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Natural river diversion, or avulsion, controls the distribution of channels on a floodplain and channel sandstone bodies within fluvial stratigraphic architecture. Avulsions establish new flow paths and create channels through several recognized processes, or styles. These include reoccupying existing channels, or annexation, downcutting into the floodplain, or incision, and constructing new channels from crevasse‐splay distributary networks, or progradation. Recent remote sensing observations show that avulsion style changes systematically moving downstream along modern fluvial fans but, to date, no studies have assessed the significance of these trends on fluvial fan stratigraphy. Here, spatiotemporal changes in avulsion stratigraphy are investigated within the Salt Wash Member of the Morrison Formation, deposited in the Cordilleran foreland basin during the Late Jurassic epoch. Measured sections and photographic panels were analysed from 23 locations across the Salt Wash extent. Avulsion style was identified in the stratigraphic record by the basal contact of a channel storey with underlying strata: channel–channel contacts indicate annexation, channel–floodplain contacts indicate incision and channel–heterolithic contacts indicate progradation. Contact types change downstream, such that channel–channel and channel–floodplain contacts dominate proximal locations, while channel–heterolithic contacts become increasingly prevalent downstream. Outcrop results were compared to a numerical model of fluvial fan formation and remote‐sensing analysis of avulsions on modern fans. In both additional datasets, channels in proximal fan positions tend to avulse via annexation, reoccupying abandoned channels, while channels in more distal positions tend to avulse via increasingly significant progradation. These findings suggest a relationship between newly recognized downstream changes in avulsion style and well‐established downstream changes in fluvial fan architecture. Furthermore, this suggests that fan architecture can inform interpretations of ancient fluvial dynamics, including avulsion behaviour, and that avulsions can cause stratigraphically significant and measurable changes to fan architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) has long served as an effective remedy for disputes between foreign investors and host states. In the context of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict, ISDS has gained particular prominence as a potential tool for advancing the legal claims of private persons even in wartime or otherwise hostile situations. In particular, we had a slew of ISDS cases between Ukrainian investors and Russia, especially in relation to Crimea. This has also raised a number of questions regarding territory and annexation within the context of international law, which the arbitration tribunals had to address. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the utility of ISDS for enforcing private claims in wartime, and to assess the judgments of the arbitration tribunals, with the addition of Russian ISDS cases against Ukraine as well, to serve as a contrast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called "Moldavian language", invented by the Soviets in the 1920s, was just another instrument for the Soviet effort trying to assimilate people and to erase national identities, in order to make room for the "Soviet identity". The Gulags, the massacres, the deportations and assassinations were not enough to "convince" people to embrace the new Soviet identity, the Soviet Communists needed pseudo-science as well. But the so-called "Moldavian language" was more than just another Soviet social engineering, it was an integrate part of a geopolitical strategy aimed at dismembering Romania and at conquering more of Central and South-Eastern Europe. This explicit anti-Romanian and geopolitical objective was written down by the Soviets in the very birth certificate of the "Moldavian language" in 1924, and it was copied by Serbian authorities after WW2, trying to invent a "Vlach language" for the Romanian minority in Serbia. Neither Russia, nor Serbia have yet abandoned these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problem of Ukraine collecting war reparations from the Russian Federation. A few years ago, it seemed that the problem of collecting war reparations concerned only the consequences of the Second World War and would certainly never again affect the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the events of the last two and a half years show that it will continue to be relevant. The Polish experience of collecting war reparations from Germany, although not a model to follow, clearly confirms that the problem of paying reparations is difficult even in relations between two states that adhere to the norms of international law. Regarding Russia, let's recall the famous statement of the Chancellor of the German Empire, Otto von Bismarck, who claimed that agreements with Russia are not worth the paper they are written on. Therefore, Ukraine must rely on itself and on the help of the international community in collecting military reparations.

