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The aim of the present study was to examine the interplay of morphological configuration switching and language switching. The morphological configuration is present in word-formation whenever a word contains more than one free morpheme. The morphological configuration is variable both within and between languages for example in two-digit number names (is the decade named first as in twenty-one or the unit named first as in seventeen) and in compound words (is the modifier or the head named first). In the present experiments, participants had to switch between morphological configurations and between languages (German, English, and Spanish). Language-switch cost was measured as the performance difference between language-switch trials and language-repetition trials. In Experiments 1 and 2, participants performed language-comprehension tasks on two-digit numbers and a language-production task on compound words in Experiment 3. All three experiments revealed an under-additive switch cost pattern in which a larger language-switch cost occurred in morphological configuration-repetition trials than in morphological configuration-switch trials. Thus, the present data indicate integration of the morphological configuration and language into one language-related schema-irrespective of the language task (comprehension vs. production) and the type of stimuli (number words vs. compound nouns). (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: Language-switch costs, which denote worse performance in language-switch than in language-repetition trials, appear to be a robust finding in bilingual language switching. The aim of the present study was to examine the intraindividual reliability of language-switch costs by means of a number-naming task with German-English bilinguals. Design/methodology/approach: In a cued language-switching paradigm, participants ( n = 36) switched between German and English. They performed a number-naming task in three different conditions: one-digit numbers; two-digit numbers with decade 10; and two-digit numbers with decade 20. Data and analysis: We examined the experimental effects with an analysis of variance (reaction time and error rate as the dependent variables), using trial language, language sequence and number condition as independent variables. In addition, we calculated the split-half reliability of language-switch costs (across all conditions) as well as the correlations of language-switch costs between the different conditions. Findings/conclusions: While significant language-switch costs emerged in all three number conditions, our results demonstrate a medium-sized correlation between the three experimental conditions. The split-half reliability shows a moderate to strong correlation between the odd- and even-numbered trials in the experiment. Originality: On the one hand, the present study extends the observation of language-switch costs from one-digit number naming to the more complex naming of two-digit numbers. On the other hand, and theoretically even more important, we explored the reliability of language-switch costs in a bilingual number-naming task by calculating both split-half reliability and correlations between different number conditions. Significance/implications: The results indicated that while language-switch costs are a robust experimental effect on the group level, they appear to be less well suited for correlational approaches. This also suggests that caution should be exerted when language-switch costs are used to diagnose the ability of an individual to perform language control.

Several multilingual language production models assume that language control is instigated by conflict monitoring. In turn, conflict adaptation, a control process which makes it easier to resolve interference if previously a high-interference context was detected, should also occur during multilingual production, as it is triggered by conflict monitoring. Because no evidence has been provided for conflict adaptation in the multilingual production literature, we set out to investigate this process using the n-3 effect. Our study showed that the n-3 effect can be observed during multilingual production, and thus provides evidence for conflict adaptation during multilingual production.

Quarterly journal of experimental psychology (2022). doi:10.1177/17470218221128546, Published by SAGE Publishing, Thousand Oaks, CA

Psychological research = Psychologische Forschung 86(7), 2158-2184 (2022). doi:10.1007/s00426-021-01627-x, Published by Springer, Berlin ; Heidelberg

Language switching typically leads to language switch costs. Previous studies demonstrated that production-based language switching often results in reduced costs when the languages are ass...

Journal of cognition 4(1), 55 (2021). doi:10.5334/joc.186, Published by Ubiquity Press, London

Acta psychologica 215, 103275 (2021). doi:10.1016/j.actpsy.2021.103275, Published by Elsevier, Amsterdam

The aim of this study was to examine language switching in a two-digit number naming task. In contrast to single digits, two-digit numbers have a composition rule (i.e., morphological configuration) that may differ between languages. For example, the Arabic number 21 is read with an inverted composition rule in German (unit before decade) and a non-inverted composition rule in English (decade before unit). In the present experiment, one group of German native speakers and one group of Spanish native speakers had to name two-digit numbers in German, English, or Spanish. The results demonstrate a language-switch cost, revealing better performance in language repetition than in language-switch trials. This switch cost was further modulated by repeating or switching the composition rule, since the language repetition benefit (i.e., the switch cost) was reduced in trials with composition-rule switches compared with trials with composition-rule repetitions. This finding indicates that the language in which the number word has to be produced and its composition rule are not switched independently but rather may be integrated into one language schema.

