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Reconciliation is never simple and straightforward; it is often tied to ideological conflict, resulting in very different understandings of what this noble Christian ideal is all about. In this important study, Dr. Demaine Solomons provides a thorough conceptual analysis of the term “reconciliation” within the context of Christian discourse in South Africa. Analysing literature from the 1960s onwards, particularly in theological reflections on social conflict within the country, the author explores the diverse interpretations of reconciliation. Drawing on the Christus Victor typology of atonement by Gustaf Aulén, this study facilitates ongoing theological reflection by offering a constructive reinterpretation of reconciliation in contemporary South Africa. By exploring creative uses of the reconciliation concept, this study contributes to a nuanced understanding of its application in Christian contexts, offering a more complete version of how South Africa's reconciliation “narrative” is understood and providing insight into how this theological concept might be understood in other social contexts.

Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd (1958–1966) is widely regarded as the mastermind of apartheid in South Africa. This study examines how he developed the ideology of racial separation into a comprehensive system. It also looks into Verwoerd's intellectual development and his academic career before he entered politics. Apartheid was to Verwoerd less a defense of colonialism but a policy for the future, he was an authoritarian modernizer and a true representative of the Age of Extremes.

The liberation struggle in South Africa ended apartheid and the last stronghold of colonialism in Africa. This struggle attracted the support of many African countries that contributed and helped the oppressed people of South Africa towards free elections. Nigeria is among the countries in Africa that contributed some of the most significant assistance to the anti-apartheid movement. As democracy and majority government replaced apartheid in South Africa, many young South Africans (the so-called ‘born free') are not aware of the contributions of Nigeria in the history of the liberation struggle. The book blames this ignorance on a deliberate policy of silence by the government and media in South Africa.

When Mike Burton became the principal of All Saints College in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa, little did he know about the journey on which he was embarking.Very soon after taking up the position, Mike realised that the vision of the founding organisation was becoming irrelevant as education and politics converged, reaching a crisis point in the second half of the 1980s. Mike found himself walking the tightrope between the expectations of the funders on the one hand and those of the students and community on the other.Matters reached a tipping point and Mike had to make a decision. As'Comrade Mike'he elected that the interests of the students and the community take precedence. Mike chose education AND liberation. Mike Burton's Tightrope is a gripping, personal account that transports the reader back to the liberation struggle of the 1980s and the educational issues that informed policy in the nascent democracy. The book will be of particular interest to those involved in education at the time as well anybody who observed or was engaged during that turbulent period of change.

This book, which examines the role of African women in the conversation on nationalism during South Africa's era of segregation, excavates female voices and brings them to the provocative fore. From 1910 to 1948, African women contributed to political thought as editorialists, club organizers, poets, leaders, and activists who dared to challenge the country's segregationist regime at a time when it was bent on consolidating White power. Daughters of Africa founder Cecilia Lillian Tshabalala and National Council of African Women President Mina Tembeka Soga feature in this work, which employs the artistic theory of “sampling” and decoloniality to highlight and showcase how these women and others among their cadre spoke truth to power through the fiery lines of their poetry, newspaper columns, thought-provoking speeches, organizational documents, personal testimonies, and musical compositions. It argues that these African women left behind a blueprint to grapple with and contest the political climate in which they lived under segregation, by highlighting the role and agency of African women intellectuals at Apartheid's dawn.

In Bantu Authorities: Apartheid's System of Race and Ethnicity, Veronica Ehrenreich-Risner provides the first holistic study of the Bantu Authorities (BA) system that implemented rural apartheid. The system extended segregation by including ethnos theory to establish underfunded “self-governing” homelands to curb the expense of “native” administration yet retain control of the cheap labor upon which white capital depended. Based on over sixty interviews with Zulus and former commissioners, and archival research, Bantu Authorities proves the primary objective of the system was to protect white capital, with white racial purity secondary. Ehrenreich-Risner argues that the system disrupted the Brownlee tradition of guardianship for commissioners and the tradition of reciprocity for ubukhosi. Bantu Authorities ends by examining the lingering consequences of rural apartheid and asks what rural Africans have gained with majority rule when they remain bound to BA structures.

This biography shows how Black political leader Chris Hani's life and death were pivotal to ending apartheid and to establishing a democratic government in South Africa.Chris Hani is one of the most iconic figures in South Africa's history, as a leader within the African National Congress (ANC) and as chief of staff of uMkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of the ANC. His assassination in 1993 by a far-right militant threatened negotiations to end apartheid and install a democratic government. Serious tensions followed the assassination, leading Nelson Mandela to address the nation in an effort to avert further violence:Tonight I am reaching out to every single South African, black and white, from the very depths of my being. A white man, full of prejudice and hate, came to our country and committed a deed so foul that our whole nation now teeters on the brink of disaster. A white woman, of Afrikaner origin, risked her life so that we may know, and bring to justice, this assassin. The cold-blooded murder of Chris Hani has sent shock waves throughout the country and the world… Now is the time for all South Africans to stand together against those who, from any quarter, wish to destroy what Chris Hani gave his life for: the freedom of all of us. Hugh Macmillan's concise biography details Hani's important role in shaping twentieth-century South African history.

