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This article was derived from the author's Postdoctoral Study, 'The War on Terror is a War on Women in Swat Valley: Women's Education under Terror and Displacement (2006-2011). Women's education was affected the most during periods of terrorism in Swat Valley. The main targets of the militants were women's educational institutes. The situation further worsened when the state government launched military operations in the name of the war on terror (counter-terrorism), which forced a huge number of local inhabitants to leave the valley and utterly blocked their educational accessibility for a long time. This study addresses how those women experienced or somehow challenged terrorism and counter-terrorism for their continuation or discontinuation of education. The study is based primarily on the qualitative data analysis of seven in-depth semi-structured interviews from the seven tehsils (sub-districts) of Swat. The study examines the actual role of women under conditions of patriarchal-peace, armed conflicts (terrorism and counter-terrorism), and displacement. This includes the local politics of Tanzeem-i-Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Muhammadi (TNSM (2)), and the influence of patriarchal culture on the country's politics are further analysed. While addressing the above issues, this study also highlights the need to embark on further in-depth research on Swat with special reference to women's education; such research can be used to support Swati women in their struggle for education, well-being, and empowerment. Keywords: women's education, Swat, terrorism, war on terror, displacement, Pakistan, Introduction Terrorism and the war on terror are two major sources of disruption and violence in Pakistan and Afghanistan. These conflicts have greatly affected the common peoples' lives with intense [...]

We explore differences in perception of national security policies between self-identified liberals, moderates, and conservatives from a national sample of U.S. adults. Using a discrete choice experiment, we also quantify [...]

The aim of this article is to examine the new Prevent Strategy 2011 in the United Kingdom and critically analyze its impact upon British Muslim communities. The U.K. government's controversial Prevent Strategy 2011 has come under fierce opposition, with critics arguing that it will not actually prevent extremism but risks labeling the Muslim community as a 'suspect' community. Following the British government review of counterterrorism policies and strategies in 2010, the article examines the key question: Will the new Prevent policy actually work? Recent studies show that previous Prevent policies have risked alienating the Muslim community (Kundnani). Indeed, the new Prevent Strategy 2011 also has the risk of the depoliticization of Muslim communities from wider civic society and risks creating a mosaic for extremist ideologies. The article argues that, in practice, Prevent is not particularly efficacious, and that the new strategy risks further marginalizing and stigmatizing Muslim communities. Keywords: Counterterrorism, Extremism, State Multiculturalism, Multiculturalism in the UK, Failure of Multiculturalism, Community Policing, Radicalization, Muslim Communities, Prevent Strategy 2011. El objetivo de este articulo es examinar la nueva Estrategia de Prevencion 2011 (Prevent Strategy 2011) en el Reino Unido y analizar criticamente su impacto en las comunidades musulmanas britanicas. La controversial Estrategia de Prevencion 2011 del gobierno del Reino Unido ha sido objeto de una fuerte oposicion, con criticos afirmando que no prevendra el extremismo y se arriesgara el encasillar a la comunidad musulmana como una comunidad 'sospechosa.' Luego de la modificacion del gobierno britanico de sus politicas y estrategias contra el terrorismo del 2010, este articulo examina la pregunta clave: ?funcionara la nueva politica de prevencion? Estudios recientes muestran que politicas de prevencion anteriores han corrido el riesgo de alienar a la comunidad musulmana (Kundnani). En efecto, la nueva Estrategia de Prevencion 2011 tambien corre el riego de despolitizar a la comunidad musulmana de la sociedad civil y se arriesga a crear un mosaico de ideologias extremistas. Este articulo sostiene que en la practica, Prevencion 2011 no es particularmente eficaz y que la nueva estrategia expone a una mayor marginalizacion y estigmatizacion de las comunidades musulmanas., In 2006, three British Muslim men were charged for planning to detonate liquid explosives on airliners to the United States (BBC News 2009) in what became known as the airline [...]

Following Barack Obama's election as United States president, the illusion that the worst excesses of the Bush administration are now simply finished must be tempered by a sober assessment of the deeply consequential institutionalization of antiterrorism as the intransigent idiom of a new species of security state formation. Obama's assumption of responsibility for the conduct of the so-called War on Terror has committed him to the dominant ethos of antiterrorism and a multifaceted program of securitization, 'domestically' and internationally. Furthermore, the task of reinvigorating United States nationalism by exalting American exceptionalism is one that deeply conjoins Obama with his predecessor. This is, perhaps, nowhere so evident as in Obama's dissimulations of the racial singularity and salience of his accession to the presidency. Indeed, he compulsively deracialized his election in favor of an American exceptionalist gesture of patriotic postracialism. This essay interrogates the relation between this 'postracial' Americanism and a distinctly imperial multiculturalism. Through this 'postracial' and assimilationist vision of empire, and by means of the crucial (racially ambiguous) figure of the Muslim, the United States has fashioned itself as the decisive police power of an incipient Global Security State, charged with putting in order the wild new frontiers of an unruly planet. Key Words: Race, postracialism, War on Terror, the Muslim Question, Obama, United States, empire DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.2010.533523

