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OBJECTIVE: To quantify discrepancies between opioid prescribing and dispensing via the percentage of patients with Electronic Medical Record (EMR) prescriptions who subsequently filled the prescription within 90 days, defined as congruence, and compared opioid congruence with related medications. DATA SOURCES: Deidentified data from the IBM MarketScan Explorys Claims‐EMR Dataset. STUDY DESIGN: In this retrospective, observational study, we examined congruence for commonly prescribed controlled substances—opioids, stimulants, and benzodiazepines. Congruence was stratified by age group and sex. DATA COLLECTION/EXTRACTION METHODS: Continuously enrolled adults aged 18‐64 years with an EMR encounter (excluding inpatient settings) and ≥ 1 prescription for selected classes between 1/1/2016 and 10/2/2017. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: During the study period, 1,353,478 adults had ≥1 EMR encounter. Patients with stimulants prescriptions had the highest congruence (83%) corresponding to 7151 claims for 8,635 EMR prescriptions, followed by opioids (66%; 62,766/95,690) and benzodiazepines (64%; 30,181/47,408). Chi‐square testing showed congruence differed by age group within opioids (P

Background Prescription opioid use during pregnancy has been associated with poor outcomes for mothers and infants. Studies using administrative data have estimated that 14%-22% of women filled a prescription for opioids during pregnancy; however, data on self-reported prescription opioid use during pregnancy are limited. Methods CDC analyzed 2019 data from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) survey in 32 jurisdictions and maternal and infant health surveys in two additional jurisdictions not participating in PRAMS to estimate self-reported prescription opioid pain reliever (prescription opioid) use during pregnancy overall and by maternal characteristics among women with a recent live birth. This study describes source of prescription opioids, reasons for use, want or need to cut down or stop use, and receipt of health care provider counseling on how use during pregnancy can affect an infant. Results An estimated 6.6% of respondents reported prescription opioid use during pregnancy. Among these women, 21.2% reported misuse (a source other than a health care provider or a reason for use other than pain), 27.1% indicated wanting or needing to cut down or stop using, and 68.1% received counseling from a provider on how prescription opioid use during pregnancy could affect an infant. Conclusions and implications for public health practice Among respondents reporting opioid use during pregnancy, most indicated receiving prescription opioids from a health care provider and using for pain reasons; however, answers from one in five women indicated misuse. Improved screening for opioid misuse and treatment of opioid use disorder in pregnant patients might prevent adverse outcomes. Implementation of public health strategies (e.g., improving state prescription drug monitoring program use and enhancing provider training) can support delivery of evidence-based care for pregnant women.

