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This article analyzes the "account book" of Kim Young-hoon (1882-1974), which summarizes information about patients at his Bochun Clinic in Seoul (then Gyeongseong) in 1931. Kim Young-hoon was a pivotal figure in the medical scene throughout the Korean Empire, the Japanese occupation, and the early years of the Republic of Korea. He left behind a large amount of documentation during his 60 years of practice at the Bochun Clinic, which he opened in the spring of 1909. In particular, the 1931 "account book" offers an insight into the daily life histories of his patients. Among the patient-visitors recorded in the account book, there were many influential people of the time, ranging from privileged individuals to anti-Japanese independence activists, from those in political and economic fields to those in academic and entertainment fields. At the same time, a significant number of lower-class people also visited the Clinic. Geographically, patients were centered in the city center of the capital, Gyeongseong, but were also widely distributed throughout the country. There are indications that those from the rural areas stayed in the homes of their acquaintances in Seoul. As such, the account book provides a tangible, concrete picture of the clinic's management for the year 1931, including visitor demographics, visiting diagnoses, telephone consultations, and the total cost of medicinal prescriptions. Because the account book is a one-year statistic, it has its limitations; however, it is the smallest unit that can be analyzed statistically. It provides insights into how many people came in over the course of a year and how much they spent. The expenditures are kept per individual family. The patient's name, prescribed medication, and the price of the medicine are mandatorily included, and in many cases, the place of residence and family relationships are also noted. The account book shows several layers of householders, servants, and employees in the extended family; it also shows people in various occupations. A few privileged families accounted for nearly half of the total expenditures, and the powerful visited frequently, utilizing Oriental medicine for many of their daily needs. For some, the Bochun Clinic is reminiscent of the royal temples of the dynasties. Patients come from the center and suburbs of Seoul, as well as from all over the country. In one year, more than one thousand types of prescriptions are issued and the total cost of medicines is about 33 seom (≒180 liters of rice). Although there is a concentration of high-frequency prescriptions, more than a thousand prescriptions are prescribed only once, which shows that the practice is specialized for each individual. Patient visits, consultations, and telephone use are observed, and the use of new drugs, quinine, and special ginseng as one-herb medication (danbang) are also noticeable. The statistical analysis of the 1931 Bochun Clinic "account book" can serve as a milestone for comparative analysis of the patterns of herbal medicine use before and after that year. Meanwhile, the Bochun Clinic "account book" shows the continuation of traditional practices of herbal medicine by both the powerful and the masses. On the one hand, Koreans responded to the coercive tide of modernity symbolized by the Imperial Governorate of Japan, but on the other hand, they were unwilling to let go of tradition and their own authority. While actively embracing the tide of civilization, Koreans also internalized their own rationality and sought to open a new path forward, a sentiment discernible between the lines of the "account book."

Background: It was in twentieth-century Britain that the two distinct surgical disciplines, otology and laryngology, became united under the title oto-laryngology. Aural departments were established in general hospitals in the hands of specialists long before throat departments. The development and politics of the specialty occurred in London, while provincial services commenced in the early eighteenth century, with ophthalmologists, setting up a clinic or dispensary, progressing onto a hospital., Methods: The following resources were used: the Nottinghamshire Archives; Manuscripts and Special Collections at the University of Nottingham Libraries and The Local Studies Library, Nottingham Central Library., Results: The Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Hospital for Diseases of the Throat, Ear and Nose was established in 1886, staffed by part-time general practitioners. The Nottingham Children's Hospital appointed two qualified surgeons in the 1910s and subsequently the General Nottingham Hospital appointed them as honorary assistant surgeons. Both hospitals provided access to beds, not available to the Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Hospital for Diseases of the Throat, Ear and Nose. Following The Education Act of 1907, Nottingham created a School Health Services. By the 1920s, Nottingham had four institutions providing clinical and surgical ENT services. The National Hospitals Survey conducted in 1945 recommended that the Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Hospital for Diseases of the Throat, Ear and Nose be closed and amalgamated with The General Hospital Nottingham., Conclusion: The General Hospital Nottingham was slow to create a service for the diagnosis and treatment of ENT diseases and disorders, but established a Departmental Service by 1927. The surgical staffing was common to all four of the ENT services from mid-1930.

