Search

This book was originally published in the journal Business History, volume 63, issue 8 (2021) pp. 1357-1370

This article focuses on the interaction between the state and Swedish banks during the establishment of two institutes for small business credit, AB Industrikredit and AB Företagskredit, between 1958 and 1962. These institutes were established as intermediaries between the supplementary pension system and the credit market. We have been able to elucidate this process by the Swedish Bankers' Association granting us privileged access to archival material on these negotiations. It is demonstrated that the strong ideological conflict characterizing the parliamentary debate on the supplementary pensions system did not spill over into the system being implemented within the financial sector as this was organized through the examined credit institutes. Instead, the banks and the state were able to negotiate through established channels and arenas for business-government relations in the financial sector. Even if the parties initially exhibited mistrust based on different historical interpretations of the market for small business credit, they also recognized the degree of change that would be brought on by the supplementary pension system with regard to the financial markets and capital formation as a whole. Hence, they downplayed ideological differences and strived to reach an outcome that was mutually beneficial in its final form. A crucial indication of this consensus is that fifty percent of each institute was owned by the state while the other fifty percent was owned by the banks., Alternative title: "Det sammanflätade intresset: Staten, affärsbankerna och småföretagen i ATP-systemet 1958-1962"

When the Swedish state nationalised the mining company LKAB in 1957, it became the sole owner of one of the richest iron ore fields in the world. The government was aware that iron ore was a non-renewable resource and wished to conserve this wealth for future generations by allocating part of the revenue from LKAB to a mineral trust fund. This article investigates the decision-making process that created the LKAB trust fund. We demonstrate that, initially, the Social Democratic government had a dual goal with the LKAB trust fund. On the one hand, it wanted to use the revenue from LKAB to fund applied scientific and technical research to complement research and development within the private sector, thereby aiming to accelerate economic growth. On the other hand, the government were very concerned about the economic development of northern Sweden, where LKAB's mines were located. It wished to reduce the dependence on natural resource exports and to diversify the regional economy by providing capital for investments in the manufacturing industry. However, the government eventually came to the decision that these disparate goals could only be realized by creating two separate funds. One fund, the so-called Ore fund (Malmfonden) was created to fund applied technical and scientific research. The other fund, the so-called Norrland fund (Norrlandsfonden), was created to provide investment capital for manufacturing industries in northern Sweden. The Social Democratic government had strong political ambitions to develop both these areas. To retain its commitment to national growth, it wanted the state to keep technological development in the economy at a sufficient level. The government also had a growing commitment towards spatial cohesion and began to implement active regional policies in northern Sweden. By stimulating investment in manufacturing industries, it hoped to break what was perceived as long-standing structural problems of regional unemployment and unbalanced o

When the Swedish state nationalised the mining company LKAB in 1957, it became the sole owner of one of the richest iron ore fields in the world. The government was aware that iron ore was a non-renewable resource and wished to conserve this wealth for future generations by allocating part of the revenue from LKAB to a mineral trust fund. This article investigates the decision-making process that created the LKAB trust fund. We demonstrate that, initially, the Social Democratic government had a dual goal with the LKAB trust fund. On the one hand, it wanted to use the revenue from LKAB to fund applied scientific and technical research to complement research and development within the private sector, thereby aiming to accelerate economic growth. On the other hand, the government were very concerned about the economic development of northern Sweden, where LKAB´s mines were located. It wished to reduce the dependence on natural resource exports and to diversify the regional economy by providing capital for investments in the manufacturing industry. However, the government eventually came to the decision that these disparate goals could only be realized by creating two separate funds. One fund, the so-called Ore fund (Malmfonden) was created to fund applied technical and scientific research. The other fund, the so-called Norrland fund (Norrlandsfonden), was created to provide investment capital for manufacturing industries in northern Sweden. The Social Democratic government had strong political ambitions to develop both these areas. To retain its commitment to national growth, it wanted the state to keep technological development in the economy at a sufficient level. The government also had a growing commitment towards spatial cohesion and began to implement active regional policies in northern Sweden. By stimulating investment in manufacturing industries, it hoped to break what was perceived as long-standing structural problems of regional unemployment and unbalanced, I samband med att LKAB förstatligades 1957 ville staten skapa alternativa inkomstkällor utanför gruvbrytningen genom att använda LKAB:s vinster för framtidsinriktade syften. Resultatet blev två fonder: Malmfonden, som var en nationell fond för teknisk-naturvetenskaplig forskning, och Norrlandsfonden, som var en fond för kreditgivning till regionalpolitiskt motiverade industriinvesteringar. Uppsatsen beskriver tillkomsten av dessa fonder och hur malmintäkterna fördelades mellan dem.

