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The paper examines the CSOs – government relations during the COVID-19 pandemic, first introducing how the pandemic affected the already authoritarian regime in Hungary and how this regime utilized the epidemic to extend and fortify its power. Then the paper presents the antecedents of the relationship between civil society and government in the frame of the National System of Cooperation (NSC). This relationship is unilaterally dominated by the government, and it may appear as a "4C strategy": Cooptation, Coercion, Crowding out, Creation (the creation of a new, loyal civil society). Exploring the civil society and government relations during the pandemic, the study will conclude that there was no government attempt to coordinate the activities of CSOs or to try to harmonize sectoral cooperation from a broader perspective. The occurrences demonstrated the explosion of solidarity and the carnival of solidarity. These forms of solidarity, however, remain informal and leave deepening structural problems untouched. The paper presents the results of an empirical research which was conducted between March and September of 2020. The nodal points of the research include the resilience and flexibility of the organizations, their efforts to assist during the emergency and lockdown, as well as the issues of networking and the nature of their relations with the national and local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This theoretical study aims to contribute to the literature dealing with populism from a transnational perspective. I will apply the post-structuralist concept of Empire and Multitude developed by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri to theorize transnational populism. This is not the usual way of thinking about populism, because there are several internal debates and tensions between Hardt/Negri and Laclau/Mouffe (Hardt, Negri: 2017). Although there are very important trends (Kioupkiolis, Katsambekis: 2014; Kioupkiolis: 2014) in the critical literature to reconcile the populist and post-hegemonic tendencies as the hegemony of the multitude. This study relies on these tendencies. In the first part I am investigating the nature of the neoliberal world order as the Empire in the context of hegemony and populism. As it has been analysed in the first part of this paper, with the crisis of liberal democracy we have entered the era of populist democracy and there is a fierce struggle between the left and the right to define and maintain the core nature of democracy. It will be argued in the third part that right-wing nationalist populism can be seen as a manifestation of populism in the context of the Empire. I will emphasize the multitude as a counter-populist concept compared to the Empire. In the fourth part I put forward that the multitude as an empty signifier can achieve some reconciliation between Laclau/Mouffe and Hard/Negri. I will also argue that transnational populism needs to have its transnational political subject which should be based on the multitude reinterpreted in populist context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiple eruptive dermatofibromas are a rare presentation of dermatofibroma which are frequently associated with underlying diseases such as human immunodeficiency virus infection or lupus erythematosus. Eruptive dermatofibromas generally present a characteristic histology with a poorly circumscribed lesion showing hyperplasia of the epidermis, prominent bundles of collagen and a diffuse proliferation of fibrocytes. We report an unusual case of multiple eruptive dermatofibromas showing massive depositions of mucin within the dermis. A 20-year-old woman presented with nearly 100 red to yellowish papules and nodules distributed symmetrically all over the integument which developed over a period of 9 years. Comprehensive clinical and laboratory diagnostics showed no signs indicating any underlying disease. To our knowledge this is the first report of multiple eruptive myxoid dermatofibromas. We consider this case to be a unique presentation of multiple eruptive dermatofibroma showing massive deposition of mucin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic pruritus is frequently refractory to currently available treatments. Studies suggest that pruritus may arise from an imbalance of the mu- and kappa-opioid receptor system activity in either the skin or the central nervous system. Stimulation of kappa-opioid receptors by their agonists inhibits pruritus in both animals and humans. The antipruritic effect of kappa-opioid receptors agonists can currently be assumed to be related to their binding to kappa-opioid receptors on keratinocytes and cutaneous and/or central itch neurones. To date, several case reports and 2 controlled trials have demonstrated a beneficial effect of systemic kappa-opioid receptor agonists in the treatment of uraemic pruritus, prurigo nodularis, paraneoplastic and cholestatic pruritus. Nalfurafine hydrochloride (Remitch®), a selective kappa-opioid receptor agonist, is approved for the treatment of chronic pruritus in Japan. The aim of this review is to provide an overview of the promising role of kappa-opioid receptors and their agonist in the pathophysiology and treatment of pruritus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the case study of middle aged woman who was taken to the health care center because of itching, erythema, oedema of face and nasal congestion. It mentions that the patient denied the use of anticoagulants and hirudins . She was treated with systemic therapy with an oral antihistamines and was advised a steroid cream.

This article aims to position postsocialist cities in Central and Eastern Europe in the broader debate on urban environmental justice. The article crosscuts through all three dimensions of justice (distributive/distributional, procedural/participatory, and interactional/recognition) in the context of urban green and blue space provision. Environmental justice is still an emerging topic in postsocialist cities, constrained by market-orientation and neoliberal trends within society, privatization, and the primacy of private interests. The respective situation in postsocialist cities provides insights into the international debate on environmental justice, by highlighting some extremes related to neoliberal and populist governments and very rapid processes that lack long-term democratic consensus within societies. The findings of this study are discussed in the context of a postsocialist legacy, which includes broad tolerance for inequalities, a lack of solidarity in society, a lack of responsibility for the public interest, and extreme individualization and disregard for social interests. This has gradually led to the corporatization of local authorities and various business–government coalitions. This setting is more likely to favor business models related to the use and management of urban green and blue spaces than the environmental justice discourse. • Broad tolerance for inequalities, lack of solidarity in society, lack of responsibility for the public interest • Extreme individualisation and disregard for the social interest • Corporatisation of local authorities and various business–government coalitions • Urban green and blue spaces poorly considered in planning • Justice consideration far from being accepted as guiding principles for urban greening [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]