The scientific activities of Carlos Artur Moncorvo de Figueiredo at the General Polyclinic of Rio de Janeiro (Policlínica Geral do Rio de Janeiro), which he himself founded, are analyzed. His professional and political actions were fundamental for the introduction of pediatrics both in the establishment of a technical space for healing and in the formation of a specific discipline for the teaching of pediatrics at the faculties of medicine in the Empire, then based in the Court and in Salvador. Rather than arising in response to the social issue surrounding the fight against infant mortality, as is often implied in the historiography, pediatrics seems to have emerged from a movement for the implementation of experimental medicine.

As new government health policy was created and implemented in the late 1910s and the late 1960s, women patients and health practitioners recognized gaps in the new health services and worked together to create better programs. This article brings the histories of the district nursing program (1919-43) and local birth control centres (1970-79) together to recognize women's health provision (as trained nurses or lay practitioners) as community-based and collaborative endeavours in the province of Alberta. The district nursing and birth control centre programs operated under different health policies, were influenced by different feminisms, and were situated in different Indigenous-settler relations. But the two programs, occurring half a century apart, provided space for health workers and their patients to implement change at a community level. Health practitioners in the early and late twentieth century took women's experiential knowledge seriously, and, therefore, these communities formed a new field of women's health expertise.

Since 1979, the National Network of Sexually Transmitted Disease (STD) Clinical Prevention Training Centers (NNPTC) has provided state-of-the-art clinical and laboratory training for STD prevention across the United States. This article provides an overview of the history and activities of the NNPTC from its inception to present day, and emphasizes the important role the network continues to play in maintaining a high-quality STD clinical workforce. Over time, the NNPTC has responded to changing STD epidemiological patterns, technological advances, and increasing private-sector care-seeking for STDs. Its current structure of integrated regional and national training centers allows NNPTC members to provide dynamic, tailored responses to STD training needs across the country.

Drawing on archival evidence, I document the emergence and florescence of three free health clinics in Chicago in the late 1960s. I trace the centers' forceful removal by the city's Board of Health, and their subsequent replacement by Federally Qualified Health Centers (FHQCs). I argue that the demise of the free centers is exemplary of a broader trend in US health policy of regulating and diminishing the health care options of poor Americans. By highlighting the stark contrast between Chicago's free health centers of the 1960s and the health care services offered by contemporary FQHCs, I reveal a gradual shift from health care rights to accessing care in the US health care safety net.

In judging the achievements of Alfred Bangerter in treatment and research of amblyopia it is easy to conclude that his pleoptic exercises have been forgotten because occlusion therapy is more effective and cheaper. However, Bangerter introduced the visuscope to determine the point of fixation directly on the retina, he started the first "school" (exercise treatment facility) for pleoptics and orthoptics in St. Gallen only 18 years after Mary Maddox did so in London and he started a training program for orthoptists. In 1957 the Genossenschaft Ostschweizerische Pleoptik-und Orthoptik-Schule, the OPOS Society, was founded, that in the following years built a clinic especially for the treatment of amblyopia. The idea was to treat children not in a clinic but in a home for children that offered optimal treatment but also adequate lodging and care for the children with amblyopia. The Cantonal government contributed by donating a right to build on the premises of the Cantonal Hospital. The new OPOS Clinic measured more than 500 square meters, had 4 floors and a cellar, and contained outpatient treatment facilities, two operating theatres, patient bedrooms, pleoptic and orthoptic exercise rooms with many devices and classrooms for orthoptic students. There were 56 beds for children. After Bangerter retired as chief physician of the Eye Clinic in 1974, he continued and expanded his clinical and surgical activity in the OPOS Clinic next to the Eye Clinic. After his successor in the OPOS Clinic retired in 1987, the OPOS Foundation sold the OPOS Clinic to the Canton that reintegrated it into the Eye Clinic. In the meantime, Bangerter had continued to pursue his ideal of amblyopia treatment and built a new clinic in Heiden in the neighbouring Canton Appenzell Ausserrhoden, for pleoptics, orthoptics, strabismus surgery, plastic eye surgery, but also for controversial treatments for macular degeneration and other retinal disorders. This Rosenberg Clinic opened in 1982 but Bangerter already stepped down in April 1983 and opened a day clinic in the Rosenbergstrasse in St. Gallen some years later instead. Strangely enough, one of the reasons he had moved to the Rosenberg Clinic was that he insisted on lengthy clinical stays for the treatment of amblyopia, but exactly that was one of the main causes of financial problems.

