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Contesti di predicazione e azione, contesti di memoriaMazzini, la guerra di Crimea e la mappa perduta dell'Europa repubblicanaIl Partito mazziniano italiano dall'ortodossia al fascismo (1897-1922)Una difficile eredità. Note sulla memoria mazziniana e la sua musealizzazione (1872-1952)

When on 8 March 2020 lockdown was declared in Lombardy, I had a national flag in a drawer waiting for 17 March – the birthday of unified Italy – to be hung down from my balcony just for one single day. Suddenly it seemed to me very natural to begin the ritual early, fixing it carefully and looking at it while it was moving softly in the mild evening breeze, amidst the surreal silence of the neighbourhood riven only by so many, too many ambulance sirens: a suspended time, a time of fear and resistance that I was sharing physically with my fellow citizens, and virtually, with my relatives, friends and colleagues living far away.

Le XIXe siècle des nationalités s’est pensé comme le siècle de la fraternité, entre les peuples et les hommes. Et la nation moderne s’est souvent présentée comme fondée sur une extension de la famille, unie par le sang, les valeurs, la culture. Cette vision a entraîné des formes de mobilisation politique originales comme le volontariat, les sociétés de secours mutuel, les fraternités. Plus spécifiquement (mais non exclusivement) consacré à l’Italie du Risorgimento, ce volume prend acte de deux points qui apparaissent clairement : l’utilisation massive du mot frère (fratelli), fraternité (fratellanza) durant les guerres d’indépendance, et aussi de la mobilisation massive de frères de sang, d’une même famille, qui ont pu combattre ensemble : les frères Bandiera, Fabrizi, Cairoli… en sont quelques exemples. Or, si la fraternité est un concept, c’est aussi un état et un sentiment. Un état, car être frère relève d’un statut familial, encadré par des normes, des lois qui n’instaurent pas l’amour fraternel, qui lui, est un sentiment. À l’intersection de ces acceptions de la fraternité, le volume aborde donc la dimension biographique et met en évidence que la fraternité « de sang » est en fait, souvent, le cadre d’un affrontement politique régulé par les intérêts familiaux. Entre les concepts et la pratique, les idées et les acteurs, la polysémie de la fraternité s’avère être un formidable outil de mobilisation négociée.

L’article offre une relecture de l’expérience de frères de sang et d’armes originaires de Pavie ou de ses environs au cours de Risorgimento : envisageant de dépasser une iconysation « simplifiée » basée sur l’histoire des frères Cairoli, les autrices appliquent à des autres cas de frères – pourtant liés au noyau générationnel cairolien – un paradigme de mobilisation typique de la condition de Pavia comme ville de confins, d’avanguarde conspiratrice et de militance garibaldienne. Les frères Pietro et Luigi Strambio, originaires de Belgioioso, les frères Giacomo et Antonio Griziotti et Antonio et Costantino Mantovani y sont examinés sur la base de sources d’archives, des mémoires et de l’ iconographique : l’analyse permets d’identifier les coordonnés communes d’une fraternité en action qui se multiplie de la famille biologique à la famille politique et se transfère de manière durable du champ de bataille à la bataille municipale pour la laïcité et les valeurs républicaines.

The essay explores alternative strategies that patriotic elites or minorities of the Risorgimento devised to publicly demonstrate dissent, using rituals and symbols almost as substitutes for an impossible iconoclasm. In the first part, post-1848 Milan is examined, when local elites succeeded in turning two official visits by Emperor Francis Joseph into fiascos. The second part approaches the question of monuments by two significant cases: a statue representing Italy as a woman compiling a list of her first generation of martyrs, hidden in a private garden until 1859 and then offered to the citizens’ eyes in a newly conceived public garden; the monument to Emperor Napoleon III: stinging cleavages from the post-Risorgimento prevented the statue’s displacement from its "provisional" location for 45 years, as late as 1927 under the Fascist regime.

L’articolo analizza la fortuna di declinazioni visive del culto napoleonico nella Restaurazione: mito seriale, caratterizzato da persistenze sotterranee ma soprattutto da revivals in corrispondenza di eventi emotivamente periodizzanti (l’esilio e la morte di Napoleone, la morte del duca di Reichstadt, il ritorno delle ceneri di Napoleone a Parigi), esso percorre come un fiume carsico polisemico alcuni circuiti sociali, mettendo in comunicazione le élites formatesi in età napoleonica con la generazione dei “nati col secolo”, alimentando la memoria della gloria passata ma nutrendo anche la progettualità antisistema del tempo presente. Dai Fasti italici di Appiani all’iconografia militare di Vernet, la litografia di argomento napoleonico si affianca a gadgets (miniature, tabacchiere e medaglie, spade ecc.) che rendono il mito tangibile e quotidiano, anche presso gli ambienti cospirativi. Il culto del duca di Reichstadt come sorta di spin-off del culto paterno è infine analizzato attraverso la ritrattistica veicolata dalle sue biografie. Missing and longing for. Visual variations of the Napoleonic cult in the early Risorgimento. This paper examines the fortune of visual icons of the Napoleonic cult in Italy during the first decades of the Risorgimento. A typical serial myth, dealing with underground persistence but also with revivals linked to emotional events (Napoleon’s exile and death, the Duke of Reichstadt’s death, Napoleon’s ashes return to Paris), it runs through different social networks filling generational cleavages and nurturing the memory of the past glory as well as the subversive projects of the day. From Appiani’s Fasti italici fortune to Vernet’s military paintings and prints, together with small “gadgets” (miniatures, snuffboxes, medals, swords etc.), this was the case of a “touchable” myth whose evidence is to be found also in the secret societies networking. Images related to the romantic icon of Napoleon’s son as a kind of “spin-off” myth are also examined.

