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The UN's Sustainable Development Goal #5 (Gender Equity) includes violence against women and girls (VAWG), considering it as a violation of the rights of women and girls. The variety of risk factors for VAWG in Arab countries suggests the need to identify effective interventions to guide practitioners and policy makers. A systematic review of preventive interventions across the Arab League examined the outcomes of VAWG. Authors registered the study on the prospective register of systematic reviews database. Authors conducted the search for evidence up to 2023. Database searching identified 1,502 studies and after application of the eligibility criteria, 17 studies remained for inclusion. Quality appraisal used the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool. Evidence emerged from eight Arab countries. Interventions occurred at the primary, secondary, and tertiary levels of prevention. However, only two studies employed interventions using more than one level of prevention, which considered systems strengthening and the development of community solidarity networks. The evidence revealed a lack of clear evaluation and evidence for the effectiveness of interventions and prevention alongside reactive approaches, with no evidence as to how systems may reduce or prevent VAWG. One main issue is patriarchal dominance in Arab countries creating the lack of a collective female voice in any of the evidence. However, Arab countries can change with support. Achieving the UN's Sustainable Development Goal #5 by 2030 means interventions and programs need to include more than one prevention level, consider systems and include the collective female voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International efforts to find a political solution to the conflict in Syria began early on in the war. The Arab League was the first body to attempt to mediate, starting in late 2012, but these efforts faltered due to the refusal of the regime -emboldened by the political support of Russia and China- to make a single concession, despite being on the back foot militarily In 2015, new international efforts were launched to resolve the crisis. The U.S. and Russia reached an agreement over the formulation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2254, which became the basis of UN-led negotiations between the opposition and the regime, including discussions on constitutional reform that began in 2019. However, more than a decade into the conflict, a political solution still appears distant, and is now closely linked to the fate of the foreign forces present in the country. The regime is no longer solely responsible for obstructing a solution. The presence on the ground of its allies, Russia and Iran, adds additional obstacles. It is no longer possible to formulate a peace deal without addressing the security concerns and various interests of foreign forces in Syria. Keywords: Syria, Political Process, UN Security Council Resolution 2254, Russia, Iran, Turkiye, Assad Regime, Refugee Crisis, Introduction Thirteen years have passed since mass protests broke out against the Syrian regime in March 2011. The regime responded with ferocious violence and plunging the country into an armed [...]

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Using a realist approach, this study explains the development of international institutions in the Arab system, taking the Arab League and the Arab Monetary Fund as case studies. It puts to the test realist assumptions regarding states as major actors in the international system and examines how the principle of chaos and the absence of central authority affect their behaviour. In this context, the prisoner's dilemma is used as a mirror for security interactions and chaotic structures in the Arab and international systems. The study shows that realist assumptions are not sufficient to explain the development of Arab institutions; they need to be modified to explain the variation in international behaviour in the region. The conclusions of the paper are based on an analysis of the reward environment in which Arab countries interact, and its division into a security-military sphere and a political-economic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After signing the Camp David Accords, the Carter administration pushed to increase American security cooperation and military presence in the Middle East. Though often seen as a response to the regional instability caused by the Iranian Revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the hardening of US policy toward the region was also due to the Arab rejectionist threat to the Egyptian-Israeli peace process that Washington saw as a prerequisite to regional stability. This essay highlights the connections between the peace process, the collapse of Soviet-American détente, and the reorientation of US policy in the region toward the Persian Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After various setbacks, the latest being the Arab uprisings of 2011, pan-Arabism has made a return starting in the second decade of the 21st century, but in the shape of neo-pan-Arabism. Thus, neo-pan-Arabism would appear to be the legitimate heir of pan-Arabism. Unlike the former, however, it does not appear to be an ideology, but rather a mere tool of Arab regimes to legitimise their control over their populations. Neo-pan-Arabism, then, seems to be a populist rhetoric, with limited action on the ground and aimed primarily at domestic audiences. The cases of Algeria and Tunisia – two countries outside the traditional pan-Arab nucleus –, presented through the actions and words of their respective leaders, illustrate how regimes are using neo-pan-Arabism for their domestic legitimation.