Thomas Verner Moore (1877-1969), a Catholic priest, psychologist, and psychiatrist, developed a Catholic psychiatry in the first half of the 20th century. Following a brief description of Moore's life, this article develops his psychiatric theory, beginning with its grounding in Thomistic philosophical thought. The relationship between reason and faith, the place of the soul in psychological theory, and a central role for Catholic moral teaching were three Thomistic principles vital to Moore's thinking. Defining psychology as the science of personality, and the study of personality as central to psychiatry, Moore articulated a theory and practice of psychotherapy that he contended was scientifically sound. Although his clinical work did not impose religious teachings on patients, if such teachings were meaningful to them, he did discuss them in sessions; moreover, Catholic moral teaching was a compass in his treatment of patients. The article includes a brief history of the psychiatric clinic that Moore first established in 1916 and its successor. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Yang Chao Buwei, the first Chinese translator of Margaret Sanger's What Every Girl Should Know, was the first female gynecologist to open up a birth control clinic in China. By the 1930s, other female gynecologists, like Guo Taihua, had internalized and combined national and eugenic concerns of race regeneration to focus on the control of women's reproduction. This symbiosis between racial regeneration and birth control is best seen in Yang Chongrui's integration of birth control into her national hygiene program. This article traces the efforts of pioneer gynecologists in giving contraceptive advice at their birth control clinics, which they framed as a humanitarian effort to ease the reproductive burden of working-class women. It also examines their connections with Sanger's international birth control movement, and their advocacy of contraception as practitioners, translators, and educators. The author argues that these Chinese female gynecologists not only borrowed, but adapted, Western scientific knowledge to Chinese social conditions through their writings and translations and in their clinical work.

Free clinics have been a source of health care for uninsured and low-income Americans for half a century and serve some of the nation's most vulnerable within their home community. Despite parallels to nursing's significant involvement in the formation of free public clinics and commitment to care for all, there is paucity of nursing literature about free clinics. This article details the history of U.S. free clinics and the intersections among free clinics and value-based care, health reform, and tax reform, including the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 and the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017. Challenges impacting free clinics are detailed, as well as strategies nurses may employ to support survival of free clinics and enhance service to their target populations. Roles for nurses in free clinic governance, management, and practice are described as well as suggestions for research, education, and public policy.

The present article intends to go over the history of the Psychiatric Clinic of the Sapienza University of Rome, starting from the beginning of the teaching of Psychiatry at Santa Maria della Pietà mental hospital, back in 1871, to the eventual founding, at the University "La Sapienza" and the Umberto I general hospital, of the Institute of Psychiatric Clinic and next of the Nervous and Mental Diseases' Clinic with the enclosed specialization school in Psychiatry. A detailed overview is supplied on the characters of the eminent scientists who have succeeded over time at the head of the Clinic and on the description of its different organization, conceived by each of them because of their educational and cultural roots. In this humus is born, in 1966, the journal Rivista di Psichiatria, still alive. To follow, a brief description of what the academic Psychiatry of the Umberto I nowadays represents, and indeed point of contact of different psychiatric thinking roots, with an organic, pharmacological, phenomenological, and psychotherapeutic orientation, this latter in the psychodynamic, cognitive-behavioral, and family-related approaches.

