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The Nagorno Karabakh enclave has been a point of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the main parties being two conflicting sovereign states and the "de facto state" of Nagorno Karabakh, the conflict has grown into one of the world's most persistent and complex confrontations and has entered a new phase of reality following the second war. For this reason, it is critical to examine peace prospects and the likelihood of finding a solution for the state of NK. This thesis examines peace possibilities following the second Karabakh war and the practicality of three conflict management tools: power-sharing, division, and territorial autonomy, using a rationalist perspective as the main theory. The principal objective of this thesis has been to study the research findings and determine if they met my expectations and how well they fit into the framework I constructed in the beginning. This paper concisely addressed the core research question, ensuring that the reader comprehends the central point and contribution of my study. The preliminary results of my research indicate that the unwillingness of the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides to find a compromise acceptable to all sides stemming from a lack of trust and the Azerbaijani government's consolidated and hegemonic authoritarian attitudes complicate the bargaining process. However, any possible agreement considering the interests of all parties in the framework of new realities will lead to peace in the region, strengthen regional integration, and restore economic ties between the two countries., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5508415*est

The Eastern Partnership (EaP) was established in 2009 to formalize the EU's interactions with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova. The EU's goal was to strengthen cooperation, play a role to these states' economic, political, and social development, and enhance stability in the region. However, the Kremlin was concerned regarding EU initiatives to establish its own influence in the region in the CIS space: to deprive Russia of the status of the prioritized partner of some of the six aforementioned countries through the EaP and to create an alternative to Russia's integrationist strategies in the CIS. The research study seeks to highlight geopolitical policy dilemma for Eastern Partnership Countries and underline policy tools employed by the regional actors over 6 program countries by attempting to identify an answer to the question that why the promotion of democracy which is an important element of EU’s value-driven foreign policy triggers conflict of interest with Russia which leads to the security challenges for these 6 countries. Furthermore, it identifies the main motivations for the EU-Russia involvement in the region and clarifies different approaches to policymaking. The qualitative research method of data analysis, particularly document analysis is used in this research study to clarify where Russia's and the EU's objectives intersect. On the other hand, the research by analyzing the EaP countries individually examines the domestic implications from the perspectives of democratization and security challenges in which the regional actors directly or indirectly are playing important roles. The thesis is based on neoliberal theory reflecting on the research question. Particularly offensive and defensive realism explains the appropriate reaction to the security dilemma of the EaP countries. Furthermore, one of the key emphasis is placed on the issue of the security dilemma, how it demonstrates on the challenges in the EaP countries, and how it characterizes the geopolitical situation for the EaP. As a result, the research argues on the geopolitical policy dilemma of the EaP countries inferred from the conflict of interest between Russia and the EU., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5508001*est

The main objective of the thesis is to analyze how a small state copes with a shock to its security emanating from a conventional military threat. The author used a single case study and chose the case of Azerbaijan after the Tovuz clashes. The Tovuz incident was a shocking event for Azerbaijan since it created an imminent threat to the security of the state and its energy infrastructure. The study seeks to analyze shifts in Azerbaijan’s security strategy as a result of perceived threats from the Tovuz clashes. The thesis aims to identify whether there has been a fundamental change in Azerbaijan’s relations with regional powers and examine the overall implications of the Tovuz skirmishes on Azerbaijan’s foreign policy decisions. To accomplish the research aims, the author contextualized Baku’s reaction to the Tovuz clashes in the long-term trends of Azerbaijan’s security policy. The author refers to the neorealist perspective on the security strategy choices of small states. The qualitative interview with Azerbaijani experts was selected as a major data collection method. The study results identified a tactical shift to Turkey. There was a change in Azerbaijan’s rhetoric towards Russia after the Tovuz incident. The perception of an imminent threat as a result of the clashes and tensions with Moscow prompted Baku to further consolidate its military, political, and economic partnership with Ankara. The results of the study also determined that one of the major implications of the Tovuz skirmishes was the reconsideration of Baku’s stance on the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Although the military cooperation between Baku and Ankara has intensified after the clashes and there have been tensions in Baku-Moscow relations, the results of the study demonstrated that Azerbaijan’s security strategy did not fundamentally change. Azerbaijani elites proceeded with the use of hedging strategy in relations with regional powers., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5439247*est