HALF the size of New York cemetery and twice as dead: this much-quoted, wry comment is generally attributed to the satirical writer Tom Sharpe who worked in Pietermarizburg in the 1950s. Also described as'sleepy hollow'and the'last outpost of the British Empire', Pietermaritzburg in fact possesses a rich history that highlights many key areas of South Africa's past. This is particularly true of the apartheid period. This is the first book published on the history of the city and region as a whole in over thirty years. It contains chapters on urban geography, the regional civil war, detention without trial, the black trade union movement, and political trials; biographical contributions on Chief Mhlabunzima Maphumulo and women of the Black Sash; and organisational memoirs of the Pietermaritzburg Agency for Christian Socal Awareness, Kupugani and the Association for Rural Advancement. The object of this series is to present fresh perspectives on the city and region's apartheid history. It takes a position that South Africa was liberated by all of its people - not one particular self-regarding vanguard movement with its hegemonic, one-dimensional views.

Since the Second World War, constitutional justice has spread through much of the democratic world. Often it has followed in the wake of national calamity and historical evil - whether fascism or communism, colonialism or apartheid. Unsurprisingly, the memory of such evils plays a prominent role in constitutional adjudication. This book explores the relationship between constitutional interpretation and the memory of historical evil. Specifically, it examines how the constitutional courts of the United States, Germany, and South Africa have grappled, respectively, with the legacies of slavery, Nazism, and apartheid. Most courts invoke historical evil through either the parenthetical or the redemptive mode of constitutional memory. The parenthetical framework views the evil era as exceptional - a baleful aberration from an otherwise noble and worthy constitutional tradition. Parenthetical jurisprudence reaches beyond the evil era toward stable and enduring values. It sees the constitutional response to evil as restorative rather than revolutionary - a return to and reaffirmation of older traditions. The redemptive mode, by contrast, is more aggressive. Its aim is not to resume a venerable tradition but to reverse recent ills. Its animating spirit is not restoration, but antithesis. Its aim is not continuity with deeper pasts, but a redemptive future stemming from a stark, complete, and vivid rupture. This book demonstrates how, across the three jurisdictions, the parenthetical mode has often accompanied formalist and originalist approaches to constitutional interpretation, whereas the redemptive mode has accompanied realist and purposive approaches. It also shows how, within the three jurisdictions, the parenthetical mode of memory has consistently predominated in American constitutional jurisprudence; the redemptive mode in South African jurisprudence; and a hybrid, parenthetical-redemptive mode in German constitutional jurisprudence. The real-world consequences of these trends have been stark and dramatic. Memory matters, especially in constitutional interpretation.

Most South Africans have strong views on our past and present, often based on how we have been personally affected by history, and an understanding of the challenges that face us as a country. But how well-examined and solid are these positions? Have your views been properly thought through? Are you correctly informed? Do you even have the facts straight?Rattling the Cage takes the reader on an informed tour of the South African reality: from the highs and lows, the successes and failures, FW de Klerk's gaffes to Fees Must Fall, the Oscar Pistorius trial, the 2010 FIFA World Cup, triple BEE, global warming, the Covid-19 pandemic, gay rights in Africa, and veganism.Among the questions Meersman asks are: Do South Africans still believe in their Constitution and democracy? Why do so many young South Africans say Nelson Mandela was a sell-out and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was a dismal failure? Is outlawing hate speech and criminalising racist behaviour really a good idea? Why do communities still burn down their schools? How did the Marikana massacre happen in the democratic era? Why are African immigrants increasingly unwelcome in South Africa? Can our media be trusted to tell us the truth? And how do we embrace climate change?History, big-picture philosophy, grassroots journalism and a novelist's eye – animated by a genuine sense of moral indignation at the current state of the nation – come together in these essays to provide critical perspectives on and insights into South Africa's recent past and current political, economic and social undercurrents. No matter what your views are, you are sure to find your understanding of the country deepened, challenged and sometimes changed.

This book identifies the key'actors'whose visions and strategies are crucial to the pattern which change will take in South Africa. These actors, their visions and'strategic logic'were subjected to a critique by their researchers in the light of contemporary South African'realities'.

Bureaucrats of Liberation narrates the history of the Southern Africa Project of the Lawyers'Committee for Civil Right under law, a civil rights organization founded in 1963 at the request of President John F. Kennedy. Between 1963 and 1994, the Southern Africa Project connected lawyers from Namibia, South Africa, and the United States. Within the Project's network, activist lawyers exchanged funding resources, provided logistical support for political trials, and mediated new voting and governmental systems. The Project's history provides a lens into twentieth century geopolitics tied to anti-apartheid, decolonization, Cold War, and movements agitating against white supremacy. In doing so, it pays careful attention to the Project's different eras, beginning with US Executive Branch officials helming the effort and evolving into a space where more activist-oriented attorneys on both sides of the Atlantic drove its mission and politics.