This contribution focuses on the medical practice of the policlinics in Würzburg and Göttingen in the first half of the nineteenth century. In these institutions patients were treated free of charge by medical students and assistant physicians who, in turn, were able to gain further experience and develop their skills. The policlinics were therefore an important part of poor-healthcare in both these cities. The essay tries in particular to illustrate healthcare for poor patients against the background of their everyday lives and working environment. Based on the situation of individual poor patients, the concepts of 'sickness' and 'poverty' are discussed as mutually dependent determinants of the 'reality of life' among the urban lower classes. This contribution combines the evaluation of medical practice journals and patient histories with the analysis of source materials on urban poor relief and healthcare. It looks particularly at the children and elderly people who attended the policlinics. The encounters between physicians and poor patients documented in the sources not only provide valuable insights into historical patient behaviours, they also open up new perspectives of the physician-patient relationship during the nineteenth century transition from the 'sickbed-society' to hospital medicine.

The activities of both Winifred Rushforth (1885-1983), and the Edinburgh-based Davidson Clinic for Medical Psychotherapy (1941-73) which she directed, exemplify and elaborate the overlap in Scotland of religious discourses and practices with psychoanalytic psychotherapy. Even as post-war secularization began to affect Scottish culture and society, Rushforth and the Davidson Clinic attempted to renew the biographical discourses of Christianity using the idioms and practices of psychoanalytic psychotherapy. Furthermore, alongside these Christian-inflected activities, Rushforth promoted a psychoanalytically-informed New Age spirituality. This parallel mode of belief and practice drew on Christian life-narrative patterns, preserving them within psychoanalytic forms grafted onto a vitalist worldview informed by the work of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin., (© The Author(s) 2015.)

Healthcare delivery is subject to constant transformation and reform as the NHS seeks to provide effective health care under the scrutiny of service users. This can be especially difficult in times of recession. This article will consider the similarities between the development of a public healthcare system in the 20th and 21st centuries in Britain under Lords Dawson and Darzi respectively, and the impact these changes have had on discussions on the introduction of polyclinics and on nursing today.

Based on unpublished archival material (Eitingon's yearly reports, account statements), this paper enriches and modifies the hitherto commonly accepted image of the Berlin Polyclinic. It highlights the fact that the indigent patients treated there contributed considerably to the budget by paying fees, albeit relatively low ones. While confirming that Eitingon largely funded the clinic, it also points out (what has hardly been known before) that he reduced his support in 1928 and stopped it altogether in 1931. Among other things, candidates were now required to pay some rent for the rooms where they analyzed their training cases. On the other hand, candidates could get stipends, funded by the course fees of the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute. Besides a number of employed assistants, candidates did most of the treatments while the members of the psychoanalytic Society had to be repeatedly reminded of their formal obligation to take over one unpaid case from the Polyclinic. At the end, the paper discusses the "spirit" of the institution.

Twenty-five years ago, in 1989, family planning services in Britain faced a serious crisis with contentious cuts for community clinics being contemplated by health authorities. There was extensive discussion on ethical issues relating to the provision of abortion services. Social acceptance of abortion occurred in association with departure from traditional values due to the exigencies of modern life. Twenty-five years later, in 2014, abortion unfortunately continues to cause controversy in international health, despite guidance for its incorporation in comprehensive reproductive health care services.

In conjunction with the recent critical assessments of the life and work of R.D. Laing, this paper seeks to demonstrate what is revealed when Laing's work on families and created spaces of mental health care are examined through a geographical lens. The paper begins with an exploration of Laing's time at the Tavistock Clinic in London during the 1960s, and of the co-authored text with Aaron Esterson entitled, Sanity, Madness and the Family (1964). The study then seeks to demonstrate the importance Laing and his colleague placed on the time-space situatedness of patients and their worlds. Finally, an account is provided of Laing's and Esterson's spatial thinking in relation to their creation of both real and imagined spaces of therapeutic care., (© The Author(s) 2014.)