Trends in cognitive sciences S1364661320300565 (2020). doi:10.1016/j.tics.2020.02.004, Published by Elsevier Science, Amsterdam [u.a.]

Language switching typically refers to unimodal switching between two spoken languages. In bimodal language switching, one language is produced vocally and the other language is produced manually (e.g., a sign language). We compared unimodal language switching with two different kinds of bimodal language switching for non-signers. In Experiment 1a and 1b participants switched between speaking and newly learned signs. Participants of Experiment 2 switched between two originally spoken languages in a bimodal way: One language was produced vocally and the other language was produced manually (by typing). Interestingly, switch costs were reduced for bimodal compared to unimodal switching in Experiment 1a and 1b but not in Experiment 2. This speaks for different language control mechanisms. We assume less costly output channel inhibition for switching between speaking and signing (Experiment 1a and 1b) and more costly lexical inhibition for switching between speaking and typing (Experiment 2).

Previous research has indicated that modality switching is considerably affected by modality compatibility. It has been shown that switch costs are higher for switching between relatively incompatible sensory-motor modality mappings (i.e., auditory-manual and visual-vocal) compared to switching between compatible mappings (i.e., auditory-vocal and visual-manual). So far, however, it has been unclear whether these findings are influenced by learning processes resulting from very small stimulus sets and a large number of stimulus repetitions. In the present study, we investigated the role of learning concept-to-category associations (Experiment 1) as well as influences of learning concept-to-modality mappings (Experiment 2) on sensory-motor modality switching in semantic categorizations. The results of both experiments revealed shorter overall reaction times due to learning. Additionally, learning of concept-to-category associations (Experiment 1) led to a significant reduction of modality switch costs. Interestingly, however, modality-compatibility effects were neither significantly influenced by learning of concept-to-category associations nor by learning of concept-to-modality mappings. Thus, the present study provides first evidence that learning on the semantic level influences modality switching but it does not significantly affect modality compatibility.

To examine whether hierarchical higher level task representations comprising the task sets of Task 1 (T1) and Task 2 (T2) are activated within each trial in dual-task situations, we combined the psychological refractory period (PRP) paradigm with the task-pair switching logic (Hirsch et al. 2017). In Experiment 1, in which subjects switched between task-pairs including a varying T1 and a constant T2, we found a PRP effect (i.e., worse performance with short stimulus onset asynchrony [SOA] than with long SOA) and task-pair switch costs in T1 and T2 (impaired performance in task-pair switches compared to task-pair repetitions). However, since in Experiment 1 there were no forward and backward response-response compatibility effects that indicated interference between T1 and T2, we could not exclude that the activation of T1 persisted into the next trial despite the intervening T2, and hence, that task-pair switch costs are due to repetition-priming effects of T1 across task-pairs rather than due to persisting activation of task-pair representations. In Experiment 2, we used a modified task-pair switching logic with a constant T1 and a varying T2, and replicated task-pair switch costs under conditions that not only rule out repetition-priming effects of T1 across task-pairs as the source of task-pair switch costs but also disentangle the effects of switching task-pairs from those of switching T1. These effects were associated in previous studies using the original task-pair switching logic. Thus, the findings of the present study strongly suggest that hierarchical higher level task representations are activated during dual-task processing.

In language switching, it is assumed that in order to produce a response in one language, the other language must be inhibited. In unimodal (spoken-spoken) language switching, the fact that the languages share the same primary output channel (the mouth) means that only one language can be produced at a time. In bimodal (spoken-signed) language switching, however, it is possible to produce both languages simultaneously. In our study, we examined modality effects in language switching using multilingual subjects (speaking German, English, and German Sign Language). Focusing on German vocal responses, since they are directly compatible across conditions, we found shorter reaction times, lower error rates, and smaller switch costs in bimodal vs. unimodal switching. This result suggests that there are different inhibitory mechanisms at work in unimodal and bimodal language switching. We propose that lexical inhibition is involved in unimodal switching, whereas output channel inhibition is involved in bimodal switching.