‘The emotional debate about South Africa's past of colonialism and apartheid draws heavily on the assumption that our history differs little from that of other Western colonies where the land was forcibly taken from an indigenous population which was decimated or completely marginalised. A comparative study of colonialism, however, reveals several features that have made South Africa exceptional …'Hermann Giliomee, pre-eminent South African historian, dissects the forces that shaped the Afrikaners into an unusual ‘maverick African'nation. In part one of this collection, he analyses long-term forces like the powerful legal position of Afrikaner women, the expanding frontier that gave rise to individualism and later to republicanism, and the struggles about race inside the Dutch Reformed Church. The second part examines controversial aspects of more recent Afrikaner political history, including the alleged civil service purges after 1948, Nationalist corruption, the Absa ‘Lifeboat'and the quality of Afrikaner leadership. Finally there is a chapter on the ‘broken heart'of the Afrikaner community. Hermann Giliomee is a renowned historian. His bestselling'The Afrikaners'was published to international acclaim and adapted into a popular television documentary. He was a Fellow at Yale, Cambridge and the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington DC.

‘The freezing loneliness made one wish for death,'journalist Joyce Sikhakhane-Rankin said of solitary confinement. With seven other women, including Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, she was held for more than a year. This is the story of these heroic women, their refusal to testify in the ‘Trial of 22'in 1969, their brutal detention and how they picked up their lives afterwards.

Der südafrikanische Ministerpräsident Hendrik Verwoerd wird von vielen als'Architekt der Apartheid'eingeschätzt. In Wirklichkeit lag seine Stärke vor allem darin, die Ideen anderer zur Rassentrennung in ein scheinbar kohärentes und logisches System zu bringen. Dabei war er keineswegs ein kolonialer Konservativer, sondern ein autoritärer Modernisierer, der Apartheid als zukunftweisendes Konzept verstand. In dieser Untersuchung wird erstmals Verwoerds akademische Karriere als promovierter Psychologe mit seiner politischen Laufbahn in Verbindung gebracht, wodurch die Kontinuitäten in seinem Denken sichtbar werden. Im Zentrum der Arbeit, die auf umfangreichen Archivstudien beruht, steht das politische Denken Verwoerds, das sich durch Rigidität und Inflexibilität auszeichnete. Der Psychologe wie der Rassenpolitiker hatte ein starkes Bedürfnis nach eindeutigen Zuordnungen, die er als'logisch'konsistent zu präsentieren wusste. Darüber hinaus werden seine Versuche, Südafrika zu einer regionalen Großmacht zu entwickeln sowie die wachsende außenpolitische Isolation Südafrikas behandelt, die ihrerseits ein Resultat der Repression gegen politische Gegner und gegen die schwarze Bevölkerungsmehrheit war.

An award-winning historian and journalist tells the very human story of apartheid's afterlife, tracing the fates of South African insurgents, collaborators, and the security police through the tale of the clandestine photo album used to target apartheid's enemies.From the 1960s until the early 1990s, the South African security police and counterinsurgency units collected over 7,000 photographs of apartheid's enemies. The political rogue's gallery was known as the “terrorist album,” copies of which were distributed covertly to police stations throughout the country. Many who appeared in the album were targeted for surveillance. Sometimes the security police tried to turn them; sometimes the goal was elimination.All of the albums were ordered destroyed when apartheid's violent collapse began. But three copies survived the memory purge. With full access to one of these surviving albums, award-winning South African historian and journalist Jacob Dlamini investigates the story behind these images: their origins, how they were used, and the lives they changed. Extensive interviews with former targets and their family members testify to the brutal and often careless work of the police. Although the police certainly hunted down resisters, the terrorist album also contains mug shots of bystanders and even regime supporters. Their inclusion is a stark reminder that apartheid's guardians were not the efficient, if morally compromised, law enforcers of legend but rather blundering agents of racial panic.With particular attentiveness to the afterlife of apartheid, Dlamini uncovers the stories of former insurgents disenchanted with today's South Africa, former collaborators seeking forgiveness, and former security police reinventing themselves as South Africa's newest export: “security consultants” serving as mercenaries for Western nations and multinational corporations. The Terrorist Album is a brilliant evocation of apartheid's tragic caprice, ultimate failure, and grim legacy.

Ronnie Kasrils's memoir reflects on compelling questions as to what turned a white youngster from a modest background into a lifelong revolutionary of note. A tiny minority who abandoned a life of privilege was the antithesis of conventionality and toeing the line. What made those such as Kasrils break all the rules and confront white power with such courage, unbridled spirit, and yearning for the truth? This is a challenging and fascinating conundrum but Kasrils will claim he is no aberration of history. The answers to that question, which unravel through twenty years, will beguile readers as he peers back with endearing frankness into the origins and experiences of his formative years. A Yeoville-born boykie with Yiddish roots, his heartfelt empathy for the underdog and an instinctive rejection of authoritarianism in school and wider society were influences informing his adult life as revolutionary activist. With a remarkable memory and flair for the written and spoken word, the narrative revels in the social, sexual, and political awakening of a roguish boy's adventures with girls, rock music, bohemian culture, and leaping across the colour barrier. Kasrils's tadpoles of the memoir's title represent the submerged, often illusive tracts of memory he searches for as he delves into the mystery of his metamorphosis. This stylistic element adds to the creativity of this fourth memoir.