The years 1954-1964 witnessed two phases of clandestine contacts pursued by Israeli and Sudanese representatives. During the first phase, 1954-1958, Israel developed secret ties with the Sudanese Umma party Israel in an attempt to establish the southern tier of the Periphery Alliance, with Ethiopia and Sudan against Nasser's Egypt but the attempt was sabotaged by the 1958 Abboud coup. During the second phase, beginning in 1961, the Division for Politico-Economic Planning (DPEP) of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs developed secret ties with certain Sudanese officials with the aim of helping Sudan compete with its primary competitor in the cotton market, Nasser's Egypt, in order to deal a blow to the Egyptian economy and the Arab boycott of Israel. Although at first the DPEP supplied the Abboud regime with anonymous information, over time the Sudanese partners recognized and approve the identity of their Israeli benefactor. This article reveals the extent of the secret ties between Israel and Sudan and the ingenious ways in which Israel fought against Egypt and the Arab Boycott. Keywords: Israel, Foreign Policy, Sudan, Cotton, Secret Diplomacy, Umma Party, Ibrahim Abboud, Periphery Alliance, Southern Triangle, Trident, Arab Boycott., INTRODUCTION ON OCTOBER 23, 2020, ISRAEL AND SUDAN SIGNED AN AGREEMENT aimed at normalizing relations between the two countries. The agreement, which followed Israel's signing of the Abraham Accords with [...]

After various setbacks, the latest being the Arab uprisings of 2011, pan-Arabism has made a return starting in the second decade of the 21st century, but in the shape of neo-pan-Arabism. Thus, neo-pan-Arabism would appear to be the legitimate heir of pan-Arabism. Unlike the former, however, it does not appear to be an ideology, but rather a mere tool of Arab regimes to legitimise their control over their populations. Neo-pan-Arabism, then, seems to be a populist rhetoric, with limited action on the ground and aimed primarily at domestic audiences. The cases of Algeria and Tunisia - two countries outside the traditional pan-Arab nucleus -, presented through the actions and words of their respective leaders, illustrate how regimes are using neo-pan-Arabism for their domestic legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 68 II. WHAT IS A CONTINENTAL CONSTITUTIONAL IDENTITY AND WHY IT MATTERS 76 A. Institutional Geography and Constitutions 78 1. Geography-of-Constitutions 80 2. Geography-in-Constitutions 82 [...], Geo-constitutional analysis examines the reciprocal effect of geography on constitutions. Within this analysis, a continental constitutional identity focuses on the intersection between institutional geographies and institutional identities, where constitutions are understood as meta-institutions. In some constitutions, belonging to a continent is part of the national identity, while other constitutions only signal a non-geographic, usually an ethnic, identity. The US Constitution is an example of the former. The quintessential example of a non-geographic constitution is the Constitution of the Russian Federation. A similar disregard of continental identities can be found in Israel and the Arab League countries east of the Sinai Peninsula, in contrast to North African constitutions west of this peninsula. The potential for armed conflict due to the presence or absence of these identities can be mitigated by continental nesting (i.e., by aligning the geographic and socio-political characterization of a continent). The Article illustrates this approach in the context of Africa, arguably the least geopolitically misaligned among Old World continents, by explaining why a post-colonial Africa includes Israel and all Arab League countries. Similar analysis of other continents can explain how to mitigate intra- and intercontinental conflict by explicitly nesting constitutional identities within continents based on evolving geopolitical exigencies.

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Arab League's observance to the norm of Westphalian sovereignty has witnessed significant transformation since the 2011 Arab uprisings. Historically, the Arab League had acted as the primary institutional expression and guardian of the Arab sovereign state system as the core constitutive principle of the Arab regional order. However, in an unprecedented setback to the norm of Westphalian sovereignty in the Arab world, the Arab League has moved, in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, in the direction of endorsing the principles of regime change and intervention in the domestic affairs of Arab countries as acceptable norms in Arab regional politics. This transformation in the politics of the Arab League, the article contends, has been triggered by concurrent changes in the global and regional balances of power, both of which have been instrumental in bringing the politics of the Arab League under the dictate of a strategic alliance of global and regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science / Ulum-i Siyasi is the property of Baqir al-Olum University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)