International audience; Several models have proposed that language control occurs between language representations, such as language tags, and between lemmas. Yet, most research has solely focused on language-control processes between language representations. In the present study, we investigated whether language control can also occur between lemmas by allowing bilinguals to practice a language or language-specific items prior to a language-switching task, and thus change the relative activation of the language representations and/or lemmas. By changing the activation levels, relatively more language control should occur for this language representation and/or lemma relative to their translation-equivalent due to the reactive nature of language control. The results showed that this was all the more so when language-specific items were practiced than when merely a language was practiced. Hence, the current study provides evidence that language control is not restricted to language representations, but could also occur between lemmas.

Language processing always involves a combination of sensory (auditory or visual) and motor modalities (vocal or manual). In line with embodied cognition theories, we additionally assume a semantically implied modality (SIM) due to modality references of the underlying concept. Understanding ear-related words (e.g. “noise”), for example, should activate the auditory SIM. In the present study, we investigated the influence of the SIM on sensory-motor modality switching (e.g. switching between the auditory-vocal and visual-manual combination). During modality switching, participants categorised words with regard to their SIM (e.g. ear- versus eye-related words). Overall performance was improved and switch costs were reduced whenever there was concordance between SIMs and sensory-motor modalities (e.g. an auditory presentation of ear-related words). Thus, the present study provides first evidence for semantic effects during sensory-motor modality switching in terms of facilitation effects whenever th...

In communication, different forms of language combinations are possible for bimodal bilinguals, who use a spoken and a signed language. They can either switch from one language to another (language switching) or produce a word and a sign simultaneously (language blending). The present study examines language control mechanisms in language switching and simultaneous bimodal language production, comparing single-response (German or German Sign Language) and dual-response trials (Blend of the German word and the German Sign Language sign). There were three pure blocks, one for each Target-response (German, German Sign Language, Blend), as well as mixed blocks, in which participants switched between all three Target-responses. We observed language mixing costs, switch costs and dual-response costs. Further, the data pattern showed a specific dual-response advantage for switching into a Blend (i.e., a dual-response trial), indicating the specific nature of a blended response in bimodal bilingual language production.

The ideomotor principle states that actions are represented by their anticipated sensory effects. This notion is often tested using the response-effect compatibility (REC) paradigm, where participants' responses are followed either by a compatible or incompatible response effect (e.g., an effect on the right side after a right-hand response is considered R-E compatible due to the spatial overlap, whereas an effect on the left side after the right-hand response is considered incompatible). Shorter reaction times are typically observed in the compatible condition compared to the incompatible condition (i.e., REC effect), suggesting that effect anticipation plays a role in action control. Previous evidence from verbal REC suggested that effect anticipation can be due to conceptual R-E overlap, but there was also phonological overlap (i.e., anticipated reading of a word preceded by the vocal response of saying that very word). To examine the representational basis of REC, in three experiments, we introduced a bilingual R-E mapping to exclude phonological R-E overlap (i.e., in the R-E compatible condition, the translation equivalent of the response word is presented as an effect word in a different language). Our findings show that the REC effect is obtained when presenting the effect word in the same language as the response (i.e., monolingual condition), but the compatibility effect was not found when the semantically same word is presented in a different language, suggesting no conceptually generalized REC in a bilingual setting. (232 words).

International audience; Many models assume that inhibition plays an integral role during bilingual language control, a process that restricts bilingual language processing to the target language. However, there is limited evidence for such a claim. In the current study, we set out to investigate one known marker of bilingual inhibition (n-2 language repetition costs) that has, so far, mainly been investigated with digits in a production task. Hence, we ran a n-2 language repetition study with other types of stimuli (i.e. pictures and written words) in a production and a comprehension task. The results showed that n-2 language repetition costs were found with both stimulus types in a production task. In the comprehension tasks, n-2 language repetition costs were only observed with one of the two stimulus types and in only one language. These results indicate that inhibition is implemented during bilingual production, and is possible, but not necessary, during bilingual comprehension.