In the late 1970s, as the apartheid government fought a desperate and dirty battle to stay in power, its security forces devised a chilling new tactic. A shadowy, top-secret unit called Delta 40 was established, tasked with the murder of hundreds of ANC, PAC, and SWAPO members. Victims'bodies were flung from aircraft into the Atlantic Ocean. Based on the detailed analysis of flight logs and numerous interviews, Death Flight sheds shocking new light on one of apartheid's darkest chapters.

In the early 80s, 20 West Indian cricketers were paid more than $100,000 each to take part in rebel tours of apartheid South Africa. When they returned home to the Caribbean they were banned for life and shunned by their countrymen. Some turned to drugs, some to God, while others found themselves begging on the streets. This is their untold story.

South Africa continues to be an object of fascination for people everywhere interested in social justice issues, postcolonial studies and critical race theory as manifested by the enormous worldwide attention given to the #RhodesMustFall movement. In this book, Teresa Barnes examines universities'complex positioning in the apartheid era and argues that tracing the institutional legacies left by pro-apartheid intellectuals are crucial to understanding the fight to transform South African higher education. A work of interpretive social history, this book investigates three historical dynamics in the relationship between the apartheid system and South African higher education. First, it explores how the legitimacy of apartheid was historically reproduced in public higher education. Second, it looks at ways that academics maneuvered through and influenced national and international discourses of political freedom and legitimacy. Third, it explores how and where stubborn tendrils of apartheid-era knowledge production practices survived into and have been combatted during the democratic era in South African universities.

Durban's McCord Hospital, this book argues, is one of the most important hospitals of the twentieth century. Founded'for the Zulu'in 1909 by American Christian missionaries, Dr James B. McCord and Margaret Mellen McCord, for more than a century it was a centre of affordable health care for the under privileged of many faiths, cultures and political persuasions. It also pioneered the training of black nurses, midwives and doctors and was supported by prominent figures such as John L. Dube and Chief Albert Luthuli. It initially faced, however, strong opposition from white factions in Durban and, by the 1960s was directly targeted for closure by South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd himself. McCords survived in part because apartheid forces did not understand that for several generations and for many communities, it had come to be a'people's hospital'. This identity would help carry it through to the early twenty-first century with the conviction and courage, when necessary, to stand up against the State when its policies threatened the health of all South Africa's people. This is a history of the religious, health, medical and political contexts of Natal and South Africa from the late 1800s to the 1970s. There are many stories of important firsts and milestones, but what emerges is more than simply a straightforward tale of heroism and triumph. Instead, we tell multiple stories of struggles, successes, failures, frustrations, sacrifices, and how, on occasion, difficult choices and compromises had to be made.

Nach den ersten demokratischen Wahlen in Südafrika 1994 ist eine Generation herangewachsen, welche die Apartheid nicht mehr miterlebt hat. Sie ist in einem demokratischen Staat aufgewachsen, in dem die Apartheid dennoch in vielen Bereichen nachwirkt. Basierend auf ethnografischer Forschung legt die Autorin dar, wie VertreterInnen der born-free Generation die Vergangenheit ihres Landes interpretieren. Durch zwei neue Ansätze leistet die Untersuchung einen innovativen Beitrag zur Erinnerungsforschung: erstens durch den rezeptions-zentrierten Zugang, der soziale Positionierungen der befragten Jugendlichen in den Mittelpunkt stellt. Zweitens durch das Konzept des Chronotopos, mit dem die Relevanz von Zeit, Raum und Subjekt in der Analyse von Vergangenheitsdarstellungen berücksichtigt wird.

Acclaimed historian Hermann Giliomee explains the dramatic ascent - and possible demise - of a small minority group that dominated 20th-century South Africa. The Afrikaners are unique in the world in that they successfully mobilised ethnic entrepreneurship without state assistance, controlled the government for almost 50 years, and then yielded power without military defeat. Giliomee takes a hard, analytical look at the Afrikaners'fortunes over the past 100 years. Topics range from political parties'use of the'coloured vote', ethnic entrepreneurship,'Bantu education', and the Rubicon speech to Nelson Mandela's relationship with the last Afrikaner leaders. Finally, he examines the most likely future for this contentious group and the nature of its imprint on South Africa.

Drawing on an extensive array of sources—written, oral, and visual—this richly illustrated volume provides a rounded social, intellectual, educational, cultural, and political history of one of Africa's foremost universities during the first phase of apartheid.It puts a spotlight on its leaders, lecturers, and learners, but its wide focus takes in many other dimensions of this heterogeneous institution's history too—teaching and research, social, cultural, and sporting life, and its chequered relationship with the apartheid state, ranging from formal opposition, protest, and students'growing defiance that culminated in the sit-in of 1968, to ambivalence and willing collaboration. All of these are woven together into a many-sided whole to produce an elegant, accessible, and nuanced study of the operation of UCT as apartheid began to be imposed on South Africa. Howard Phillips gives us a pioneering and definitive history of the period, one which will occupy pride of place on the bookshelves of the academics and the thousands of alumni who helped shape this history and the many ordinary Capetonians touched by Varsity.

thought that such a change would be possible without bloodshed?

This book employs the neoclassical theory of discrimination to explain the apartheid system of South Africa and the changes that discriminatory practice has undergone. It deals with the question whether economic sanctions are likely to be efficient weapons for combating racial discrimination.