Since its inception, the Zionist Movement has been accompanied by a sense of "demographic inferiority." It was a struggle between two national movements for the same piece of land--a kind of "zero-sum game." Naturally, the demographically weaker side--the Zionists--tried to close the gap as much as possible through both immigration and encouraging higher fertility among the Jews in the Yishuv. However, while the sense of demographic inferiority among the Zionist movement prior to the establishment of the State of Israel and even after it is understandable, it was supposed to diminish after the Oslo Accords, and even more so after the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, with the main purpose of both to achieve a "demographic separation" from the Palestinians. The peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan; the collapse of the "eastern front" after the elimination of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003; and the outbreak of the civil war in Syria were all expected to mitigate the Israeli sense of demographic inferiority even further. In effect, however, this was not the case, and the feeling of "demographic inferiority" changed into a "demographic appetite," which perpetuated the concept of "growing as much as possible." This paper aims to examine why every Israeli government, whether "right-wing" or "left-wing," has sought to maximize the number of Jews in Israel; the implications of the various governmental demographic policies for the standard of living of Israel's citizens; and finally, the external demographic threats to which Israel is exposed. The main conclusion of this paper is that even without the annexation of all or even part of the West Bank, Israel is experiencing steady rapid population growth, leading to increased crowding and accordingly a decline in the quality of life for its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and failure) of pro-Russian sentiments within Crimea. Annexation is surprising for Putin's willingness to pursue such risky actions, but also because it required elite support within Crimea. This article uses process tracing to test ethnonationalism in explaining support for Russia's annexation against a rival explanation focusing on the role of criminality and crime (financial-criminal incentive structure). By exposing how and which elites defected in Crimea, the article demonstrates that elite breakage and realignments occurred within a financial-criminal incentive structure to motivate engagement in annexation. In turn, this article discusses its broader implications for understanding Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine and the politics of conflict, nationalism, and the wider former Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since assuming office in December 2022, Israel’s government has worked to weaken the state’s democratic infrastructure. While this appears to break from a long-standing Israeli consensus on democracy, this article demonstrates that retiring democracy has long been the agenda of the faction of the Israeli right most empowered in Israel’s current government, namely the settler movement. Following the discourse in Sovereignty: A Political Journal, it finds that by recasting ‘sovereignty’ as involving annexation and disenfranchizing Palestinians, the settler right has consistently portrayed democracy—and particularly the Supreme Court that serves as a check on governmental power and protects minorities—as an obstacle to ‘sovereignty.’ Considering the settler right’s political vision, the article claims that defending democracy today will necessarily involve engaging contentious questions of occupation and annexation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime’s remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of noncitizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates co-movements between the GPR generated by the Crimean Peninsula's annexation in 2014, the Russia–Ukraine war in 2022, and the volatility of stock markets in the G7 states. Using wavelet analysis, concentrated co-movement was found for all indices in both periods. Contrary to the general perception, we find that the G7 financial market response in 2014 was robust. Using a time-varying parameter vector autoregression (TVP-VAR) test, we found a larger reaction in the amplitude of the G7 financial markets in 2022 than in 2014. The financial markets in France, Germany, and the UK showed a similar reaction in 2022. We have identified some common aspects, even if the political and military contexts of the two studied events were completely different. Our findings offer new and interesting implications for understanding how geopolitical risk affects financial assets for market participants with multiple investment horizons and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2014 until today, parts of the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhia regions of Ukraine are under international legal regime of military occupation. To realize one of its intentions - to change the territorial status quo by force of arms - Russia uses such tools as elections and referendums in the temporarily occupied parts of Ukraine. The article characterizes the legal regime of the military occupation, focuses attention on ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens and the legal regime on the temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine, emphasizes that the elections and referendums held by Russia have nothing to do with direct forms of democracy. These are legally invalid measures organized by the occupation administrations as an attempt to illegally annex Ukrainian territories by the Russian Federation. Their results do not have any legal consequences and cannot be accepted and recognized by the international community. Also focusing on the regime of military occupation, the authors of the article emphasize that occupation