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We study smallholder households livelihood profiles in central Kenya in an area characterized by the presence of many large commercial farms. We surveyed 375 smallholder households, compared them according to three categories (employed, contract farmers, households non-engaged with commercial farms), and constructed a livelihood index. The results show that contract farmers and households employed on farms are only a small fraction of all smallholders. Employed and non-employed households show little difference in overall livelihood profiles. Results suggest that employment on large commercial farms is mainly a coping strategy for younger households or in times of need. Contract farmers were found only in a specific location and had better access to irrigation water and higher livestock holdings. Comparison with earlier data shows the persistence of precarious livelihood levels and household strategies aiming at diversification of activities, with little evolution over the last 20 years despite the presence of commercial farms. Overall, there is little evidence that the proximity to the commercial farms offers a way out of poverty for nearby smallholder farmers.

Du 1er au 3 décembre 2014, la conférence « Global AgInvesting Europe 2014 » a réuni des organisations aussi diverses que le fonds de pension américain TIAA-CREF, la Fondation Bill et Melinda Gates, Rabobank ou encore la Société financière internationale pour discuter des perspectives d’investissement dans l’agriculture. Pour des entrées à partir de 2 895 dollars, les participants ont pu assister à une trentaine de panels sur des thèmes tel que « l’agr...

À l’heure des robots et du numérique, la terre (habitat, agriculture, paysage, planète) et la nourriture (du corps et de l’âme) sont parmi les préoccupations majeures dans les espaces médiatiques et politiques. Le pétrole et l’abondance qui l’a accompagné nous avaient fait oublier qu’elles sont au fondement des sociétés humaines. La « crise alimentaire » de 2008, qui a secoué plusieurs continents, a rappelé aux gouvernements l’enjeu de la sécurité alimentaire. Après des décennies d’excédents, de baisse du prix des produits agricoles de base, la question de la valeur de la terre et de l’agriculture est de retour. La question de la santé et celle des droits humains prennent une place élargie tant dans les politiques publiques et dans la production de normes alimentaires. Des mouvements sociaux transnationaux s’emparent de la question de l’avenir de l’agriculture et de l’alimentation, et de celle de la « bonne vie ». Pour contribuer à cette réflexion sur l’avenir de la terre et de la nourriture, cet ouvrage étudie la socialisation de l’agriculture, c’est-à-dire sa prise en charge tant par les politiques agricoles (essentiellement nationales) que par l’organisation des marchés dans un cadre national et international. Il le fait en prenant un large recul et mobilise trois temporalités. La première est celle de la planète. La seconde, celle des régimes métaboliques, façons dont l’humanité à différents stades de développement, mobilise matériaux et énergie. La troisième est celle du capitalisme, avec la succession de systèmes hégémoniques (ce qui n’exclue pas de multiples polarités). Cet ouvrage réunit des recherches récentes d’économistes, de sociologues, d’historiens et d’agronomes, de différents pays, recherches qui ont en commun de concerner la place de l’agriculture dans l’évolution des capitalismes.