Being-Black-in-the-World, one of N. Chabani Manganyi's first publications, was written in 1973 at a time of global socio-political change. The Black Consciousness movement had emerged in the mid-1960s and the African continent was throwing off its colonial yoke. In South Africa, renewed resistance to the brutality of apartheid rule would detonate in the Soweto uprising led by black school children three years later. Publication of Being-Black-in-the-World was delayed until the young Manganyi had left the country to study at Yale University. His publishers feared that the apartheid censorship board and security forces would prohibit him from leaving the country, and perhaps even incarcerate him, for being a ‘radical revolutionary'. The book thus found a limited public circulation in South Africa and original copies were hard to come by. This new edition, in contrast to its previous suppression, is an invitation to the #FeesMustFall generation to engage freely with early decolonising thought by an eminent South African intellectual. An astute social and political observer, Manganyi has written widely on subjects relating to ethno-psychiatry, autobiography, black artists and race. In 2018 Manganyi's memoir, Apartheid and the Making of a Black Psychologist was awarded the prestigious ASSAf (The Academy of Science of South Africa) Humanities Book Award. Each of these short essays can be read as self-contained reflections on what it meant to be black during the apartheid years. Manganyi is a master of understatement, and yet this does not stop him from making incisive political criticisms of black subjugation under apartheid. While the essays are clearly situated in the material and social conditions of that time, they also have a timelessness that speaks to our contemporary concerns regarding black subjectivity, affectivity and corporeality, the persistence of a racial (and racist) order and the need for a renewed decolonising project. The essays will reward close study for anyone trying to make sense of black subjectivity and the persistence of white insensitivity to black suffering. Ahead of their time, the ideas in this book are an exemplary demonstration of what a thoroughgoing and rigorous decolonising critique should entail. The re-publication of this classic text is enriched by the inclusion of a foreword and annotation by respected scholars Garth Stevens and Grahame Hayes respectively, and an afterword by public intellectual Njabulo S. Ndebele.

The historical controversy over South Africa's policy of apartheid has not been without effect on that country's participation and status in the international system. The black African states have been particularly inclined to use the public forums of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations and the specialized agencies to press f

The transition from apartheid to the post-apartheid era has highlighted questions about the past and the persistence of its influence in present-day South Africa. This is particularly so in education, where the past continues to play a decisive role in relation to inequality. Between Worlds: German Missionaries and the Transition from Mission to Bantu Education in South Africa scrutinises the experience of a hitherto unexplored German mission society, probing the complexities and paradoxes of social change in education. It raises challenging questions about the nature of mission education legacies. Linda Chisholm shows that the transition from mission to Bantu Education was far from seamless. Instead, past and present interpenetrated one another, with resistance and compliance cohabiting in a complex new social order. At the same time as missionaries complied with the new Bantu Education dictates, they sought to secure a role for themselves in the face of demands of local communities for secular state-controlled education. When the latter was implemented in a perverted form from the mid-1950s, one of its tools was textbooks in local languages developed by mission societies as part of a transnational project, with African participation. Introduced under the guise of expunging European control, Bantu Education merely served to reinforce such control. The response of local communities was an attempt to domesticate – and master – the ‘foreign'body of the mission so as to create access to a larger world. This book focuses on the ensuing struggle, fought on many fronts, including medium of instruction and textbook content, with concomitant sub-texts relating to gender roles and sexuality. South Africa's educational history is to this day informed by networks of people and ideas crossing geographic and racial boundaries. The colonial legacy has inevitably involved cultural mixing and hybridisation – with, paradoxically, parallel pleas for purity. Chisholm explores how these ideas found expression in colliding and coalescing worlds, one African, the other European, caught between mission and apartheid education.

From April 1986 until just after Nelson Mandela's release from prison in February 1990, supporters of the City of London Anti-Apartheid Group maintained a continuous protest, day and night, outside the South African Embassy in central London. This book examines how and why a group of children, teenagers and young adults made themselves ‘non-stop against apartheid', creating one of the most visible expressions of anti-apartheid solidarity in Britain.Drawing on interviews with over ninety former participants in the Non-Stop Picket of the South African Embassy and extensive archival research using previously unstudied documents, this book offers new insights to the study of social movements and young people's lives. It theorises solidarity and the processes of adolescent development as social practices to provide a theoretically-informed, argument-led analysis of how young activists build and practice solidarity.Youth Activism and Solidarity: The Non-Stop Picket Against Apartheid will be of interest to geographers, historians and a wide range of other social scientists concerned with the historical geography of the international anti-apartheid movement, social movement studies, contemporary British history, and young people's activism and geopolitical agency.

'Let me say to Mr Botha: apartheid is doomed! It has been condemned in the Councils of God, rejected by every nation on the planet... Apartheid is the god that has failed.'So preached Bishop Peter Storey of the Methodist Church of SA in 1986. Challenging apartheid wherever he could, he led the church into what many whites saw as uncomfortable'political'territory. Storey tells us how faith helped him amid the teargas and intimidation of the apartheid regime.