does not mean the loss of sovereignty of the occupied territory. Territorial supremacy of the state is directly related to state sovereignty and is one of its constituent elements. The occupation is characterized by the preservation of power structures and the continuation of resistance and military operations against the occupying state. The decisions of the UN International Court of Justice and the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg) are analyzed. It is emphasized that the methods used by the Russian Federation to achieve the goal of including the territories of Ukraine, in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» and elections, were aggressive, the decisive factor was the military power of the Russian Federation, which came into force and met the resistance of sovereign independent Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that Russia commits war crimes and uses «means of terrorism», one of which is the financing of so-called elections and referendums in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by Russia. Ukraine carries out armed resistance to the inclusion of the territories of Ukraine in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» («referendums» in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk and Luhansk regions), reacts negatively to manifestations of territorial sovereignty on the part of the Russian Federation, and Ukraine also demonstrates by its behavior, that the referendums held by the Russian Federation in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk, and Luhansk regions are unconstitutional, and their results and the acceptance of the territories of Ukraine into the Russian Federation do not have legal force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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While the Israeli government cements its annexation of East Jerusalem amid the failure of the peace process and Israel's push for normalization with the Arab world, most recently the Abraham accords, the Palestinians of Jerusalem - categorized as "permanent residents," not citizens - are challenging their non status. Many are individually maneuvering economic, social and perhaps political, change in a direction that further distances them from their fellow Palestinians in the West Bank. As that relationship shrinks due to its restricted access, a new comradeship is being strengthened between Jerusalem Palestinians and their fellow Palestinians living within Israel. This shift could be significant on the larger political level, potentially upsetting the two-state project. At the same time, Palestinian cultural identity everywhere is stronger than ever and proving to withstand all Israeli attempts of erasure. The emerging reality in Jerusalem combines an individual pragmatic approach at the bureaucratic level with a strong collective identity at the cultural and political level. Left alone, the Palestinians in Jerusalem are defining themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'constitutional reform' planned by the government that assumed power in Israel in December 2022 is not an end in itself. Its aim is to provide the basis for planned policies and actions of the government that are incompatible with Israel's present constitutional order, and that are unlikely to stand up to judicial review before the present judges of the Supreme Court. This article discusses the connection between various parts of the reform and the plans to make a radical change in Israel's policies in the occupied West Bank. It examines the coalition agreement between PM Netanyahu's Likud party and the Religious Zionist Party, and exposes the connection between the commitment in that agreement to the policies regarding the occupation and the planned 'reform'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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On December 3, Venezuelans will vote in a referendum on the annexation of Esequibo to the territory of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. This blog post argues that the referendum has implications for both domestic constitutional law and international law. Since the referendum cannot have any practical effect under international law, it also violates the voters’ constitutional right to participate freely in public affairs. By prioritizing solely the interests of Venezuela over the sovereignty of Guyana, the referendum might be contrary to the principles of peaceful dispute settlement and the prohibition of force, as stipulated in the United Nations Charter. It could also challenge the established legal doctrine of state consent and infringe upon the principle of prioritizing international obligations over national law.

Israeli plans to partially annex West Bank territory have mainly been perceived as frustrating the two‐state solution, and as putting Palestine/Israel on a path leading to the one‐state alternative. This paper analyses partial annexation plans without assuming that the future of Palestine/Israel would necessarily abide by either statist resolution. It argues that by ostensibly distancing Israel's hold of the West Bank from an identifiable configuration of a belligerent occupation, partial annexation is offered to Jewish Israelis as a path for detaching the futurity of the two nations, and as a trajectory for normalising the Israeli state, without having to make what much of this public would see as painful concessions. It further explores settlers' objections to such plans, claiming that even a partial incorporation of West Bank territory into formal Israel is expected to erode the exclusivity of Jewish domination which Israel has been upholding in its settler‐colonial frontier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following developments in destandardisation of linguistic norms in non-standard Arabic writing practices (Mejdell, 2017), the present study aims to analyse formal