L’articolo svolge un’analisi qualitativa di ambito lombardo per le due principali stagioni di crisi della Restaurazione, il 1820-21 e il 1833-35, arrivando a lambire il 1848. Sono esaminate strategie preventive di protezione del patrimonio dall’aggressione con misure a carico dei profughi politici « illegalmente assenti », ovvero comportamenti che sfociano in vendite simulate, finte vendite o vere e proprie cessioni di beni mobili e immobili. Sulla base di archivi pubblici e privati e di recente storiografia sull’esilio, vengono esaminati i casi di Sigismondo Trecchi, Luigi Tinelli e Gaspare Ordoño de Rosales, nelle cui vicende processuali, di deportazione e di esilio la dimensione patrimoniale e la material loss giocano un ruolo significativo, evidenziando il ruolo di supporto svolto dalle reti amicali e familiari, ma anche il costo materiale della militanza politica laddove essa s’intersechi con una nascente attività imprenditoriale. This paper focuses on the Kingdom of Lombardy-Venetia context in 1820-21 and 1833-35 crises, reaching as far as 1848. Preventive strategies to protect their assets from seizure are examined in the cases of political refugees charged with high treason: in fact, transfer of assets under the names of friends and relatives was often used in order to protect them against Austrian government’s attacks. Based on public and private archive sources and on up-dated scholarly literature on exile, the cases of Sigismondo Trecchi, Luigi Tinelli and Gaspare Ordoño de Rosales are investigated: in their stories of trial, exile and deportation, issues of asset protection and of material loss play a significant role emphasizing the support from friends and family networks, as well as the larger cost paid for political militancy by entrepeneurs in their early career.

The article explores Giuseppe Mazzini’s political vision of the international society of his time. Since his exile dimension and clandestine networking forced him to shape new mental maps and to mobilize flows of men, writings and ideas, Mazzini was extremely sensible to the opportunities deriving from politics breaking States’ borders and adopting wider unconventional perspectives: his decoupage of the European international society can thus resemble the spatial decoupage operated in the last decades by World History scholars. Common points are considered by merging suggestions coming from recent essays on World History and on Risorgimento with a philological approach to Mazzini’s writings from the years of Giovine Europa to his latest articles of 1871. From a theoretical point of view, two main tools seem to better fit rather than traditional cosmopolitanism his idea of a transnational family of peaceful political communities: the concept of association and the dynamics of transmission of political cultures. The spreading of republican regimes proved a pivot in Mazzini’s geopolitical view, especially when he had to consider the role the United States could play in the American region facing Napoleon III’ s imperialistic expansion in Mexico. And if in Mazzini’s view it was democracy at home which could work as a deterrent to aggressive expansionism abroad, transparency in diplomacy was the real key to a well-ordered and horizontally shaped international society: a perspective worthy of further investigation.

In questi articoli gli autori discutono il recente volume curato da M. Isnenghi ed E. Cecchinato e intitolato Fare l'Italia. Nel primo contributo Albergoni offre una visione generale del testo, oltre ad un confronto con il volume degli Annali Einaudi recentemente pubblicati da Banti e Ginsborg. Nel secondo Fruci si sofferma invece sulla questione del volontariato e della sua ampia diffusione nel quadro di un testo ampiamente orientato su premesse "garibaldinocentriche". Infine Arianna Arisi Rota sceglie il tema del martirio e dell'eroismo quale principale filo conduttore della sua riflessione.

Purpose: Alveolar soft part sarcoma (ASPS) is a rare, chemoresistant soft tissue sarcoma. ASPS harbors the t(17-X) (p11.2;q25) translocation, resulting in the ASPACR1-TFE3 fusion protein, causing MET autophosphorylation and activation of downstream signaling. The tumor vascular pattern prompted us to use sunitinib malate (SM), a tyrosine kinase inhibitor with antiangiogenic properties. Experimental Design: Since July 2007, five patients with progressive metastatic ASPS have been treated with continuous SM 37.5 mg/d on a named basis. Four patients are evaluable for response. In four cases, cryopreserved material was available. Upstream and downstream targets of receptor tyrosine kinase (RTK) pathways, as well as mechanisms of activation, were investigated by biochemical profiles, including human phospho-receptor RTK antibody arrays and immunoprecipitation/Western blotting, molecular analyses, immunohistochemistry, and fluorescence in situ hybridization analyses. Results: After 3 months, two patients had RECIST (response evaluation criteria in solid tumor) partial response, as well as positron emission tomography response and subjective improvement. One had a RECIST stable disease. One progressed and stopped treatment. One patient is still responding after 12 months. The upstream analysis showed activation of all the platelet-derived growth factor receptor (PDGFR) family members, as well as epidermal growth factor receptor, MET families, and RET. Vascular endothelial growth factor receptors (VEGFR1 and VEGFR2) were activated only in one case. The downstream target analysis showed strong activation of phosphatidylinositol 3-kinase/AKT, extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2, and mTOR and its targets (S6K and S6). The absence of any upstream mTOR effector deregulation and the presence of RTK cognate ligands support an autocrine-paracrine activation loop mechanism. Conclusion: SM may have antitumor activity in ASPS, possibly through a mechanism involving PDGFR and RET. The role of MET, epidermal growth factor receptor, and mTOR, as well as PDGFR inhibition, needs to be further explored.

This essay is the result of a joint research project. It was in studying Giuseppe Mazzini early texts that two researches in the fields of youth and politics converged. Roberto Balzani, investigated Mazzini,'s message and his emotional/patriotic rhetoric. The following questions were raised: How was the political message conceived and represented? Why did it work? How long did active militancy last in practical life, and how was political action commited to memory while it was still being experienced?