On New Year's Eve in 1988, 14-year-old Stompie Seipei Moeketsi was beaten to within an inch of his life. He was stabbed and dumped in the veld on the outskirts of Soweto, and when he was identified six weeks later the trail led to Winnie Mandela and the feared Mandela United Football Club. With the world's eyes turned to South Africa and its hard-won transition story, an uncomfortable story of Winnie Mandela emerged as her trial, appeal and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission became entangled in a web of secrecy and lies, racial tension and political expediency. Was she above the law? How did Nelson Mandela try to protect her? What does it mean for politicians'respect for the rule of law in the democratic era? This exploration of the Mandela United Football Club's reign of terror throws up questions about the nature of justice and accountability – and how these differ for the ‘important'and ‘unimportant'people of this world. Veteran correspondent Fred Bridgland, who covered South Africa for UK newspapers at the time, reinvestigates and delivers explosive new information.

The period of apartheid was a perilous time in South Africa's history. This book examines the tactics of resistance developed by those working for the Weekly Mail and New Nation, two opposition newspapers published in South Africa in the mid- and late 1980s. The government, in an attempt to crack down on the massive political resistance sweeping the country, had imposed martial law and imposed even greater restrictions on the press. Bryan Trabold examines the writing, legal, and political strategies developed by those working for these newspapers to challenge the censorship restrictions as much as possible—without getting banned. Despite the many steps taken by the government to silence them, including detaining the editor of New Nation for two years and temporarily closing both newspapers, the Weekly Mail and New Nation not only continued to publish but actually increased their circulations and obtained strong domestic and international support. New Nation ceased publication in 1994 after South Africa made the transition to democracy, but the Weekly Mail, now the Mail & Guardian, continues to publish and remains one of South Africa's most respected newspapers.

Race, politics, and opera production during apartheid South Africa intersect in this historiographic work on the Eoan Group, a “coloured” cultural organization that performed opera in the Cape. The La Traviata Affair charts Eoan's opera activities from the group's inception in 1933 until the cessation of their productions by 1980. It explores larger questions of complicity, compromise, and compliance; of assimilation, appropriation, and race; and of “European art music” in situations of “non-European” dispossession and disenfranchisement. Performing under the auspices of apartheid, the group's unquestioned acceptance of and commitment to the art of opera could not redeem it from the entanglements that came with the political compromises it made. Uncovering a rich trove of primary source materials, Hilde Roos presents here for the first time the story of one of the premier cultural agencies of apartheid South Africa.

Meticulous and finely crafted, this biography of Abram Fischer follows the South African lawyer's journey of conscience and personal transformation. Born into one of the most prominent Afrikaner nationalist families, Fischer nevertheless made his name as an antiapartheid activist noted for his defense of antiapartheid figures in major trials, including Nelson Mandela. In 1966, he himself was sentenced to life imprisonment for his political activities. Before his sentencing he had spent nine months underground, in disguise, evading a nationwide manhunt. What had brought him to these circumstances? What led to his untimely death after nine years in prison? In answering these and other questions, this book delves into the lives of Fischer and his wife Molly and goes beyond them to examine more than 100 years of South African history, the courtroom drama of South Africa's great political trials, and the political intrigue of the 1960s and beyond. Weaving the personal and public, Stephen Clingman's biography is an account of tragedy and transcendence, showing how the miracle of South Africa's transition to democracy was deeply connected to the legacy of Bram Fischer.

A brave, heartrending memoir of family, love and longing in the turbulent era of Apartheid in South Africa. During the terrifying years of Apartheid in South Africa, Shelley Davidow's family was a crime. At a time when it was illegal for black and white people to live together, Shelley's social activist parents took in Rosie, an abandoned black three-year-old. Rosie grew up as a beloved daughter and sister in a white household. Against the backdrop of racist laws and ever-present threats of violence, Shelley's parents did all they could to provide a safe, happy home for their five children. But when Rosie was sixteen, devastating truths came to light, shattering the family's understanding of the past. In this haunting memoir, Shelley Davidow sifts through the memories of her early life, searching for hope and reconciliation. Shadow Sisters leaves us with a deeper understanding of family love and of how, sometimes, that love is not enough.

First published in 1997, this volume examines United States policy towards South Africa in the nineteen seventies, spanning the period of the Nixon, Ford and Carter administrations. What sets it apart from similar works is that it analyses policy in the broader context of American ideals and responses to apartheid. It examines whether actual policies were in conformity with these ideals and focuses attention on the American predicament over the issue of apartheid.

Under apartheid, black South Africans experienced severe material and social disadvantages occasioned by the government's policies, and they had limited time for entertainment. Still, they closely engaged with an array of textual and visual cultures in ways that shaped their responses to this period of ethical crisis. Marshaling forms of historical evidence that include passbooks, memoirs, American “B” movies, literary and genre fiction, magazines, and photocomics, Black Cultural Life in South Africa considers the importance of popular genres and audiences in the relationship between ethical consciousness and aesthetic engagement. This study provocatively posits that states of oppression, including colonial and postcolonial rule, can elicit ethical responses to imaginative identification through encounters with popular culture, and it asks whether and how they carry over into ethical action. Its consideration of how globalized popular culture “travels” not just in material form, but also through the circuits of the imaginary, opens a new window for exploring the ethical and liberatory stakes of popular culture. Each chapter focuses on a separate genre, yet the overall interdisciplinary approach to the study of genre and argument for an expansion of ethical theory that draws on texts beyond the Western canon speak to growing concerns about studying genres and disciplines in isolation. Freed from oversimplified treatments of popular forms—common to cultural studies and ethical theory alike—this book demonstrates that people can do things with mass culture that reinvigorate ethical life. Lily Saint's new volume will interest Africanists across the humanities and the social sciences, and scholars of Anglophone literary, globalization, and cultural studies; race; ethical theories and philosophies; film studies; book history and material cultures; and the burgeoning field of comics and graphic novels.