Meedia tänapäeval ei ole lihtsalt informatsiooni edastaja. Lai auditoorium, teabe edastamise kiirus ja meedia kättesaadavus võimaldab kasutada meediat poliitilistel eesmärkidel, kujundades teatud avaliku arvamust. Autoritaarsetes režiimides on meedia eriti haavatav poliitiliste eesmärkide elluviimiseks, kuna see on valitsuse kontrolli all. Avalik arvamus on oluline võimu ja valitsuse otsuste legitimiseerimises. Selleks, et võim oleks täielikult legitiimne, peavad elanikud olema sellega nõus ning teatud avaliku arvamuse kujundamise abil tekitatakse arusaama, et tehtav otsus on õige ja vajalik. Avalik arvamus autoritaarses režiimis on vahend poliitilise eesmärgi – võimu legitimiseerimise – saavutamiseks. Antud töö eesmärk oli uurida Mägi-Karabahhi konflikti kajastamist Venemaa siseriiklikus meedias. Konflikti osapoolteks olid Armeenia ja Aserbaidžaan ning mõlema osapoolega on Venemaal sõbralikud suhted. Venemaa osales relvarahukokkuleppe saavutamises ning selle tulemusena olid viidud konfliktitsooni vene sõjaväelased rahu tagamiseks. Venemaa ametlik positsioon konfliktis oli neutraalne. Töö käigus otsiti vastust küsimusele, missuguse avaliku arvamuse kujundati ning mil määral hoiti meedias neutraalsust, mida ametlik joon väljendas. Kvalitatiivse sisuanalüüsi meetodit kasutades olid analüüsitud RIA meediaväljaande uudiseartiklid tuvastamaks konflikti osapoolte ja teiste toimijate kajastust. Oli leitud, et kuigi uudiseartiklites seisukohti väljendades säilitasid Venemaa valitsuse esindajad, poliitikategelased ja eksperdid neutraalsust, domineeris meedias pilt, mille kohaselt oli Aserbaidžaan konflikti agressor ning meedia oli seega Armeenia kasuks. Meedia järelikult hoidis neutraalsust vaid teatud määral. Venemaa kajastus meedias oli aga väga positiivne. Venemaa oli kajastatud meedias kui vajalik toimija konflikti lahendamiseks. Kujundati selline avalik arvamus, mille baasil võib väita, et Venemaa otsus viia konfliktitsooni sõjaväelasi rahu tagamiseks oli õige ja vajalik ning otsus oli seega legitiimne., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5451469*est

https://www.ester.ee/record=b5484200

The objective of this paper is to understand the image of the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 from a constructivist perspective. It aims to provide insights on how ‘war’ can be a subject constructed by norms and meanings. More specifically, we pay attention on the role of the Internet and social media platforms in constructing the war image. This research conducts a discourse analysis within Laclau and Mouffe’s theoretical framework of discourse. By deconstructing the storylines from government officials, think tanks and social communities through official websites, Twitter and Facebook, we are able to form the narratives of both sides which present the overall image of this war. The result illustrates that the narratives of both sides are contradicting with each other based on their different beliefs, values and the otherness they applied in their storylines., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5447594*est

https://www.ester.ee/record=b5438263

Sustainable NGOs fill the gap left by national governments in society. They address social problems that the state cannot, foster dialogue and cooperation among citizens and of the citizens with the state, and boost bridging social capital necessary for social development. For achieving social mission, NGOs may enjoy either negligible or greater state support. In both cases, however, NGOs get affected by states that seek to reach their constituencies. In this sense, states shape sustainability of civil society organizations through legal environment and financial support. This thesis investigated the effects of state support on local NGOs in Azerbaijan. It hypothesized that local NGOs are prone to be less sustainable since the NGO laws are not enough favorable in this country. The study results supported the hypothesis but further clarified the condition. The research found out that among some other minor NGO operational impediments imposed by the state, the legal environment hinders broader diversification of sources of NGO income and makes state financial support be the main source in town. Therefore, the state financial support itself does not impede sustainability of local NGOs. Although 6 out of 8 studied local NGOs are in good standing, the current legal environment limits NGOs’ opportunity to ensure their greater financial sustainability in society. Such a condition leads to deterioration of sustainability of local NGOs in general., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5356876*est

Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone, Tuberkuloosi (TB), selhulgas ravimresistentse TB-i, esinemissagedus vanglas viibivate inimeste seas on 28 korda kõrgem kui tavaelanikkonna hulgas. Hilinenud diagnostika ja ravi suurendab TB-I levikut vanglates ja ühsikonnas tervikuna ning tõstab ebasoodsa ravitulemuse tõenäosust. TB-i ja eriti multiresistentset TB-i põdevate patsientide ravi edukuse määr on kogu maailmas madal, kusjuures viibimist kinnipidamisasutuses peetakse üheks ebasoodsa ravitulemuse riskiteguriks. Elmira Gurbanova uuring viidi läbi Aserbaidžaani Vabariigi kinnipidamisasutustes. Aserbaidžaan kuulub 30 kõrge RR-TB-i haigestumisega riigi hulka maailmas. Uuringu eesmärk oli hinnata Maailma Terviseorganisatsioon (MTO) poolt soovitatava sõeluuringu, diagnostika ja ravi mõju TB-i ja ravimresistentse TB-i esinemissagedusele vanglas, mida iseloomustab kõrge ravimresistentse TB-i esinemissagedus ja madal ravikatkestamise tase. Selleks, et hinnata tuberkuloosi sõeluuringu mõju TB-i haigestumisele ja ravitulemustele enne ja pärast kiirtestide, nagu Xpert MTB / RIF ja vedelkultuuri, kasutuselevõttu, kaasati uuringusse 2315 TB-i põdevat patsienti 19-st vanglast. Tuvastati, et kiirtestide kasutuselevõtt TB-i diagnostikaalgoritmides alandas suhteliselt lühikese aja jooksul vastavalt 3-, 10- ja 5-kordselt kogu TB-i haigestumist, mikroskoopial positiivsete uute juhtude esinemissagedust ja RIF-resistentsete juhtude esinemissagedust. Lisaks, peale kiirtestide kasutuselvõttu olid ravitulemused paremad patsientidel, keda raviti esimese rea TB-I ravimitega. Selleks, et tuvastada, kas selliste juhtude, kus erinevate määramismeetoditega, nagu Xpert MTB/RIF ja MGIT-vedelkultuur, saadud rifampitsin (RIF)-tundlikkuse määramistulemused lahknevad, testiti 532 patsiendilt võetud proove mõlema meetodiga. Analüüsiti, kas RIF-tundlikkuse esinemissagedus sõltub sellest, kas kasutatakse ühte ja sama rögaproovi või järjestikuseid, eri aegadel kogutud rögaproove. Vastuolulisi RIF-tundlikkuse tulemusi esines 6,2% proovidest. Leiti, et lahknevate RIF-tundlikkuse tulemuste määr ei sõltu sellest, kas kasutatakse üht ja sama proovi või erinevaid järjestikuseid proove. Kõige sagedamini täheldatud lahknevate tulemuste muster oli selline, kus RIF-resistentsus Xpert MTB/ RIF-l kombineerus RIF-tundlikkusega MGIT-kultuuris ning kus RIF-resistentsus oli peamiselt tingitud L511P mutatsioonist. RIF-resistentsuse kliiniline tähendus on aga sellistel juhtudel tõenäoliselt vähene, kuna raitulemused oluliselt ei erinenud. Kasutades Aserbaidžaani kinnipidamisasutuste eelist, mis seisneb madalas ravikatkestajate hulgas, analüüsiti RIF-resistentse TB-ga patsientide ebasoodsa ravitulemusega seotud riksifaktorid. Uuringusse kaasati 444 kinnipidamisasutustes viibivat RIF-resistentse TB-ga patsienti. Efektiivne ravitulemus saavutati 78,4%-l haigetest. Suurema arvu efektiivsete bakteritsiidsete ravimite kasutamine pärast RIF-resistentse TB-i ravikuuri kuuendat kuud oli peamiseks efektiivse raviga seotud teguriks. Olukord, kus kopsudes ei olnud nähtavaid patoloogiale viitavaid radioloogilisi muutusi ja kehamassiindeks oli vähemalt 18,5 kg/m2, suurendab samuti oluliselt efektiivse ravi tõenäosust. Vangustusega seotud teguritel, nagu karistuse liik või varasemate vangistuste arv, ei olnud ravitulemustele olulist mõju., Compared with the general population, prevalence of TB including its drug-resistant forms among prisoners is up to 28 times higher. Delayed diagnosis and treatment increase TB transmission and prevalence in prisons, which spills over the community. Treatment success rates among patients with TB and multidrug-resistant TB are globally low and historically, imprisonment is considered a risk factor for poor treatment outcome. Elmira Gurbanova’s study was performed in prisons of Azerbaijan, which is among the 30 high rifampicin resistant (RR) TB-burden countries in the world. The study aimed to evaluate the impact of the WHO-recommended screening, diagnostics, and treatment to the burden of TB and multi/extremely drug-resistant TB (M/XDR-TB) in the high-burden, but low-default prison settings. To evaluate the impact of TB screening on the notification and treatment outcomes in prisons before and after introduction of Xpert MTB/RIF and Mycobacteria growth indicator tube (MGIT) culture into the screening algorithms, a total of 2,315 TB patients were identified in 19 prisons and analyzed at this study. The 3-, 10-, and 5-fold significant decrease in the annual rates of the notified, smear-positive, and RR-TB cases, respectively, with significant linear trends towards decrease was identified. The treatment success with first-line drugs also increased significantly. To identify the rate of discordant rifampicin (RIF) susceptibility results by Xpert MTB/RIF and MGIT when the same sputum sample or sequential ones are used for the tests, samples from 532 patients were prospectively tested with both methods. Out of the tested samples, 6.2% had discordant RIF-susceptibility results. No significant association of the discordant RIF-susceptibility results with application of both tests on one sample versus sequential ones was found. L511P mutation accounted significantly on the discrepancy among those RIF-resistant on Xpert MTB/RIF, but sensitive on MGIT, while no significant association was identified between the outcomes of treatment with the first- or second-line drugs and the presence of any mutation. To identify the pure factors associated with the cure among RR-TB patients, taking the advantage of very low loss-to-follow-up rate among patients with TB in Azerbaijan prisons, 444 RR-TB patients identified and enrolled into the treatment, of them 78.4% were cured. Higher number of effective bactericidal drugs in the regimen after the 6th month of treatment, chest x-ray without visible pathology, and BMI ≥18.5 at the treatment start significantly increased the chances for cure. The prison-related factors, such as the type of sentence or number of previous imprisonments, had no significant impact on the treatment outcomes., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5228428