intermediate registers emerging in Moroccan written productions. Using colloquial Arabic (ʕĀmmiyya) in writing is increasing, also in Morocco (Kebede & Hinds, 2016; Caubet, 2017a-b, 2018; Miller, 2017), where Dāriǧa (Moroccan Arabic) combined with Fuṣḥā (Standard Arabic), both in oral and written interactions (Mixed Arabic) is also emerging in more or less formal productions. Recently, Moroccan publications, such as Elmedlaoui’s (2019) monograph al-ʕArabiyyatu al-Dāriǧatu (a comprehensive description of Dāriǧa in Dāriǧa, and in Arabic script), corroborate the interest on «middle/educated» Arabic (intermediate registers of Moroccan Arabic, mixing Fuṣḥā and Dāriǧa in formal, but ordinary, interactions among educated speakers). Based on syntactic descriptions in Elmedlaoui (2019), the present study aims at analysing the stylistic variation of (middle/educated) Dāriǧa in a corpus of 346 articles and its corresponding 2176 comments of Goud (a Moroccan online newspaper expressing in Moroccan Arabic). Quantitative and qualitative approaches in analysing declarative sentences and genitive constructions, allow to observe contrasting trends. As opposed to the syntactic (and artificial) regularities described in al-ʕArabiyyatu al-Dāriǧatu, Goud’s written production shows syntactic and stylistic heterogeneous features of middle/educated (written) Dāriǧa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine the printed official coverage of the ruling Democratic Party in Bulgaria in the period 1908-1910, the newspaper "Priaporets", the development of the international crisis that broke out in Europe after the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908. The article attempts to clarify the development of the crisis in 1909 and its reflection in Constantinople, the Balkan and European capitals, the actions of the Great Powers, the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, British, German and Ottoman diplomacy, based on the numerous publications in "Priaporets" newspaper. Materials from Ottoman, European and Russian newspapers, as well as authored Bulgarian articles published in the newspaper "Priaporets" in the period January - April 1909, were used for the purposes of the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine an important moment in the history of the Balkans, namely the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908, the international crisis that broke out in the first decade of the 20th century - the Bosnian crisis, its influence on the relations between the Dualistic Monarchy and the Kingdom of Serbia and the further deepening Austro-Serbian conflict. The article traces the actions of Serbian diplomacy in its attempts to obtain territorial compensations, the belligerent moods that arose in Belgrade, the public discontent that erupted in Serbia and the reactions in Vienna. The attempts of the Great Powers to prevent the outbreak of military conflict on the European continent are examined. The diplomatic moves of the German diplomacy, which exerted pressure on St. Petersburg and Belgrade to recognize the act of annexation, are also clarified. For the needs of the research, Bulgarian and foreign scientific works on the subject were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to present the promulgation process of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Landesstatut) in the context of the Austro-Hungarian colonial administration of this territory. The passing of the promised constitution, locally known as Zemaljski statut, was an important political issue in the Dual Monarchy and attracted significant attention among contemporaries. The complex internal dynamics of Austria- Hungary and the peculiar legal status of Bosnia and Herzegovina make the process of enacting the supreme legal act of the newly annexed territory an intriguing case study within a colonial regime.

In this article, Ukrainian encyclopedias are studied in order to show how they describe the capture of Crimea by the Russian Federation. The authors focus on terms describing the act of aggression of the RF against the Ukrainian peninsula, such as “annexation” and “occupation”. The fact is that there is still no terminological clarity among scholars, therefore, it is not easy to interpret both the events of spring 2014 and the political and legal consequences of these events. The fact is also that scholarly studies of these problems are a contribution to the formation of the policy for Ukrainian Crimea de-occupation. Results of the article show that in some encyclopedias the terms “annexation” and “occupation” are actually used interchangeably, referring to the Russian invasion of Crimea and the capture of this territories by RF. In others, differences in the meaning of these concepts are presented: the occupation of Crimea is called a violation of the territorial integrity of Ukraine by the RF; the annexation of Crimea is the illegal annexation of the occupied territories by the RF. [У статті простежено особливості трактування в українських енциклопедичних виданнях подій, пов’язаних із захопленням в 2014 році Російською Федерацією Криму. У фокусі уваги авторів – терміни, що описують акт агресії РФ проти українського півострова, зокрема “анексія” та “окупація”. Науковці досі не виробили чітких дефініцій цих подій, а, відповідно, й простежується вживання різних термінів як під час опису весни 2014 року, так і їхніх політико-правових наслідків. Дослідження цих проблем – це вагомий внесок у формування політики деокупації українського Криму. Серед результатів пропонованої студії – з’ясування того, як в українських енциклопедіях вживають терміни “анексія” та “окупація”: 1) без розрізнення значень, але спільним наслідком є загарбання РФ українських територій; 2) виокремлено значеннєві особливості цих понять: окупацією Криму називають порушення територіальної цілісності України, натомість анексією Криму – незаконне приєднання РФ окупованих територій.]