In its last decades, the apartheid regime was confronted with an existential threat. While internal resistance to the last whites-only government grew, mandatory international sanctions prohibited sales of strategic goods and arms to South Africa. To counter this, a global covert network of nearly fifty countries was built. In complete secrecy, allies in corporations, banks, governments and intelligence agencies across the world helped illegally supply guns and move cash in one of history's biggest money laundering schemes. Whistleblowers were assassinated and ordinary people suffered. Weaving together archival material, interviews and newly declassified documents, Apartheid Guns and Money exposes some of the darkest secrets of apartheid's economic crimes, their murderous consequences, and those who profited: heads of state, arms dealers, aristocrats, bankers, spies, journalists and secret lobbyists. These revelations, and the difficult questions they pose, will both allow and force the new South Africa to confront its past.

Most personal histories of apartheid in Southern Africa tell the story of the armed struggle. This book is about opposition to apartheid within the law and through the law. South Africa achieved notoriety for its apartheid policies and practices both in the country and in Namibia. Today Israel stands accused of applying apartheid in the Palestinian territories it has occupied since 1967. Confronting Apartheid examines the regimes of these three societies from the perspective of the author's experiences as a human rights lawyer in South Africa and Namibia and as a UN human rights envoy in occupied Palestine. John Dugard describes the work he undertook in defense of human rights in South West Africa/Namibia, South Africa, and more recently in occupied Palestine.

'Sweden vs Apartheid'examines the effort by the Swedish government and civil society in Sweden to abolish the system of apartheid that was instituted in South Africa in 1948. There are many reasons why this book is important. It explores the foreign policy'posture'of a state, looks at Sweden's neutrality policy which embraced the idea of international solidarity with weaker states and groups, and examines the first Western state to adopt an active anti-apartheid stance when such a position was quite unpopular in the West. The analysis blends both international relations and comparative political approaches to take a critical look at the role played by Sweden in the defeat of the apartheid system.

On 22 November 1977, 40 years ago, Robert Smit and his wife Jean were brutally murdered in their Springs home. They were shot and stabbed several times. The words RAU TEM were spray-painted in red on the walls. A high-ranking member of the National Party, Robert Smit was involved in probable sanctions-busting activities through a front company, Santam International.Told by Liza Smit, daughter of Robert and Jean, who was 13 years old at the time of the murders, this is a book of two stories; the story of the life-long and destructive impact the murders had on the lives of those left behind, and particularly and very poignantly, on that of Liza's own life.It also tries to unravel the mystery of the murders. We follow Liza as she gathers evidence to present to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and meets with a wide array of those who might help solve the crime, from ministers to shady con men. Despite Liza's efforts and the huge public interest in the murders, despite the numerous conjectures on who might have murdered this high-ranking politician and his wife, despite the complicated reasons put forward as to who might have given the orders to have them killed, 40 years later we are no closer to a conviction or a trial.Told by the daughter of Robert and Jean Smit, I am Liza Smit lends an intimate insider's view into apartheid intrigues not accounted for at the TRC.

In Race Otherwise: Forging a New Humanism for South Africa Zimitri Erasmus questions the notion that one can know ‘race'with one's eyes, or through racial categories and or genetic ancestry tests. She moves between the intimate probing of racial identities as we experience them individually, and analysis of the global historical forces that have created these identities and woven them into our thinking about what it means to be ‘human'. Starting from her own family's journeys through regions of the world and ascribed racial identities, she develops her argument about how it is possible to recognise the pervasiveness of race thinking without submitting to its power. Drawing on the theoretical work of Frantz Fanon, Sylvia Wynter and others, Erasmus argues for a new way of ‘coming to know otherwise', of seeing the boundaries between racial identities as thresholds to be crossed, through politically charged acts of imagination and love.

I Write What I Like features the writing of the famous activist and Black Consciousness leader, Steve Biko. Before his untimely death in detention at age 30, he was instrumental in uniting Black Africans in the struggle against the apartheid government in South Africa.This 40th anniversary edition includes a Foreword by Njabulo S. Ndebele, personal reflections on Steve Biko and Black Consciousness, as well as Biko's first known published piece of writing. In addition, it features all the material of the original Picador Africa edition: a collection of Biko's columns entitled I Write What I Like published in the journal of the South Africa Student Organisation under the pseudonym of ‘Frank Talk'; other journal articles, interviews and letters written by Steve Biko at the time; an Introduction by Nkosinathi Biko; a preface by Archbishop Desmond Tutu; and a moving memoir by Father Aelred Stubbs, which pays tribute to the courage and power of this young leader, who was to become one of Africa's heroes.