ImportanceBuprenorphine has been approved for opioid use disorder treatment, yet remains underutilized. Cost may present a barrier; little is known about how out-of-pocket costs vary.ObjectiveTo determine if out-of-pocket costs and prescription characteristics for buprenorphine varied by type of payer.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis cross-sectional study used all-payer data on retail pharmacy–dispensed buprenorphine prescriptions from January 1, 2015, through December 31, 2020, for adults (aged ≥18 years) in the US, excluding formulations primarily used to treat pain. Data were analyzed from July 2021 to June 2022.ExposuresType of payer (private and commercial, self-pay, Medicaid, Medicare, assistance, and unknown) for dispensed prescription.Main Outcomes and MeasuresAll outcomes are prescription-level. Mean and median daily out-of-pocket costs were calculated overall and by payer type. Prescription characteristics (days supplied, patient age and sex, generic vs name brand formulations, and prescriber’s location) were examined by payer type.ResultsAlthough mean daily out-of-pocket costs decreased overall from $4.79 (95% CI, $4.79-$4.80) in 2015 (7 375 508 prescriptions) to $1.91 (95% CI, $1.90-$1.91) in 2020 (13 486 822 prescriptions), out-of-pocket costs continued to vary by payer in 2020. Medicaid had the lowest mean daily out-of-pocket cost across all years—$0.18 (95% CI, $0.18-$0.18) in 2015, and $0.10 (95% CI, $0.10-$0.10) in 2020. Private and commercial paid prescriptions fell from $4.80 (95% CI, $4.79-$4.81) per day in 2015 to $1.82 (95% CI, $1.82-$1.83) in 2020. Self-pay and assistance categories had the highest mean daily out-of-pocket costs across study years ($9.76 [95% CI, $9.74-$9.78] and $8.72 [95% CI, $8.71-$8.73], respectively, in 2015; $8.44 [95% CI, $8.43-$8.46] and $6.31 [95% CI, $6.30-$6.31], respectively, in 2020). Medicaid paid prescriptions had a mean supply of 15.59 days (95% CI, 15.58-15.59 days) and the lowest percentage of generic prescriptions (57.88%; 95% CI, 57.84%-57.92%). Out-of-pocket cost varied by prescriber location and patient characteristics; mean costs were highest for prescriptions written in the South ($2.91; 95% CI, $2.90-$2.91), metropolitan counties ($1.93; 95% CI, $1.93-$1.93), and for individuals aged 35 to 44 years ($2.10; 95% CI, $2.09-$2.10).Conclusions and RelevanceThis cross-sectional study found that mean daily out-of-pocket costs for buprenorphine were lower in 2020 than in 2015, but variation by payer existed in all study years. Financial barriers to accessing and maintaining buprenorphine for opioid use disorder treatment may exist and differ by type of prescription coverage. Future research could monitor costs and identify potential barriers that may impact access and retention in care.

Between 2012 and 2018, incidents of opioid-involved injuries surged and the number of children in foster care due to parental drug use disorder increased. Treatments for opioid use disorder (OUD) might prevent or reduce the amount of time that children spend in the child welfare system. Using administrative data, we examined the impact of Medicaid expansion and state support for methadone as a medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD) on first-time foster care placements. Results show that first-time foster care entries due to parental drug use disorder experienced a reduction of 28 per 100,000 children in Medicaid expansion states with methadone MOUD covered by their state Medicaid programs. The largest reduction was found among non-Hispanic Black children and the youngest children (age 0–1 years). Policies that increase OUD treatment access may reduce foster care placements by reducing parents’ drug use, a risk factor for child abuse/neglect and subsequent home removal.

Background/Objective: Persistent instability in insurance coverage before and after pregnancy among low-income mothers in the United States contributes to delayed prenatal care and poor in...

We use data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) from 2012 to 2015 to estimate the effects of the Affordable Care Act's (ACA) Medicaid expansions on insurance coverage and access to care for low-income women of reproductive age (19-44).We use two-way fixed effects difference-in-differences models to estimate the effects of Medicaid expansions on low-income (100% of the Federal Poverty Level) women of reproductive age. Additional models are stratified to estimate effects based on women's parental status, pre-ACA state Medicaid eligibility levels, and the presence of a state Medicaid family planning waiver.ACA Medicaid expansions decreased uninsurance among low-income women of reproductive age by 13.2 percentage points. This decrease was driven by a decrease of 27.4 percentage points for women without dependent children, who also experienced a decrease in the likelihood of not having a personal doctor (13.3 percentage points). We find a 3.8-percentage point reduction in the likelihood of experiencing a cost barrier to care among all women, but no significant effects for other access measures or subgroups. When stratified by state policies, decreases in uninsurance were greater in states expanding from pre-ACA eligibility levels of less than 50% of Federal Poverty Level (19.4 percentage points) and in states without a Medicaid family planning waiver (17.6 percentage points).The ACA Medicaid expansion increased insurance coverage for low-income women of reproductive age, with the greatest effects for women without dependent children and women residing in states with relatively lower pre-ACA Medicaid eligibility levels or with no family planning waiver before the ACA.

This cross-sectional study examines the national incidence rate of neonatal abstinence syndrome using data from the 2016 Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project Kids’ Inpatient Database.

