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Affirmative action is any policy or program that provides special consideration to historically excluded groups, like racial minorities. Affirmative action in higher education is largely understood...

Purpose: This study examines differences in the mechanisms that charter schools and traditional public schools use to facilitate parental school involvement and the degree to which these differences account for the high levels of involvement among charter school parents. Data and Research Methods: We merge data from principals and teachers from the nationally representative Schools and Staffing Survey and National Teacher and Principal Survey with nonprofit tax data from the National Center for Charitable Statistics. We use ordinary least squares regression to explain how charter and traditional public schools involve parents in communal, public-good activities, and individualistic, private-good activities within schools. Findings: Charters are less likely than traditional public schools to use bureaucratic structures, like parent–teacher organizations, and more likely to use nontraditional and less bureaucratic structures, like parent workshops and compacts. The use of such structures mediates a portion of the charter advantage; however, they only partially explain the association between being a charter and parent involvement. Additionally, we find some of the outreach structures that are most common in charter schools, including compacts, are also more strongly associated with parent involvement in charter schools than in traditional public schools. Implications: While charters have more public-good and private-good parent involvement than traditional public schools, our results suggest that the uncritical adoption of outreach strategies from one sector to another is unlikely to result in equal gains in parental involvement.

First-generation immigrants (FGIs) are eager to achieve the American dream and acquire the advantages a bachelor’s degree affords. FGIs compared to their second-generation, third-generation and nat...

Scholarship on the links between families and schools encompasses contradictory notions about social capital and its relation to inequality. One view holds that schools can narrow inequality by generating dense relationships among families, while others suggest that advantaged parents can use these networks to hoard opportunities. This multiple case study analyzes qualitative data from diverse North Carolina elementary schools to learn how parents build and deploy social capital. We distinguish between bonding social capital, built in dense, homogeneous networks, and bridging social capital, gained through relationships across a social distance. Our analyses suggest that bonding alone is associated with opportunity hoarding; however, when schools are committed to building both bridging and bonding social capital, they can produce more equitable and inclusive schools.

Racial boundaries are hard to measure but consequential for understanding larger processes of racial inequality. Some argue that the racial hierarchy is expanding to include a third category for non-black minority identities while others believe that a binary racial hierarchy will persist as many non-black minorities will come to be seen as white. I use the National Longitudinal Study of Youth 1997 to investigate how racial identities that vary (either because racial identities changed across survey waves or because racial identities are incongruent with interviewer perceptions) speak to each of these theories. I assess the frequency of different racial variations and how different patterns of racial variations are associated with individuals’ perceived level of happiness. When racial identities vary across time, context, or the perception of others, the work required to negotiate a racial identity can take a psychological toll and may decrease happiness. I find support for the whitening hypothesis; the most common type of racial variation includes respondents classified as non-black minorities by a household member later claiming a white identity. And, for those individuals, claiming a white identity is congruent with how they are perceived by interviewers. In addition, only for individuals who crossed black boundaries is racial variability consequential to perceived happiness, evidencing a strong racial boundary between black and anything else and more permeability in the boundary between non-black minorities and whites.

Studies assessing differences between intraracial and interracial marriages typically use race data from one time point. Yet because racial identification can vary across time, context, or perspective, whether a relationship is defined as intraracial or interracial can also differ. We use a sample of 2,845 respondents from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1997, whose marriages are intraracial (based on 2002 data) to examine whether marital stability differs for those whose racial identification varied across waves and whether this effect is moderated by gender. Approximately 6% of respondents in intraracial relationships had inconsistent racial identities. We also find evidence that the association between racial variation and marital stability differs by gender. Women whose race varied are more likely to divorce than any other group, including static-race couples and men whose race varied. More attention should be given to intraracial heterogeneity, especially as groups that are more likely to have varying racial identities grow in number.