The re-emergence of debates on the decolonisation of knowledge has revived interest in the National Question, which began over a century ago and remains unresolved. Tensions that were suppressed and hidden in the past are now being openly debated. Despite this, the goal of one united nation living prosperously under a constitutional democracy remains elusive. This edited volume examines the way in which various strands of left thought have addressed the National Question, especially during the apartheid years, and goes on to discuss its relevance for South Africa today and in the future. Instead of imposing a particular understanding of the National Question, the editors identified a number of political traditions and allowed contributors the freedom to define the question as they believed appropriate – in other words, to explain what they thought was the Unresolved National Question. This has resulted in a rich tapestry of interweaving perceptions. The volume is structured in two parts. The first examines four foundational traditions: Marxism-Leninism (the Colonialism of a Special Type thesis); the Congress tradition; the Trotskyist tradition; and Africanism. The second part explores the various shifts in the debate from the 1960s onwards, and includes chapters on Afrikaner nationalism, ethnic issues, black consciousness, feminism, workerism and constitutionalism. The editors hope that by revisiting the debates not popularly known among the scholarly mainstream, this volume will become a catalyst for an enriched debate on our identity and our future.

John Kane-Berman is uniquely qualified to look back over the enormous political and social changes that have taken place in his lifetime in this fractious country. In his career as student leader, Rhodes Scholar, newspaperman, independent columnist, commentator, and Chief Executive, for thirty years, of the South Africa Institute of Race Relations, Kane-Berman has been at the coal face of political change in South Africa. The breadth and depth of ideas and events covered in Between Two Fires are striking: the disintegration of apartheid, the chaos of the'people's war'and its contribution to the broader societal breakdown we see today, the liberal slideaway, the rise of an authoritarian ANC with its racial ideology and revolutionary goals, to mention only a few. It is a book of fizzing ideas. Kane-Berman's willingness to confront received wisdom is thoroughly refreshing, and he is forthright about the threats to freedom, democracy, and growth in contemporary South Africa, many of which he identified even before the ANC came to power. He is equally forthright in putting forward liberal ideas to halt the country's downward slide. Writing, debate, and reasoned argument are Kane-Berman's stock in trade, and his clarity of vision and personal insight have created a memoir of rare candour and absorbing interest.

Jacques Pauw has been an investigative journalist for more than three decades. Before the phenomenal success of The President's Keepers, he spent years tracking down apartheid death squads. Into the Heart of Darkness, first released in 1997, was the result of this work. Despite official denials and cover-ups, the rumours of apartheid's death squads have now been proved to be all too real. Hundreds of anti-apartheid activists were killed and thousands tortured by a group of bizarre assassins, the foot soldiers of apartheid's secret war. Jacques Pauw has been more closely involved with apartheid's killers than any other journalist. For more than seven years, he has hunted them down and become a witness to their secret and forbidden world. Into the Heart of Darkness will take you on a journey into the minds and lives of the men who went out to kill and kill again. What caused these souls to become so dark and guided them to so much evil?

This intriguing memoir details in a quiet and restrained manner with what it meant to be a committed black intellectual activist during the apartheid years and beyond. Few autobiographies exploring the ‘life of the mind'and the ‘history of ideas'have come out of South Africa, and N Chabani Manganyi's reflections on a life engaged with ideas, the psychological and philosophical workings of the mind and the act of writing are a refreshing addition to the genre of life writing. Starting with his rural upbringing in Mavambe, Limpopo, in the 1940s, Manganyi's life story unfolds at a gentle pace, tracing the twists and turns of his journey from humble beginnings to Yale University in the USA. The author details his work as a clinical practitioner and researcher, as a biographer, as an expert witness in defence of opponents of the apartheid regime and, finally, as a leading educationist in Mandela's Cabinet and in the South African academy. Apartheid and the Making of a Black Psychologist is a book about relationships and the fruits of intellectual and creative labour. Manganyi describes how he used his skills as a clinical psychologist to explore lives – both those of the subjects of his biographies and those of the accused for whom he testified in mitigation; his aim always to find a higher purpose and a higher self.

L'abolition officielle de l'apartheid en 1991 a mis fin sur le plan juridique à un système social de relations interpersonnelles et intercommunautaires qui avait progressivement rejeté l'Afrique du Sud blanche au ban de la communauté internationale…

Este libro es una guía práctica y accesible para saber más sobre el apartheid, que le aportará la información esencial y le permitirá ganar tiempo.En tan solo 50 minutos, usted podrá:• Comprender el contexto en el que se produjo la segregación racial en Sudáfrica, marcada por una profunda rivalidad entre las poblaciones• Profundizar en las biografías y acciones de los principales protagonistas de la lucha contra el apartheid, así como en las leyes de segregación y en los movimientos de protesta contra estas• Descubrir la huella que el apartheid dejó en Sudáfrica, así como la evolución del país tras su aboliciónSOBRE en50MINUTOS.ES | Historiaen50MINUTOS.ES le ofrece las claves para entender rápidamente los principales acontecimientos históricos que cambiaron el mundo. Nuestras obras narran de forma rápida y eficaz una gran variedad de acontecimientos históricos clave de distintas épocas, desde la Antigua Grecia hasta la caída del muro de Berlín.¡Descubra en un tiempo récord la historia que ha marcado el rumbo del mundo!