Language switching studies typically implement visual stimuli and visual language cues to trigger a concept and a language response, respectively. In the present study we set out to generalise this to another stimulus modality by investigating language switching with auditory stimuli next to visual stimuli. The results showed that switch costs can be obtained with both auditory and visual stimuli. Yet, switch costs were relatively larger with visual stimuli than with auditory stimuli. Both methodological and theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

International audience; In the current study, we set out to investigate the influence of a sentence context on language switching. The task required German-English bilinguals to produce responses based on an alternating language sequence (L1-L1-L2-L2-...) and concepts in a specific sequential order. The concept sequence was either a sentence which was syntactically correct in both languages (language-unspecific sentence), a sentence which was correct in just one language (language-specific sentence) or a sentence which was syntactically incorrect in both languages (scrambled sentence). No switch costs were observed in language-unspecific sentences. Consequently, switch costs were smaller in those sentences than in the language-specific or scrambled sentences. The language-specific and scrambled sentence did not differ with respect to switch costs. These results demonstrate an important role of sentence context for language switch costs and were interpreted in terms of language interference and preparation processes. (c) 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

The present study examined the influence of phonology on language switching. Unlike previous studies that investigated this influence by comparing words that are phonologically similar vs. dissimilar in two languages, the current language switching study focused on the role of phonological characteristics across words. Specifically, words with the first two phonemes being identical to those of the word in the previous trial were contrasted against words without such phonological overlap. The results revealed that the switch cost asymmetry was influenced by phonological overlap. Further investigation revealed that this influence was mainly due to persisting after-effects of phonological overlap, which caused a reversal of the asymmetrical switch cost pattern in the following trial. These results clearly indicate that manipulations on the level of phonology can have an effect on language switching. Therefore, we propose that, in contrast with the claims of most models, phonological characteristics of words play an important role in language control.

Sensory-motor modality compatibility is defined as the similarity between the sensory modality and the modality of response-related effects. Previous dual-task and task-switching studies have shown higher performance costs for coordinating relatively incompatible sensory-motor modality mappings (i.e., auditory-manual and visual-vocal) compared to more compatible mappings (i.e., auditory-vocal and visual-manual). Until now, however, little attention has been paid to potential variability in effects of modality compatibility depending on different processing codes. In the present study, we independently varied the processing codes of input and output (nonverbal-spatial, nonverbal-nominal, verbal-spatial, verbal-nominal) while participants switched between incompatible and compatible sensory-motor modality mappings. Beside higher switch costs for switching between incompatible sensory-motor modality mappings than for switching between compatible mappings, the results revealed stronger effects of modality compatibility on switch costs for verbal input than for nonverbal input codes. This suggests that priming mechanisms between sensory input and compatible motor output are modulated by the processing code of the sensory input. As possible explanations, we assume a higher degree of concordance with output processing codes as well as stronger associations with potential response effects for verbal than for nonverbal input.

International audience; Whereas some models claim that language control is part of more general executive control, others have proposed that there is little overlap between these two processes. To shed light on this controversy, we compared switching effects observed in closely matched language switching and task switching tasks. The correlation analyses showed a positive moderate to strong correlation between the two switching variants in all three experiments. The results further showed that language-and task-switch costs differed although the cues, stimuli, response modality, and the number of response alternatives were identical across the two switching variants (Experiments 1), and when additionally the same linguistic tasks (picture naming/category naming) were used in both switching variants (Experiment 3), at least for the error rates. However, similar language-and task-switch costs were obtained when the same non-linguistic tasks (parity/magnitude) were used (Experiment 2). These results point towards overlapping mechanisms for language control and executive control. (C) 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

International audience; Bilinguals rely on cognitive control mechanisms like selective activation and inhibition of lexical entries to prevent intrusions from the non-target language. We present cross-linguistic evidence that these mechanisms also operate in bidialectals. Thirty-two native German speakers who sometimes use the Ocher Platt dialect, and thirty-two native English speakers who sometimes use the Dundonian Scots dialect completed a dialect switching task. Naming latencies were higher for switch than for non-switch trials, and lower for cognate compared to non-cognate nouns. Switch costs were symmetrical, regardless of whether participants actively used the dialect or not. In contrast, sixteen monodialectal English speakers, who performed the dialect-switching task after being trained on the Dundonian words, showed asymmetrical switch costs with longer latencies when switching back into Standard English. These results are reminiscent of findings for balanced vs. unbalanced bilinguals, and suggest that monolingual dialect speakers can recruit control mechanisms in similar ways as bilinguals.