The following article examines the role of trust between police and communities in the context of 'new terrorism,' drawing upon data that examined engagement and partnership work between communities and police within this context. A key finding is that in a low-trust context, as characterized by 'new terrorism,' it is important for police officers to focus initially upon building contingent trust by trust-building activities that demonstrate trustworthiness. Partnerships between police and members of Muslim communities carrying out sensitive intervention work with those deemed at risk from committing acts of terrorism appear to feature implicit trust. These partnerships are less focused upon short-term outcomes, but rather, individuals are committed to these relationships so that within the partnerships themselves trust is implicit between officers and Muslim community members. This suggests that police within specialist counter-terrorism units underpinned specifically by principles of community policing are best placed to provide the kind of long-term interaction and trust-building that is required for sensitive partnership work to take place, for contingent trust to be built into implicit trust. Keywords: Public Policy, Political Institutions, Counter-Terrorism, Trust, Community Policing, Muslim Communities. Basandonos en datos que examinan el compromiso y el trabajo conjunto dentro del contexto del 'nuevo terrorismo' este articulo examina el rol de la confianza entre los oficiales de policia y las comunidades musulmanas. Un hallazgo clave es que en un contexto de baja confianza, caracteristico del 'nuevo terrorismo,' es importante para los oficiales de policia enfocarse inicialmente en la construccion de una confianza contingente por medio de actividades que construyan y demuestren dicha confianza. La colaboracion entre la policia y los miembros de las comunidades Musulmanas que realizan un delicado trabajo de intervencion con aquellos que estan en riesgo de cometer actos de terrorismo pareceria mostrar una confianza implicita. Estas colaboraciones estan menos enfocadas en resultados de corto plazo, en lugar de ello los individuos estan comprometidos en estas relaciones para que la confianza entre los oficiales y los miembros de la comunidad Musulmana llegue a estar implicada. Esto sugiere que los oficiales de policia asignados a unidades anti-terroristas ancladas especificamente en principios de colaboracion ciudadana estan mejor ubicados para proveer el tipo de interaccion de largo plazo y de construccion de confianza que es requerido para llevar a cabo un trabajo de colaborativo delicado, para que la confianza contingente sea incorporada en la confianza implicita., Efforts to counter Al-Qaeda-linked (AQ-linked) or -influenced terrorism are increasingly drawing upon community-based initiatives based upon engagement and partnership work between police officers and members of Muslim communities, in the [...]

This study examines support for ethnic profiling in the United States as a counterterrorism tactic. It first compares support for counterterrorism profiling with support for profiling Black motorists. Then, it investigates whether the status of the profilee as a U.S. citizen of Arab or Middle Eastern appearance or as an immigrant alters either support for profiling or the determinants of that support. In both sets of analyses, the study investigates how competing ideas about the meaning of American identity shape opinions about profiling. Particular attention is paid to liberalism's emphasis on the rights of citizenship and ethnoculturalism's emphasis on the ascriptive boundaries of American identity. The results show that support for counterterrorism profiling is higher than support for profiling Black motorists, that people are more supportive of profiling immigrants than they are of profiling U.S. citizens, and that how people define what it means to be American is a powerful predictor of such support. The perspective promoted by the increasing number of radical activists on issues related to immigration--that being American means being a White European Christian--is the most powerful predictor of support for profiling. A liberal understanding of being American can offset some, but not all, of that support. The implications of these findings for future opinions and activism on post-9/11 issues are discussed. Keywords: American identity; 9/11; ethnic profiling; public opinion

President Bush war on terror emphasized domestic surveillance, enhanced police powers, and military adventures abroad, and virtually all political debates focused on the administration's initiatives. This was not inevitable. An alternative response to the threat of terrorism could include, for example, expanded funding for language instruction and comparative religion in American schools, improved training for first responders in medical emergencies, and an overhaul of the health care system to provide rapid responses to crises. Critics of the Administration's war on terror, however, were reluctant or unable to frame 9/11 to support alternative preferred policies. In contrast, during the Cold War, advocates used fear of Communism and the Soviet Union to build support for alternative domestic policies, including civil rights and social investment. By rejecting completely the premises of the war on terror, critics may have missed an opportunity to advance broader political agendas. Keywords: war on terror; social problems; political opportunities; threats; social construction

ABSTRACT. Many people believe that an informed and thoughtful citizenry is essential to the maintenance of democratic ideals within the United States and the spread of those ideals abroad. Since [...]

ABSTRACT During the Second Intifada, Israel started to construct a separation barrier, officially aimed at preventing Palestinian terrorists from penetrating into its territory. Previous Palestinian attacks caused the death and […]

Heroic responses to the events surrounding September 11, 2001, and Hurricane Katrina in 2005, as well as to other catastrophes, underscore the need for genuine collaboration within communities and among environmental health professionals, public health agencies, first responders from various professions, and other organizations. Because of competing organizational agendas, however, interdisciplinary training is needed to help ensure that communities and various first responders will operate in tandem. This article suggests types of responders who might benefit from such training, lists selected courses from a new curriculum, and shares lessons learned during the development of a regional all-hazards preparedness training program., Introduction Recent challenges with respect to environmental health issues have led to the development of new tools and techniques for use by first responders, including simple and rapid detection of [...]