INTRODUCTION: This study measures effects on the receipt of preventive care among children enrolled in Georgia’s Medicaid or Children’s Health Insurance Program associated with the implementation of new elementary school-based health centers. The study sites differed by geographic environment and predominant race/ethnicity (rural non-Hispanic white, small city black, and suburban Hispanic). METHODS: A quasi-experimental treatment/control cohort study used Medicaid/Children’s Health Insurance Program claims/enrollment data for children in school-years pre-implementation (2011–2012 and 2012–2013) versus post-implementation (2013–2014 to 2016–2017) of school-based health centers to estimate effects on preventive care among children with (treatment) and without (control) access to a school-based health center. Data analysis was performed 2017–2019. There were 1,531 unique children in the treatment group with an average of 4.18 school years observed and 1,737 in the control group with 4.32 school years observed. A total of 1,243 Medicaid/Children’s Health Insurance Program–insured children in the treatment group used their school-based health centers. RESULTS: Significant increases in well-child visits (5.9 percentage points, p

Background Ensuring that women with Medicaid-covered births retain coverage beyond 60 days postpartum can help women to receive care that will improve their health outcomes. Little is known about the extent to which the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion has allowed for longer postpartum coverage as more women entering Medicaid under a pregnancy eligibility category could now become income eligible. This study investigates whether Ohio's Medicaid expansion increased continuous enrollment and use of covered services postpartum, including postpartum visit attendance, receipt of contraceptive counseling, and use of contraceptive methods. Methods We used Ohio's linked Medicaid claims and vital records data to derive a study cohort whose prepregnancy and 6-month postpartum period occurred fully in either before (January 2011 to June 2013) or after (November 2014 to December 2015) the ACA Medicaid expansion implementation period (N = 170,787 after exclusions). We categorized women in this cohort according to whether they were pregnancy eligible (the treatment group) or income eligible (the comparison group) as they entered Medicaid and used multivariate logistic regression to test for differences in the association of the ACA expansion with their postpartum enrollment in Medicaid and use of services. Results Women who entered Ohio Medicaid in the pregnancy eligible category had a 7.7 percentage point increase in the probability of remaining continuously enrolled 6 months postpartum relative to those entering as income eligible. Income eligible women had approximately a 5.0 percentage point increased likelihood of both a postpartum visit and use of long-acting reversible contraceptives. Pregnancy-eligible women had a significant but smaller (approximately 2 percentage point) increase in the likelihood of long-acting reversible contraceptive use. Conclusions Ohio's ACA Medicaid expansion was associated with a significant increase in the probability of women's continuous enrollment in Medicaid and use of long-acting reversible contraceptives through 6 months postpartum. Together, these changes translate into decreased risks of unintended pregnancy and short interpregnancy intervals.

The risk of maternal death in the United States is higher than peer nations and is rising and varies dramatically by the race and place of residence of the woman. Critical efforts to reduce maternal mortality include patient risk stratification and system-level quality improvement efforts targeting specific aspects of clinical care. These efforts are important for addressing the causes of an individual's risk, but research to date suggests that individual risk factors alone do not adequately explain between-group disparities in pregnancy-related death by race, ethnicity, or geography. The holistic review and multidisciplinary makeup of maternal mortality review committees make them well positioned to fill knowledge gaps about the drivers of racial and geographic inequity in maternal death. However, committees may lack the conceptual framework, contextual data, and evidence base needed to identify community-based contributing factors to death and, when appropriate, to make recommendations for future action. By incorporating a multileveled, theory-grounded framework for causes of health inequity, along with indicators of the community vital signs, the social and community context in which women live, work, and seek health care, maternal mortality review committees may identify novel underlying factors at the community level that enhance understanding of racial and geographic inequity in maternal mortality. By considering evidence-informed community and regional resources and policies for addressing these factors, novel prevention recommendations, including recommendations that extend outside the realm of the formal health care system, may emerge.