International audience; The term “cultural recycling” derives from the neuronal recycling hypothesis, which suggests that representations of cultural inventions like written words, Arabic numbers, or tools can occupy brain areas dedicated to other functions. In the present selective review article, we propose a recycling hypothesis for the ideomotor mechanism. The ideomotor approach assumes that motor actions are controlled by the anticipation of the expected perceptual consequences that they aim to generate in the environment. Arguably, such action–perception mechanisms contribute to motor behaviour for human and non-human animals since millions of years. However, recent empirical studies suggest that the ideomotor mechanism can also contribute to word processing, number representation, and arithmetic. For instance, it has been shown that the anticipatory simulation of abstract semantics, like the numerical quantitative value of three items can prime processing of the associated Arabic number “3”. Arabic numbers, words, or tools represent cultural inventions, so that, from a theoretical perspective, we suggest an ideomotor recycling hypothesis for the interaction with such artefacts. In this view, the ideomotor mechanism spreads its influence to other functions beyond motor control, and is recycled to flexibly adapt different human behaviours towards dealing with more abstract concepts.

The aim of our study was to examine the role of task preparation and task inhibition in age-related task-switching deficits. In 2 experiments, we used a cuing paradigm with 3 tasks and manipulated the cue-stimulus interval (CSI). Additionally, switching among 3 tasks enabled us to examine n-2 task repetition costs, which reflect persisting inhibition of abandoned tasks. In Experiment 1, we found larger mixing costs (i.e., performance in mixed-task blocks vs. single-task blocks) in older adults than in young adults, and preparation effects were smaller in older adults than in young adults. In Experiment 2, where CSIs were blocked instead of randomly varied, we replicated reduced effects of task preparation in older adults. N-2 task repetition costs were not significant in Experiment 1 but significant in Experiment 2, and these costs did not differ across age groups in both experiments. The data suggest a task-preparation deficit in older adults that contributes to increased mixing costs in older adults.

International audience; Language switching has been one of the main tasks to investigate language control, a process that restricts bilingual language processing to the target language. In the current review, we discuss the How (i.e., mechanisms) and Where (i.e., locus of these mechanisms) of language control in language switching. As regards the mechanisms of language control, we describe several empirical markers of language switching and their relation to inhibition, as a potentially important mechanism of language control. From this overview it becomes apparent that some, but not all, markers indicate the occurrence of inhibition during language switching and, thus, language control. In a second part, we turn to the potential locus of language control and the role of different processing stages (concept level, lemma level, phonology, orthography, and outside language processing). Previous studies provide evidence for the employment of several of these processing stages during language control so that either a complex control mechanism involving different processing stages and/or multiple loci of language control have to be assumed. Based on the discussed results, several established and new theoretical avenues are considered.

A precondition for efficiently understanding and memorizing graphs is the integration of all relevant graph elements and their meaning. In the present study, we analyzed integration processes by manipulating the spatial compatibility between elements in the data region and the legend. In Experiment 1, participants judged whether bar graphs depicting either statistical main effects or interactions correspond to previously presented statements. In Experiments 2 and 3, the same was tested with line graphs of varying complexity. In Experiment 4, participants memorized line graphs for a subsequent validation task. Throughout the experiments, eye movements were recorded. The results indicated that data-legend compatibility reduced the time needed to understand graphs, as well as the time needed to retrieve relevant graph information from memory. These advantages went hand in hand with a decrease of gaze transitions between the data region and the legend, indicating that data-legend compatibility decreases the difficulty of integration processes.

The execution of a task necessitates the use of a specific response modality. We examined the role of different response modalities by using a task-switching paradigm. In Experiment 1, subjects switched between two numerical judgments, whereas response modality (vocal vs. manual vs. foot responses) was manipulated between groups. We found judgment-shift costs in each group, that is irrespective of the response modality. In Experiment 2, subjects switched between response modalities (vocal vs. manual, vocal vs. foot, or manual vs. foot). We observed response-modality shift costs that were comparable in all groups. In sum, the experiments suggest that the response modality (combination) does not affect switching per se. Yet, modality-shift costs occur when subjects switch between response modalities. Thus, we suppose that modality-shift costs are not due to a purely motor-related mechanisms but rather emerge from a general switching process. Consequently, the response modality has to be considered as a cognitive component in models of task switching.