Once it had become apparent that tuberculosis sanatoriums were unable to stop this widespread disease, out-patient tuberculosis clinics were established for patients and their relatives in the German Reich. These clinics, which started in the late nineteenth century, employed physicians and tuberculosis nurses. The nurses were generally community or parish nurses, specialized carers not being trained until later. On the one hand, their tasks included the work at these clinics, where they assisted the physician, admitted patients and carried out x-rays and lab tests. On the other hand--and this was their main task--they visited the sick and their families at home, informed them about tuberculosis, instructed them on questions of hygiene and the appropriate behaviour and made sure these instructions were adhered to. If they were able to offer material help as well, they were received more willingly--and they could only make their visits with a patient's consent. Due to the lack of tuberculosis medicines, the work of the tuberculosis nurses was a mainstay in the fight against this highly infectious disease. They often had to overcome the resistance of general practitioners and also of some patients and their families. But they loved doing their job because they were appreciated by the tuberculosis doctors, had a relatively high degree of freedom, authority and responsibility as health visitors and achieved visible results through personal commitment.

Jozef Dietl was one of the most eminent physicians of 19th century. His influence on the development of medical clinic in Krakow was decisive. Educated in Vienna, Dietl became familiar to the patterns of the s. c. Younger School, becoming one of the major proponents of its ideas. Writen by him Praktische Wahrnehmungen nach den Ergebnissen them Wiedner --Bezirkskrankenhaus (1845) became a kind of "manifesto" of the new, based on close pathological study medicine. How much these ideas were practically implemented in the academic teaching is the subject of comparative studies, which preliminary results are presented in this article. This text refers the manuscript collection of the Department of the History of Medicine of Jagiellonian University, including the recently known lecture notes by written down by then medical student Hippolytus Rychlicki. In light of the documents related directly to clinical teaching should go research to what extent Dietl's official declarations given in Praktische Wahrnehmungen (1845) and Aphorisms on the strict clinical study (1862-4).

The city of Wroclaw (Breslau) lies where the cultural and economic influences of the eastern, southern, and western Europe meet. Over a thousand years of history it changed the state affiliation several times. Since 1945, similarly as seven centuries ago, it lies within the borders of Poland. The historical complex of hospital buildings constructed at the end of the 19th century for the medical faculty remained almost untouched, despite catastrophic war destructions in the whole city. The building of surgical clinic witnessed epoch-making events in the discipline of surgery performed by the three great personalities. Jan Mikulicz-Radecki (1850-1905), the first head of the department, world famous physician and scientist, created in Wroclaw a modern surgical center. From among his numerous achievements the most important seems to be the performance of the world's first safe thoracotomy in the low-pressure chamber (1904). Karl Heinrich Bauer (1890-1979) was the next great personality, who had been leading the surgical department since 1933. Genetics, transplantology, traumatology and oncology were the main points of his interest. Because of political reasons he had to leave Wroclaw. He continued his surgical and scientific career in Heidelberg. Wiktor Bross (1903-1994) came to the ruined city directly after the World War II. As an experienced general and thoracic surgeon he created a new surgical school. First in Poland open heart surgery (1958) and renal transplantation (1966) were performed by him and his team in the same building, where Mikulicz-Radecki and Bauer worked in the past. The memory of all three great surgeons has been honored by placing their sculptures among the prominent Wroclaw citizens in the city hall., (Georg Thieme Verlag KG Stuttgart · New York.)

The first ambulatory clinic for the prevention of women's cancers was the Strang clinic of New York City, founded by L'Esperance in 1932. Careful and complete clinical examination and some additional tests were the basis for the initial diagnosis of early cancers. In 1945, the Papanicolaou test was added as a new examination tool. Some years later, the Strang clinic proved that detection and treatment of cervical cancers in their preinvasive phase were an important factor for the control of this frequent and mortal neoplasia. The Strang clinic demonstrated that the preventive medicine principles can be applied on the discovery and diagnosis of initial cancer cases and that the treatment applied in such cases offers the best results. Additionally, according with these results, the early diagnosis and treatment of cancers should be the work's philosophy applied in all the health systems.

