions after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. Diplomatic gifts given to foreign heads of state who came to Turkey since the Atatürk Era have contributed to purposes such as creating a positive environment in political, cultural and economic relations with the recipient country, improving bilateral relations, and continuing cooperation in various sectors. It has been a tool of friendship, peace and solidarity in Turkey's international and regional policies. In addition, symbolic goals were pursued with the gifts, such as showing Turkey's riches and increasing their prestige, especially to the leaders of the Middle East, the Balkans and Asia. In this study, the subject is discussed using sources such as archive documents, periodicals, copyrighted and research works. According to this, the diplomatic gifts presented to many heads of state starting from Afghanistan King Amanullah Khan, who came to Turkey during the Atatürk Era, and their presentation styles were mentioned. The scarcity of visits during the years when İsmet İnönü was president attracted attention. During the Democratic Party rule, a period in which diplomatic visits increased considerably, obvious differences and different practices were drawn in the countries where gifts were presented. In our study, all high-level political and diplomatic visits to Turkey in all three periods were examined. The gifts given to foreign head s of state during these visits were determined based on limited information in archives, press, memoirs and copyrighted works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The State of the Republic of Türkiye was actually and officially established on April 23, 1920. The name of his regime became the Republic On October 29, 1923. Our state has 6 basic founding principles. The most prominent among these is nationalism. Nationalism is the main source of the other five principles. What is meant by nationalism is Turkish nationalism. Therefore, nationalism is an inclusive and encompassing principle. Atatürk established the State of the Republic of Türkiye as an independent, national Turkish state. He defined the Turkish homeland as the only indivisible Turkish homeland. He determined by the decision of the Parliament that the only anthem representing our state is the National Anthem. He determined Turkish, which is a Turkish language, as the only official language. He declared that the only flag representing our state is the Turkish flag. He insisted that our state is the only Turkish state that cannot be divided and broken up. He said that the name of our nation is only the Turkish nation. He gathered all our citizens under the roof of the Turkish nation. He revealed Turkish history as a whole. Turkish nationalism has become a determinant in all types of art such as music, painting, architecture, theater, literature. He made the interests of the Turkish nation the sole determinant in foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Although history is a science based on concrete documents and information in the study of the past, it has started to be used as a tool of political powers, power centers, and groups who want to gain benefits by creating perceptions. As a result of the falsification of concrete facts, popularized history has started to replace real history and manipulate social perceptions. Dozens of popular historiographies create erroneous perceptions about the Turkish nation. These include the Blue Book, which portrays the 1915 events as the Armenian genocide, George Horton's "The Scourge of Asia", which claims that the Great Smyrna Fire was started by the Turks, and Margaret Housepian Dobkin's "Smyrna 1922: The Destruction of a City". One of these is Stefan Ihrig's "Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination". Immediately after the publication of the book by Harvard University Press, newspapers close to the Nazi Party and speeches of politicians within the party began to emphasize the admiration of the Nazis and Hitler for Atatürk, and it was discussed that Hitler took Atatürk as a role model. In particular, the book, which attempted to draw similarities between the Armenian deportation and the Holocaust, was also adopted and supported by some publications supporting the Armenian claims in order to strengthen the "so-called Armenian Genocide" allegations. This study aims to demonstrate the use of popular historiography as a method to create erroneous perceptions of societies by taking the book "Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination" by Stefan Ihrig as an example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, news, articles and obituaries in the British press about Atatürk's illness, death and his reforms to modernize Turkey were evaluated. This study aims to reveal the reflection of Atatürk's illness and death and the reforms carried out by Atatürk to modernize Turkey in the British press. Since the first months of 1938, it was determined that Atatürk had serious health problems and his treatment was started. The British press kept a close eye on the treatment process that spanned several months. The treatment did not yield positive results and Atatürk passed away on November 10, 1938. The British press extensively covered all aspects of Atatürk's illness and his passing, including the public opening of his funeral at Dolmabahçe Palace, his transportation from İstanbul to Ankara, and the placement of his body in a temporary tomb. Atatürk's reforms to modernize Turkey frequently accompanied news about his illness and passing in the British press. In addition, Atatürk's efforts to improve Turkish-British relations were evaluated in the British press, and it was emphasized that the relations between the two countries had greatly improved as a result of Atatürk's