The present study examined the cognitive representation of tasks ("task sets") using the task-switching paradigm. To do so, we manipulated the task-set components "judgment" (i. e., stimulus categories) and "response modality" orthogonally in two-componential switching experiments. In Experiment 1, we additionally manipulated the type of cues, whereas we manipulated the cue-stimulus interval (CSI) in Experiments 2 and 3. We found that the two task-set components were not represented independently but interacted. Furthermore, preparation was substantially better when both task-set components were cued simultaneously with a long CSI than when only one task-set component could be prepared. Therefore, we suppose that both task-set components were integrated into a single task representation and that task-set integration is necessary prior to response selection. Thus, even components that have been classified as motor-related so far (e. g., the response modality) need to be specified and integrated into a task representation before the selection of a response.

The concept of inhibition plays a major role in cognitive psychology. In the present article, we review the evidence for the inhibition of task sets. In the first part, we critically discuss empirical findings of task inhibition from studies that applied variants of the task-switching methodology and argue that most of these findings— such as switch cost asymmetries—are ambiguous. In the second part, we focus on n-22 task-repetition costs, which currently constitute the most convincing evidence for inhibition of task sets. n-22 repetition costs refer to the performance impairment in sequences of the ABA type relative to CBA, which can be interpreted in terms of persisting inhibition of previously abandoned tasks. The available evidence suggests that inhibition is primarily triggered by conflict at selection of stimulus attributes and at the response level. Author Note

The present study examined cross-modal selective attention using a task-switching paradigm. In a series of experiments, we presented lateralized visual and auditory stimuli simultaneously and asked participants to make a spatial decision according to either the visual or the auditory stimulus. We observed consistent cross-modal interference in the form of a spatial congruence effect. This effect was asymmetrical, with higher costs when responding to auditory than to visual stimuli. Furthermore, we found stimulus-modality-shift costs, indicating a persisting attentional bias towards the attended stimulus modality. We discuss our findings with respect to visual dominance, directed-attention accounts, and the modality-appropriateness hypothesis.

We used language-defined response sets (digit names from 1 to 9 in different languages) to explore inhibitory processes in language switching. Subjects were required to switch between two (Experiment 1) or among three (Experiment 2) languages. In Experiment 1, we obtained a shift cost when subjects switched between their first and second language, between their first and third language, or between their second and third language. For each language pairing, the shift cost was larger for the relatively dominant language than for the nondominant language (i.e., asymmetric shift cost). In Experiment 2, we assessed inhibition of response sets as reflected in n-2 repetition cost (i.e., the difference between ABA and CBA language sequences). We discuss both effects with respect to inhibitory processes in language switching. The results suggest different functional characteristics of the processes underlying asymmetric shift cost and n-2 repetition cost.

The present study used a go/no-go signal delay (GSD) to explore the role of response-related processes in task switching. A go/no-go signal was presented at either 100 ms or 1,500 ms after the stimulus. Participants were encouraged to use the GSD for response selection and preparation. The data indicate that the opportunity to select and prepare a response (i.e., long GSD) resulted in a substantial reduction of task-shift costs (Experiment 1) and n-2 task-repetition costs (i.e., backward inhibition; Experiment 2) in the current trial. These results suggest that interference from the preceding trial can be resolved during response selection and preparation. Furthermore, the shift costs and the n-2 repetition costs after no-go trials with long GSD (i.e., response selection but no execution) were markedly smaller than after go trials. These findings suggest that the interference that gives rise to shift costs and n-2 repetition costs is related not solely to response selection but also to response execution. Thus, the present study demonstrates dissociable contributions of response selection and response execution to interference effects in task switching.

International audience; Several, but not all models of language control assume that highly proficient bilinguals implement little to no inhibition during bilingual language production. In the current study, we tested this assumption with a less equivocal marker of inhibition (i.e., n-2 language repetition costs) than previous language switching studies have. N-2 language repetition costs denote worse performance when switching back to a recently abandoned language (i.e., worse performance in ABA language sequences than CBA sequences, where A, B, and C refer to different languages). Whereas this marker has solely been used to investigate second-language learners in prior studies, we examined highly proficient bilinguals. The results showed that substantial n-2 language repetition costs can he observed with highly proficient bilinguals. Moreover, this inhibition effect was substantial :for all 3 languages, but larger for the 2 dominant languages (Turkish and German) relative to the less proficient language (English). These findings indicate that even highly proficient bilinguals implement inhibition to restrict language production to the target language.