This article traces the establishment of abortion clinics following Roe v Wade. Abortion clinics followed one of two models: (1) a medical model in which physicians emphasized the delivery of high quality medical services, contrasting their clinics with the back-alley abortion services that had sent many women to hospital emergency rooms prior to legalization, or (2) a feminist model in which clinics emphasized education and the dissemination of information to empower women patients and change the structure of women's health care. Male physicians and feminists came together in the newly established abortion services and argued over the priorities and characteristics of health care delivery. A broad range of clinics emerged, from feminist clinics to medical offices run by traditional male physicians to for-profit clinics. The establishment of the National Abortion Federation in the mid-1970s created a national forum of health professionals and contributed to the broadening of the discussion and the adoption of compromises as both feminists and physicians influenced each other's practices.

On the occasion of two anniversaries of the "Outpatient department for rheumatology, physical therapy and rehabilitation Dr. Drago Cop", the paper presents its history, from the building of the Central Beureau for Workers' Insurance till the mid 1960s. In 1928 an outpatient department for physical therapy with a public bath was founded, while in 1938 the Central rheuma-station was established as the first rheumatologic institution in Southeastern Europe. During the period presented, a lively activity developed at that institution: a professional rheumatologic association was founded, the journal "Reumatizam" appeared, education in rheumatology commenced, and first teaching materials were published.

The new history of the clinic, developed mainly after the publication of Othmar Keel's L'avènement de la médecine clinique moderne en Europe, 1750-1815 in 2001, invites the scholars to turn upside down the chronology adopted by Michel Foucault in his classic Birth of the Clinic. This paper investigates the philosophical consequences of this chronological displacement, showing that the medical empiricism of the clinic cannot have the characteristics attributed by Foucault. If the myth of the purity of such empiricism cannot be taken seriously anymore thanks to Foucault, is has been substituted by the myth of the creation of the clinic on the basis of enlightened empiricism. The clinic is, however, older than empiricism à la Condillac. It refers to an earlier medical empiricism developed in the 17th century which in its turn allowed for Condillac's philosophy. The clinic had in fact to choose between an elder medical empiricism and a new chemical empirism that appeared in the late 17th century. But the clinic was not a creation of the Enlightenment.

Medical assistance to the Saharian populations (1900-1976) is viewed through its organization. The management of the Health Service in the Southern Territories, doctors, nursing staff, medical districts, centred on infirmary-hospitals and rural first-aid posts. We insist on the everrising free consultations and the care to sick and wounded patients in infirmaries; the fight against epidemics and social scourges. Then on French medical mission from 1963 to 1976, and on the humanitarian work by the Health Service throughout the five continents.

In 1955 Carter Products launched its new tranquilizer Miltown with a huge marketing blitz; Miltown soon became one of America's earliest "blockbuster" celebrity drugs. In 1981, federal agents shut down a network of "stress clinics" and arrested the owners, medical staff, and other personnel for illegally trafficking in the sedative Quaalude; Quaalude soon became a "Schedule I Controlled Substance." Both of these stories are familiar, indeed archetypal, moments from America's postwar medical system. As the Miltown example reminds us, this fundamentally commercial system was built on the creation and courting of consumer demand for medical products and services, particularly drugs. As the Quaalude example shows, however, this system also incorporated tools for reining in excessive consumer demand. Together the two episodes affirm an enduring irony of the American medical system: the need for regulatory campaigns to tame lively markets for drugs that had become popular, in part, because of advertising campaigns. This article uses the Miltown and Quaalude sagas to explore the issue of consumer demand for prescription medicines, arguing that efforts to stoke or quash that demand have shaped (and linked) America's medical system and its drug control regimes., (Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The present article illustrates the history of psychotropic drugs introduced in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from 1945 onwards. We begin by examining the introduction of an anti-depressant and a tranquilizer at the university psychiatric clinic, Charité, in East Berlin. On the basis of patient files, we consider the monitoring routines, altered by the use of psychotropic drugs, and the difficulties that arose when these routines were translated into existing research programs. In the 1960s, attempts to evaluate the psychiatric practice were based on psychopathology whereas at the end of the 1960s there was a shift to "target symptoms"., (Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The 1960s were a time of social upheaval, wars, vibrant creativity and missed opportunity. Mainstream culture and a psychedelic drug-using counterculture shared a belief in "better living through chemistry'," but they disagreed about the particular chemistry. The Vietnam war and the cold war with the Soviet Union, racial discrimination, and gender roles fueled political activism. "Yes we can" was not a slogan of the time but political activists clearly believed they could change the beliefs, attitudes and behavior of mainstream culture; and they did. Hippie counterculture on the other hand was largely alienated and strove primarily to develop a separate culture with its own mores, beliefs and lifestyles. Although there was some overlap between hippies and activists, hippies didn't generally have the same sense of political empowerment. Hippie enclaves developed in New York; Boston; Seattle; Austin, Texas and elsewhere; but the epicenter was arguably the Haight-Asbury District of San Francisco. Psychedelic drugs, marijuana and the Vietnam war were among many wedge issues. This paper conjures up a personal history related to the evolution of the hippie counterculture, changing drug use patterns in the Haight-Ashbury, and the origins of a technique of withdrawing patients from barbiturates and other sedative-hypnotics using phenobarbital variously known as the "Phenobarbital Withdrawal Protocol, or the "Smith and Wesson Protocol."