Changes to the global agro-food-energy system (e.g. changing consumption patterns in the North (SNF, 2012), Europe's Climate and biofuel policies, etc.) over the past few years have led to a renewed interest in agriculture and a rush to acquire land (Cotula, 2012; Anseeuw et al, 2013). The impacts of this rush on sustainability are not always evident as its assessments focus on the short-term and generally remain at a case study level, without considering the broader agrarian and socio-economic transformations it entails (Borras et al. 2012). If a consensus emerges regarding the necessity of additional investment into agriculture (FAO, 2010), it is less evident whether large-scale agricultural investments (LAI) are a vector for broader agrarian and socio-economic transformations in a sustainable manner (Borras et al. 2012, Deininger and Byerlee 2011; Collier and Dercon 2014). Despite a growing literature (World Bank, 2010; White et al., 2012, Cotula 2014 etc.), most assessments of LAI impacts tend to remain local, in the form of specific case-studies, and are often short term without broader contextualization (Fairhead et al., 2012). Efforts to overcome these limitations through different types of meta-analyis have been undertaken (Oberlack et al., 2015, Schoneveld 2014, Schoneveld 2017, Dell'Angelo et al. (2017). However, a more empirical understanding of the diverse changes and impacts at various levels is necessary for reflecting on visions for the planetary land system. Against this backdrop, this paper presents the results of a study aiming, on one hand, at assessing the changes and impacts of LAIs at various (individual, household, regional) levels within target regions, and on the other hand, at a nuanced account of how and why LAIs subsequently induce diverse regional development trajectories in these regions. We focus on LAIs in Kenya, Madagascar and Mozambique. Specifically, this study provides a cross-national comparative analysis of business models, land-use changes, governance dynamics of LAIs and their socio-economic, food security, and environmental impacts in Kenya, Madagascar and Mozambique. It brings together the individual results on these aspects, which were generated in the Afgroland project (www.afgroland.net). The following research question guides this analysis: How do contextual and institutional nuances of large-scale agricultural investments impact on land-use changes, the organization of production and investment processes, socio-economic outcomes, food security, and the environment in LAI target regions in Kenya, Madagascar and Mozambique? Methodologically, this study utilizes a set-theoretic methodology for a case-based comparative analysis. It responds to calls for the use of robust empirical methodologies to provide reliable evidence on the impacts of LAIs and to expand the use of comparative methods to attribute LAI impacts to causal factors. Data were collected in six study areas in the three countries by means of household surveys with more than 1500 households, more than 200 key-informant and in-depth interviews with business managers, policymakers, households, development agencies, and NGOs; remotely sensed data between 2016 and 2018, and complemented with document analysis. Data analysis involved mixed qualitative and quantitative techniques. A first set of tentative results, more conceptual in nature, show that LAIs induce regional development trajectories with sustainability impact patterns that can be characterized as conflictual sustainability trade-offs; employment vs. land access and environment trade-offs; widespread hostility; or moderate impacts. The set-theoretic analysis shows that the operational farm size, labour intensity, experience in local agriculture or domestic origin of investors, and prior land uses have the most significant impact on land-use changes, evolution of business models and adaptation of governance systems:. These transformation patterns are described in detail in the paper. A second set of results shows how the same international drivers can have divergent impacts, with local-level outcomes which can differ significantly in terms of land use change, ecological impacts, food security, and livelihoods. These divergences are determined by national politics and policy frameworks, land tenure rights, business models, land and water resource endowments, and path-dependencies regarding investment and business practices. As such, in Kenya, and more particularly in the Nanyuki region characterised by longstanding LAIs, an agrarian normalisation process has established, based on labour intense production systems mainly in the flower and horticultural sectors. Better established labour rights, technology transfer and an agrarian sector that has developed over time leads presently to a relatively dynamic local economy with subsequent livelihood opportunities. In Mozambique, these regional dynamics are minimal however, albeit indirect through basic infrastructural and service development. On contrary, through land loss and increased land pressures, labour extensive crops and production models, and not well developed labour rights, major fractions of the local populations tend to be affected negatively. Lastly, in Madagascar, for the few investments that are still operational, they tend to function on an enclave model, with very little – if any – interactions and impacts on the regional economy and local populations. The paper concludes by repositioning these results in the broader framework of interactions among sustainable development goals (SDGs), representing a critical, but mostly overlooked aspect in the debate on LAIs. In policy debates, LAIs are frequently justified with the argument that LAIs would create new flows of investments to capital-poor regions; create new employment; enhance agricultural productivity. In other words, this narratives relates LAIs positively to SDG10.B and SDG17.3 (investment flows), SDG8.5 (employment), and SDG2.3 (agricultural productivity), among others. By contrast, a recent review finds that LAIs can affect 14 of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in adverse ways. The results of this study and the analyses in terms of diverging development trajectories induced by LAIs allows to assess how LAIs shapes the interaction between multiple SDGs. These interactions among SDGs in the framework of LAIs can take the forms of trade-offs, co-benefits, and co-damage.

What are the impacts of large-scale agricultural investments with regards rural labor market dynamics considering both supply and demand sides? This paper compares the labour market implications of large scale farming enterprises in terms of both direct job creation and workers profiles in Kenya, Mozambique and Madagascar. Using a common methodology, a total of 1,650 households were randomly selected and interviewed in impacted areas and in counterfactual areas. Labour Impacts in terms of i) quantity and quality of jobs created and ii) workers and households demo-economic profiles are analysed according to the business models of the enterprises, based, inter alia, on the crops produced and its intensity of labor requirements. Results at both territorial level and between LSAI show that i) On the supply side overall gross LAIs' job creation in the 3 sites is significant at local level, although with strong differences according to business model. However, LAI job creation is lower than family farming labor requirement when calculated per cultivated hectares, meaning that LAI net employment creation strongly depends on both BM and previous land use by smallholders ; ii) The quality and attractiveness of jobs depends again on regional and business model features. iii) On the demand side, despite existing LAI related decent employment supporting households livelihoods, widespread precarious jobs often benefit the most vulnerable segments of the population: poor households, migrants, youth and / or women. This can either be seen as a benefit in terms of poverty reduction or critically considered as the direct result of the absence of alternatives for the most vulnerable. The comprehensive approach used, integrating both labour supply and demand dimensions, shows nuanced and context specific results. It provides insights to inform decision-makers on the models of agriculture to be promoted in different settings, to address SSA employment challenge.