European Union’s growing natural gas import dependence, high dependency on Russia’s gas and depletion of own intra-EU gas reserves has made EU look towards diversification of suppliers like Azerbaijan. Considering that nowadays energy ground involves various topics, neoliberalism with the help of international political economy liberal approach is used to explain EU energy security. For the analyse, considering the fuzziness of energy security concept, three energy security components reliability, affordability and sustainability are used, with applied indicators, to evaluate Azerbaijan’s fit. This thesis tries to analyse potential fit to EU energy ground, at the same time considering, that there is no gas trade between Azerbaijan and Baku. The thesis finds, that Azerbaijan fits good enough to EU energy security framework, but other factors are involved. The reliability of supply dimension gives Azerbaijan a positive outlook for being a supplier, yet while gas trade will improve cooperation and mutual benefit, the potential risk on transit is high due to Russia’s influence and interests in the region. Affordability dimension finds, that Azerbaijan’s gas is affordable for the EU market and has been less volatile in price fluctuation, but is still highly dependent on oil prices. But the prices are expected to rise and will rise Azerbaijan’s motivation towards EU market. Sustainability dimension finds that EU will benefit from Caspian import and by 2040 EU gas production has fallen almost three times, whereas Azerbaijan’s production has increased by almost three times. Due to potential increase in future gas flows, it serves EU’s aims to increase environmentally friendlier gas share in energy mix, which is seen as a bridge towards renewable energies. The thesis finds that through Azerbaijan’s gas export, EU’s energy security ground will benefit from supplies and diversification, while opening up new markets in the Caspian region and Middle East through Southern Gas Corridor., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5192833*est

A large body of literature finds a negative relationship between oil abundance and different governance indicators in developing countries. Still, there is a substantial variation among them in terms of quality of governance (QoG). Why do even similar oil-rich countries differ in QoG? This master thesis investigates that puzzle, taking three oil rich post-soviet states -Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan during 1996-2014- as examples. Relying on the literature on the rentier state theory, fiscal sociology paradigm and ownership structure theory, this study finds that the difference can be explained by the chosen ownership structure of natural resources. Not aimed at generalizing the findings, this study shows that the more substantial role private companies have in the oil industry the better is the QoG., https://www.ester.ee/record=b5184392*est

https://www.ester.ee/record=b5188056