This article focuses on the interaction between the state and Swedish banks during the establishment of two institutes for small business credit, AB Industrikredit and AB Företagskredit, between 1958 and 1962. These institutes were established as intermediaries between the supplementary pension system and the credit market. We have been able to elucidate this process by the Swedish Bankers’ Association granting us privileged access to archival material on these negotiations. It is demonstrated that the strong ideological conflict characterizing the parliamentary debate on the supplementary pensions system did not spill over into the system being implemented within the financial sector as this was organized through the examined credit institutes. Instead, the banks and the state were able to negotiate through established channels and arenas for business-government relations in the financial sector. Even if the parties initially exhibited mistrust based on different historical interpretations of the market for small business credit, they also recognized the degree of change that would be brought on by the supplementary pension system with regard to the financial markets and capital formation as a whole. Hence, they downplayed ideological differences and strived to reach an outcomethat was mutually beneficial in its final form. A crucial indication of this consensus is that fifty percent of each institute was owned by the state while the other fifty percent was owned by the banks.

One debate within the varieties of capitalism approach deals with the significance of institutions below the national level. On the basis of a case study of the loan guarantee system, this article deals with the interaction between institutions and regional actors in Sweden during the formation of post-war regional development policy. We conclude that regional economic problems have been addressed through adaptation of national institutions. From an actor perspective, these results correspond with the revised VoC framework which emphasises that state institutions provide both a framework for business activities and a means for pursuing them.

One debate within the varieties of capitalism approach deals with the significance of institutions below the national level. On the basis of a case study of the loan guarantee system, this article deals with the interaction between institutions and regional actors in Sweden during the formation of post-war regional development policy. We conclude that regional economic problems have been addressed through adaptation of national institutions. From an actor perspective, these results correspond with the revised VoC framework which emphasises that state institutions provide both a framework for business activities and a means for pursuing them.

1972 tillkännagav regeringen stolt att staten skulle göra en stor satsning och ge industristöd till det anrika konfektionsföretaget Algot Johansson AB (Algots) för att etablera textilindustri på tre orter i Västerbotten genom ett dotterbolag kallat Algots Nord. Det var på många sätt ett ovanligt initiativ. Det är ett av de genom tiderna största lokaliseringsstöden som staten gett till ett privat industriföretag och en av få satsningar i svensk industripolitik som riktat in sig på kvinnlig sysselsättning. Här skulle tusen jobb skapas i en region där den kvinnliga arbetslösheten var hög och arbetstillfällena få. Fallet Algots Nord kan ses som en symbol för en politisk era där beslutsfattarna hade höga ambitioner och gott självförtroende, men där dessa ambitioner på kort tid resulterade i stora förluster, många förlorade jobb och en härva av konflikter.