Previous studies suggested that random switching between pro- and antisaccades increases errors in both tasks. However, little is known about the effects of switching between leftward and rightward saccades (response switching). The present study investigated task and response switching using an alternating runs procedure. Tasks (i.e., prosaccades versus antisaccades) were switched every second trial. Response switches (i.e., leftward saccades versus rightward saccades) were counterbalanced across tasks and task-switching conditions. Task switching increased errors in both tasks. Response switching increased errors when antisaccades were preceded by antisaccades but not when antisaccades were preceded by prosaccades or for prosaccades regardless of the preceding saccade type. The task-switch effects suggest that both pro- and antisaccade trials activate specific production rules that can persist in a subsequent trial. The differential response-switch effects may reflect different modes of response activation in pro- and antisaccades (sensorimotor transformation of visual information versus selection of motor programs).

Abstract. Task inhibition was explored in two experiments that employed a paradigm in which participants switched among three tasks. Two tasks required manual choice responses based on numerical judgment (parity or magnitude), whereas a third task required an unconditional double-press of both response keys. Both experiments showed that switching to a just-abandoned task (n-2 task repetition) generally leads to a performance cost relative to switching to another task. Specifically, this task inhibition effect also occurred for the double-press task, suggesting inhibition of response mode. Prolonging the task-cuing interval showed that advance task preparation reduced only inhibition of the double-press task but not of the choice tasks (Experiment 1). Prolonging the response-cue interval led to a decrease of the inhibition effect in all tasks (Experiment 2), suggesting a time-based release of task inhibition. Together, the experiments support the notion of a response-related component of task inhibition.

Language processing requires the combination of compatible (auditory-vocal and visual-manual) or incompatible (auditory-manual and visual-vocal) sensory-motor modalities, and switching between these sensory-motor modality combinations is very common in every-day life. Sensory-motor modality compatibility is defined as the similarity of stimulus modality and the modality of response-related sensory consequences. We investigated the influence of sensory-motor modality compatibility during performing language-related cognitive operations on different linguistic levels. More specifically, we used a variant of the task-switching paradigm, in which participants had to switch between compatible or between incompatible sensory-motor modality combinations during a verbal semantic categorization (Experiment 1) or during a word-form decision (Experiment 2). The data show higher switch costs (i.e., higher reaction times and error rates in switch trials compared to repetition trials) in incompatible sensory-motor modality combinations than in compatible sensory-motor modality combinations. This was true for every language-related cognitive operation, regardless of the individual linguistic level. Taken together, the present study demonstrates that sensory-motor modality compatibility plays an important role in modality switching during language processing.

The current study systematically examined the influence of sequential predictability of languages and concepts on language switching. To this end, 2 language switching paradigms were combined. To measure language switching with a random sequence of languages and/or concepts, we used a language switching paradigm that implements visual cues and stimuli. The other paradigm implements a fixed sequence of languages and/or concepts to measure predictable language switching. Four experiments that used these 2 paradigms showed that switch costs were smaller when both the language and concept were predictably known, whereas no overall switch cost reduction was found when just the language or concept was predictable. These results indicate that knowing both language and concept (i.e., response) can resolve language interference. However, interference resolution does not start solely based on the knowledge of which concept or language one has to produce. We discuss how existent models should be revised to accommodate these results.

To investigate bilingual language control, prior language switching studies presented visual objects, which had to be named in different languages, typically indicated by a visual cue. The present study examined language switching of predictable responses by introducing a novel sequence-based language switching paradigm. In 4 experiments, sequential responses (i.e., weekdays, numbers or new sequences) and an alternating language sequence (e.g., L1-L1-L2-L2) were implemented, both of which were memory based. Our data revealed switch costs, showing that a language switch is associated with worse performance compared with a language repetition, and mixing costs, which constitutes the performance difference between pure and mixed language blocks, even while producing entirely predictable responses (i.e., language and concept). Additionally, we found these switch costs with overlearned and new sequences and found that switch costs were reduced with longer preparation time. The obtained data are consistent with a proactive interference account, such as the inhibitory control model.