This article examines the "Common Social and Economic Space" agreement signed between the de facto state Abkhazia and its patron, the Russian Federation, in November 2020 and its potential implications for the further development of Abkhaz- Russian affairs. Based on a careful assessment of the gradual development of Abkhaz- Russian relations, the content of the new agreement, and the geopolitical context surrounding it, the article argues that Russia is using the agreement, which obliges Abkhazia to adapt to Russian legislation in vital social, political, and economic sectors, to eliminate a crucial legal barrier against Moscow's further inroads into the de facto republic. The article concludes that this so-called "harmonization agreement" constitutes an important preparatory step towards a potential full integration of Abkhazia into the Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War, Britain abandoned the territorial integrity policy of the Ottoman Empire, which it had been pursuing for nearly a century, and first reached Cyprus (1878) through a contract for the security of the eastern trade route in the Eastern Mediterranean, then occupied Egypt. He settled in (1882). Although Cyprus did not have enough infrastructure to be a naval base for the UK, which took its power from its navy at the first stage, it was accepted that it could be used for the purposes and activities of the UK with its strategic location and developable ports and storage areas to be built. However, with the occupation of Egypt a few years later, the British plans and intentions regarding Cyprus lost their effect. Britain, which was responsible for the administration of Cyprus since June 4, 1878, included Cyprus under the domination of the British Empire with the unilateral annexation decision on November 5, 1914, as a result of the Ottoman Empire's involvement in the First World War. Subsequently, Cyprus was indirectly involved in the war as part of the warring British Empire. During the First World War, Britain's war effort and burden were largely borne by the dominions and colonies. Even though the great war was lived in small dimensions for Cyprus, it also had its share of the war burden. With the start of World War I, the process of the British unilaterally changing the legal status of Cyprus and the inclusion of Cyprus in sharing the war burden of the British Empire are discussed in this study. Thus, both the developments that took place in Cyprus during the war were discussed and when the studies on Cyprus were taken into account, a contribution to the literature was made regarding the War and Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to formulate a theoretical framework for the issue of changes in administrative boundaries and to systematize the issues by selecting distinctive variants. Considering the variety of procedures and forms of boundary changes, the case study is conducted in Poland. This study analyzed the provisions of 271 decisions on boundary changes and granting city status from 2009–2022, which covered a total of 1887.8 km2. It was the basis for selecting 31 variants of boundary changes in eight categories: (1) formal legal, (2) territorial expansion; (3) unit status; (4) cadastral division; (5) territorial tiers; (6) administrative division; (7) frequency of changes; (8) area. In addition, the interactions that occur between the different variants are demonstrated, and the main regularities are identified. Boundary changes are conducted mainly in the application variant. The introduction of the fast-track variant initiated an unprecedented wave of restitution of the city's status. Territorial expansion of units occurs most frequently in the commune–city variant within the third-tier (commune) units. Small-area, one-off annexations in the suburban zones of cities in the parcel and precinct variants dominate. The results can be contextually applied in comparative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal annexation has been one of the most widely adopted instruments for urban growth in the United States. Scholars of public choice and regional studies have long debated the fiscal effect of local government annexation. Few studies, however, examine the fiscal effect of municipal administrative annexations in China, where prefectural cities have extensively annexed county-level governments through forcefully converting rural counties into urban districts in a top-down manner. Employing a difference-in-differences (DID) method coupled with an event study approach, we analyzed a panel data set of 282 prefectural cities from 2007 to 2015 to examine the fiscal impact of annexation in China. The findings show that prefectural cities have significantly increased their land conveyance fees through administrative annexation. Given that land conveyance fees serve as one of the most important own-source revenues at the local level, our findings shed light on the crucial link among the urbanization process, government reorganization, and local land finance in China and, potentially, in other transition countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the aggressive aspirations of the kremlin to annex Crimea starting in 1991 and the process of occupation of Crimea by the russian federation after february-march 2014. Special attention is paid to the beginning of the process of deoccupation of Crimea after August 9, 2022. The purpose of the study: to highlight the essence of the «Crimean issue» in the context of interstate relations between Kyiv and moscow. Work methodology: applied historical-comparative, chronological and general scientific methods, analysis, synthesis, comparison. The scientific novelty consists in processing and systematizing the available database on the subject of the study. Conclusions: the kremlin has always used the «Crimean issue» to seize the territory of Ukraine. The first attempt to annex Crimea took place in 1992, but Ukraine defended its territory. Similarly, in 2003, during an attempt to capture Fr. Kosa Tuzla. The kremlin annexed Crimea in februarymarch 2014, taking advantage of Ukraine’s weakness, but Ukraine will de-occupy Crimea by the end of 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates co-movements between the GPR generated by the Crimean Peninsula’s annexation in 2014, the Russia–Ukraine war in 2022, and the volatility of stock markets in the G7 states. Using wavelet analysis, concentrated co-movement was found for all indices in both periods. Contrary to the general perception, we find that the G7 financial market response in 2014 was robust. Using a time-varying parameter vector autoregression (TVP-VAR) test, we found a larger reaction in the amplitude of the G7 financial markets in 2022 than in 2014. The financial markets in France, Germany, and the UK showed a similar reaction in 2022. We have identified some common aspects, even if the political and military contexts of the two studied events were completely different. Our findings offer new and interesting implications for understanding how geopolitical risk affects financial assets for market participants with multiple investment horizons and strategies.

