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This chapter examines the ideology and organization of the Soldiers of Odin in Canada, as well as the causes of the separation of the Canadian Soldiers of Odin from the Finnish leadership of the movement in April 2017, along with its aftermath. The chapter demonstrates the existence of a major tension within the group between Canadian ethnonationalism and an ideology of transnational, civilizational struggle, which manifests itself in the choice of tactics and the group’s rhetoric. This ideological division and the subsequent separation between the Canadian and Finnish groups demonstrate the incapacity of the Soldiers of Odin to mobilize on the basis of a transnational connection, rather than indicating a rejection of vigilantism as a method. The final section of the chapter surveys the activities of Soldiers of Odin members after the Canada-Finland separation, and suggests that several members transferred to other far-right groups with more local preoccupations.

This article addresses the interaction between policies of targeted killing and wider social forces, particularly technology, through three recently published books. I suggest that while Ian Shaw’s Predator Empire does well to draw attention to the enclosing tendency of contemporary nonhuman environments and means of technological control – particularly drones, Kyle Grayson’s Cultural Politics of Targeted Killing provides a necessary contextualisation of these technological transformations by emphasising the cultural-political underpinnings of policies of targeted killing and of the assemblage of technologies into such policies. These perspectives are replicated in Eyal Weizman’s Hollow Land, which describes the political and strategic manipulation of space to implement Israeli nonterritorial occupation in Gaza and the West Bank. I conclude by suggesting that these three works provide renewed avenues to reflect on the normative and conceptual impacts of lethal drones and other novel warfighting technologies, as well as on the relation between state violence and normalcy.

This thesis provides a comprehensive study of the development of the concept of enmity in the thought of Carl Schmitt. I argue that the concept of enmity provides the foundation upon which all of Schmitt's writings on international theory build. By attending to the concept of enmity, it is therefore possible to clarify Schmitt's understanding of international order, of war and peace, and of political existence. Additionally, I seek to demonstrate in this thesis the consistency of Schmitt's thought throughout his career, as well as the necessity of understanding his political theory through his historical context. The first part of this thesis examines the foundations of Schmitt's concept of the political, and argues that the link of the political to order follows naturally from the ontological assumption of a plural world and of a potentially violent human nature. Additionally, it argues that political enmity therefore must bear a relation to order, thereby excluding absolute enmity from the domain of the political. An examination of total war follows, arguing that Schmitt associates the political with defensive total war, against the danger of offensive total war. The latter part of this thesis turns to Schmitt's historical discussion of enmity. First, it is argued that the bracketing of war and enmity in the jus publicum Europaeum relied necessarily on the externalisation of European enmity into a distinct, free space, namely the Americas and Africa. Second, I demonstrate that changes in the form of enmity brought about by European, colonial, and global transformations caused the collapse of the jus publicum Europaeum. I conclude this thesis by arguing for an interest in conceptions of global peace respecting the dynamic character of the political rather than seeking to depoliticise global order.