efforts. In this study, the document and content analysis method was preferred. Accordingly, news and articles on the subject were determined, and then they were classified according to the subjects. The possible findings of the study are to contribute to the literature on the subject and to present the attitude of the British press about Atatürk and Turkey to the reader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Russian conquest of the North Caucasus, many Muslims from the region were exiled to the Ottoman Empire from the 1860s onwards. They were settled in different parts of the empire from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Syria and Iraq vilayets. By following this policy, the Ottoman state ensured that many Circassians would become part of the Ottoman army, ruling elites, harems and agricultural workforce. Anzavur Ahmed’s family was one of them. Although he did not graduate from military school, he participated in the army during the war in Libya (1911), the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), and the First World War (1914–1918). He was also appointed as the governor of Izmit (1920). Anzavur Ahmet is portrayed as a rebel by Turkish official historiography, but in reality, he was much more than that. He was an Ottoman Governor, and supported by Ottoman administrators such as Damad Ferid and Ali Kemal, who were against the Kuvayi Milliye because they believed that the empire would eventually emerge from the chaotic atmosphere of the post-First World War period and make an agreement with the British. This article argues that although Ahmed Anzavur has been labeled a rebel and a traitor according to the official historiography, it is difficult to use these labels given the circumstances of his time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of Communication Theory & Research / Iletisim Kuram ve Arastirma Dergisi is the property of Gazi University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is one of the unique leaders in history. This will be better understood when his life, military achievements and reforms are analyzed. Atatürk has become a leader who is respected and loved not only in Turkey but also in many regions of the world. In this respect, his death as well as his life was carefully followed by other states. The news of Atatürk's death was met with great sadness both in Turkey and in other countries. In this study; Atatürk's illness in the period close to his death, the well-wishing telegrams and letters sent, the progression of his illness, the reflections in the Turkish and foreign press, his death and subsequent developments will be tried to be explained by making use of the Turkish press and research works, especially the archival documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The death of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, one of the most prominent figures that history has witnessed, was encountered with sorrow not only in Türkiye but also all over the world. Australia also met the death of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk with sadness, and she gave a great place to it in their national news. The relations between the Republic of Türkiye and Australia increased thanks to the friendship that ANZAC soldiers established with the Turkish soldiers in the Gallipoli Front in World War I; and the admiration of ANZACs for Atatürk continued. They experienced a deep sorrow due to the death news of such a genius on 10 November 1938. The reflexions of Atatürk’s death were the subject of many researches both at home and abroad. Within this context, the relevant researchers examined the news different countries wrote about the death of Atatürk. In this study, the reflexions of Atatürk’s death in Australian press were discussed. The main resources of the study consist of newspapers of that time such as the Sunday Tribune, the Courier- Mail, the Labour Daily, the Sunday Times, the News, the Kalgoorlie Miner, Evening News, the West Australian, the Armidale Express, the Examiner, the Advocate, the Age, The Herald, Western Star and Roma Advertiser, Morning Bulletin, Canberra Times, Daily Mercury, Central Queensland Herald. These newspapers ranging from 1 November to 30 December were thoroughly examined, and the results obtained were interpreted with the support of other resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Yalova's significance as a laboratory for urban development and republican architecture during the early years of the Turkish Republic under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Focusing on the Atatürk Mansion, designed by Giulio Mongeri, and Yalova's comprehensive urban initiatives, the study explores Atatürk's vision for modernization and architectural identity. Drawing from primary and secondary sources, it analyzes the city's domestic and international influence, highlighting its lasting legacy in shaping Turkey's architectural heritage. Yalova stands as a testament to Atatürk's commitment to progress, modernization, and the ideals of the Turkish Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In accordance with the development of Yugoslav-Turkish relations during the thirties of the twentieth century, and the close friendship between King Aleksandar Karađorđević and Turkish President Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the Serbian press reported a lot about Turkey. In its reporting, the Serbian press popularized the image of Ataturk, comparing him to King Alexander. At the same time, in its reporting on Turkey, the press presented an image of the change of the Turks themselves, but in an ambivalent tone, which stemmed from the traditionally negative image of the Turks, shaped during the Ottoman rule in the Balkans.

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