I dag ser vi stora förändringar i det svenska samhället i form av avregleringar – eller snarare omregleringar. Samtidigt har debatten om avregleringarna i den svenska ekonomin polariserats alltmer. Å ena sidan framställs avregleringsvågen som något naturnödvändigt och helt självklart. Å andra sidan ses den som en del av en högersammansvärjning, ägnad att torpedera välfärdssamhället. Bakom båda uppfattningarna finns föreställningen att avregleringarna är en avvikelse eller nyorientering från ett läge där regleringar alltid har funnits – alltså att perioden efter 1990 skulle vara unik. Författarna sätter detta fenomen i ett större perspektiv genom att diskutera och dra lärdomar från ett antal omreglerade sektorer i den svenska ekonomin. De använder historiska exempel för att belysa olika faser i vår moderna regleringshistoria. Exemplen hämtas bland annat från sektorer som tele, järnväg och buss, post, flyg, elbransch, vård, skola och apotek. Hur såg omvandlingen till en reglerad ekonomi ut i Sverige, och vilka drivkrafter låg bakom dessa förändringar? Författarna, Lena Andersson-Skog och Jan Ottosson är professorer i ekonomisk historia vid Umeå universitet respektive Uppsala universitet.

I dag ser vi stora förändringar i det svenska samhället i form av avregleringar – eller snarare omregleringar. Samtidigt har debatten om avregleringarna i den svenska ekonomin polariserats alltmer. Å ena sidan framställs avregleringsvågen som något naturnödvändigt och helt självklart. Å andra sidan ses den som en del av högersammansvärjning, ägnat att torpedera välfärdssamhället. Bakom båda uppfattningarna finns föreställningen att avregleringarna är en avvikelse eller nyorientering från ett läge där regleringar alltid har funnits - alltså att perioden efter 1990 skulle vara unik. Författarna sätter detta fenomen i ett större perspektiv genom att diskutera och dra lärdomar från ett antal omreglerade sektorer i den svenska ekonomin. De använder historiska exempel för att belysa olika faser i vår moderna regleringshistoria. Exemplen berör sektorerna som järnvägen, telekommunikationer, posten, bussbranschen, flyget, elsektorn, vård och skola och apotek. Hur såg omvandlingen till en reglerad ekonomi ut i Sverige, och vilka drivkrafter låg bakom dessa förändringar?

It has been suggested that Swedish policy during the early post-war period was strongly directed towards mobility-increasing expenditures – most notably relocation allowances – aimed at moving labour from north to south. While this view has dominated the academic discussion on labour market policy, there is little direct evidence. We make three claims. First, the relocation allowances have to be evaluated against the regional policy. Second, by doing so we show that the mobility-oriented policy was predominant only for a short period of time: in the early 1970s, there was a decisive shift towards a policy directed at stimulating employment in the north. Third, drawing on this, we revaluate the previous view on policy making in Sweden. Our analysis suggests that the Social Democratic government acted in a voter-maximizing way. The relocation allowances were introduced at the behest of the Trade Union Confederation (LO). The regional subsidies were expanded when voter sentiment turned against the perceived depletion of rural regions. However, this strategy interacted with the political and institutional environment. The new election law in 1970 and political competition from the Centre Party pushed the Social Democrats to shift their policies on regional subsidies.

A general bias in most welfare states has been to use public revenues to deal with inequality in social and economic programmes. However, tax policies and regulatory tax reforms very seldom consider that gender norms and practices have had profound effects in shaping tax systems, which has become hindrance for achieving economic gender equality. By applying a gender perspective on family and business taxation we want to show that breadwinning and support of the family are common dominators for how the modern income taxation was constructed. A common understanding is that the consequence of this transformation from family economy to market economy also lead to a permanent and clear cut between these two spheres of economy. We will show that this idea of separation is more of a fiction than the reality.

Två hjälpande händer. Statliga stöd till företagens överlevnad och arbetskraftens rörlighet

Recension av: Design by IKEA – A Cultural History. Sara Kristoffersson, Bloomsbury, 148 sidor, ISBN: 9780857858139

Två hjälpande händer. Statliga stöd till företagens överlevnad och arbetskraftens rörlighet

Recension av: Larsson, Mats, Lönnborg, Mikael & Winroth, Karin (red.), Entreprenörskap och varumärken, Gidlund, Möklinta, 2013