Though Americans had been considering annexing Hawaii since as early as 1851, Hawaii’s conglomerate racial composition was always a hindrance. Obviously aware of Americans’ apprehension, Hawaiian whites, or haoles, took much care to construct themselves as the indisputably dominant race in the islands. One means to that end was inventing and heroically confronting a civilizational threat from the Chinese, the biggest group of foreigners in Hawaii from the 1876 reciprocity treaty to the mid-1890s. In so doing, haoles managed to show that whites could and did overcome formidable obstacles to achieve a flourishing of their race and institutions in the island nation. This maneuver debunked anti-annexation Americans’ logic and concurred with American annexationists’ emphasis on Hawaii’s whiteness and its precariousness in the final stage of annexation debates. It was therefore one part of the Hawaii-U.S. cross-border effort at incorporating the former into the latter.

How Israelis and Palestinians see the conflict between both groups and its eventual solution? Based on 38 in-depth interviews with Israeli and Palestinian political leaders, the article analyzes the Palestinian choice of the two-state solution as the best way to bring an end to the Israeli occupation of 1967. The article then explores the Israeli policy of annexation of the West Bank and the entrenchment of apartheid—a one-state reality of unequal rights from the river to the sea. While the Israeli interviewed attempt to normalize this one-state reality, the Palestinians oppose these attempts of normalization and perceive the emerging debate on the need to reconsider the two-state solution as part of Israel's efforts to normalize the facts on the ground. Finally, the article explores the particular position of the Palestinians in Israel, who were not part of the national project of Palestinian statehood and hence developed their own future vision, based on equal citizenship. The article concludes that more research is needed on this particular group.

The article presents the idea of a third unit in the Habsburg Monarchy prior to World War I as seen through the eyes of Slovenian liberals. The author presents the broader political context in which the concept emerged and then analyses the reactions of various political groups amid national tensions in the Balkans. Extracts of two liberal Slovenian newspapers, Edinost (Trieste) and Soča (Gorizia), are examined with respect to the key geopolitical dilemmas and interests of different stakeholders affected by the new geopolitical construct. It is argued that trialism was chiefly an attempt by Austria to curtail the power of Hungary. The majority of Slovenians and Croatians initially supported the idea because it implied their political emancipation. On the other side were the Hungarians, Italians and Serbs who saw the idea as a threat to their national interests. In terms of South Slavic relations, trialism represented a new battlefield for the Catholic and Orthodox visions of Yugoslavism. With further development of the concept, first and foremost due to Austria's ambitions to satisfy the Italians and leave Trieste and Gorizia outside of the imagined third unit, the idea introduced tension into Croatian–Slovenian relations and led to a fresh dispute in the Slovenian political sphere between liberals and conservatives. Finally, the advocates of trialism were unable to gain sufficient internal support within the Habsburg Monarchy, which thereby preserved the status quo and the dual regime until the monarchy's collapse during war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the controversy surrounding the annexation of Texas demonstrates serious problems with the Constitution's initial ambiguity about the locus of sovereign power within the Union. Southern politicians, arguing that the loci of national sovereignty were to be found in each respective state. Consequently, they were able to exploit the Constitution's ambiguity to craft a peculiar conception of the national interest which included only the preservation of states' sovereign power, and thus presented this as the primary goal of national foreign policy. Though the annexation controversy did not itself resolve this conflict, it made clearer than any previous conflict the need to clearly establish the locus of sovereign power in the United States, setting the stage for the post-Civil War identification of the national government as the primary locus of American sovereign power. This in turn allowed for a concept of the national interest to be formed by the interaction of various sectional interests in national political debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The escalation in February 2022 of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia that first began in 2014 has not been the subject of particularly divergent opinions from an international legal perspective. The overwhelming majority of States and authors condemn the Russian military operations as a blatant act of aggression pursued in violation of the United Nations Charter. Yet, it might be useful to examine the reactions prompted by the main argument deployed by Russia as to the right of the Peoples' Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk to benefit from military assistance by virtue of collective self-defence recognized in customary international law and codified in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This argument raises the question of the applicability of the jus contra bellum regime to relations between States and secessionist entities which has already been debated. This contribution argues that the war in Ukraine sets a precedent which confirms that self-defence is a justification exclusively available to States and that secession or territorial annexation secured through forceful means cannot be recognized, while addressing how one can understand, from an international legal perspective, that this has sometimes been the case in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fearing that the new Young Turk government might demand the return of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Austro-Hungary took the position that the time had come to implement its earlier projects on the annexation of this territory. On October 6, 1908, Emperor Francis Joseph officially issued a proclamation "expanding the sovereignty" of the Habsburg house over that province. The day before, Bulgaria proclaimed its national independence. The proclamation of Bulgarian independence and annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina significantly upset the balance in the Balkans in favour of the Central Powers. Russia demanded that the issue of annexation be resolved at an international conference. Thus, Russia wanted to extract appropriate compensations for Serbia and Montenegro. Russia was immediately joined by its allies France and England, but also by Italy, which did not like the strengthening of Austro-Hungary in the Balkans. The governments of the Kingdom of Serbia and the Principality of Montenegro sent emissaries to all important European capitals. Serbia and Montenegro sought to conclude a military convention with Turkey. Negotiations with the Ottoman Empire with the mentioned goal were first initiated by Serbia in mid-October, 1908. Concrete negotiations on the conclusion of the Serbian Turkish military convention were held from12/25 October to 28 November / 11 December, 1908, in Constantinople, where the Government of the Kingdom of Serbia sent its special envoy Stojan Novaković, and the Government of the Principality of Montenegro sent Serdar Janko Vukotić. Serbia and Montenegro were ready to pay money in compensation to Turkey for the territory of Sandzak and conclude an alliance with Turkey on mutual defense. The conclusion of the Serbian-Turkish military convention was supposed to be the beginning of a general Balkan alliance, which would later be joined by Greece and Bulgaria. The first draft of the military convention was made by Turkey. The Serbian Government considered the proposed Turkish draft of the military convention and made a decision to adopt it with certain amendments. When the text of the convention was agreed upon after a series of meetings, the Grand Vizier announced on 23 November / 6 December, 1908, that he could not sign the convention, since due to the opening of a new assembly, the government was considered transitional and that the signing of the convention must be postponed two or three weeks, but there may be an entene cordiale (cordial agreement) between Serbia and Turkey-a form of political agreement that existed between England and France. Novaković accepted that and suggested that they immediately sign a declaration on this general agreement-entene cordiale, which would serve instead of convention. Although the text of the declaration was determined at the next meeting, it was not signed. Finally, on 28 November/11 December, 1908, the Grand Vizier informed the Serbian delegation in Constantinople about the decision of the Turkish Council of Ministers not to sign the declaration but to keep the note. At the same time, Turkish hypocritical politicians were preparing for negotiations with Austro-Hungary. The Austro-Hungarian ambassador to Constantinople, Margrave Palavićini, met with Grand Vizier Ćamil Pasha on 30 November/13 December, 1908. The negotiations were transferred from Constantinople to Vienna and entrusted to the new Turkish ambassador, where a Protocol on the Agreement was signed on 26 February, 1909, which dealt a fatal blow to the Serbian-Montenegrin hopes.

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Changing boundaries is a major method for municipalities to accommodate growth, expand economic and tax base, and optimize resource allocation. This study leverages variation in the adoption of home rule charters in Texas to provide the first empirical examination of whether home rule adoption causes municipal boundary expansion. We employ fuzzy regression‐discontinuity and event‐study estimation methods on actual boundary data for causal inference and find that home rule cities expand their boundaries to significantly greater total area than general law cities in Texas. This finding is robust to the voluntary Boundary and Annexation Surveys data used widely by extant studies. We also find evidence that annexations allow home rule cities to fiscally expand, primarily by broadening tax bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]