In terms of clinical procedures (to take the example used in this article, hip operations), both public and private organizations provide highly professionalized services. For this service type, our knowledge about ownership differences is sparse. To begin to fill this gap, we investigate how the ownership of hip clinics affects professional behaviour, treatment quality and patient satisfaction. The comparison of private and public hip clinics is based on data from the Danish Hip Arthroplasty Register and the Danish Central Patient Register combined with 20 semi-structured interviews. We find that private clinics employ stronger individual financial incentives and try harder to increase the income/costs ratio than do public clinics. Private clinics optimize non-clinical factors such as waiting time much more than public clinics and have fewer complication-prone patients than public clinics. However, the clinical procedures are very similar in the two types of clinics. Private clinics do not achieve better clinical results, but patient satisfaction is nevertheless higher with private clinics. The implication is that ownership matters for highly professionalized services, but professionalism neutralizes some – but not all – ownership differences.

Radiation therapy has been in use as a cancer treatment for more than 100 years, with its earliest roots traced from the discovery of X rays in 1895 by Wilhelm Rontgen. The field of radiation therapy began to grow in the early 1900s, largely due to the groundbreaking work of Nobel Prize-winning scientist Marie Curie, who discovered the radioactive elements polonium and radium.This began a new era in medical treatment and research. Radium was used in various forms until the mid-1900s, when cobalt and caesium units came into use. Medical cobalt units and linear accelerators have been used to as sources of radiation since the late 1940s. Swedish doctors showed a great interest in this medical specialty from the beginning, making major contributions in the fields of radiobiology, radiophysics and radiotherapy are contributed to doctors of Swedish origin, working mainly those early days in Stockholm. Immediately after the discovery of X rays, the first treatment of patients with these'mysterious rays' took place, with two patients with skin carcinomas being treated by Stenbeck and Sjogren in Stockholm. This article makes a detailed reference to historical data regarding the gradual transformation of a small private outpatient clinic into an academic department with a world-wide recognition.

The lupus clinic at University College Hospital has been established since January 1978. It was started by Michael Snaith and has been responsible for the long-term care of over 500 patients. I have been involved with the clinic since July 1979 and in this article offer some thoughts about the complexities of managing systemic lupus erythematosus.

The nineteenth century saw the incorporation of technology, such as the stethoscope, microscope, and thermometer, into clinical medicine. An instrument that has received less attention in the history of the role of technology in medicine is the weighing balance, or scale. Although not new to nineteenth-century medicine, it played an important part in the rise of the numerical method and its application to the development and shaping of pediatrics. This article explores the origin and development of the weighing of babies. During its clinical and scientific adoption, this simple procedure was refined and applied in a number of increasingly sophisticated and far-reaching ways: as a measure of the dimensions of the fetus and newborn, as an index of the viability of the newborn, as a means of estimating milk intake, as a way of distinguishing normality from abnormality, as a summary measure of infant health, and as an instrument of mass surveillance. In so doing it changed the way in which medical care was delivered to infants.

The roots of the Hungarian dental education date from the mid-19th century. After several unsuccessful attempts, the University Dental Institution was founded in 1890 under the leadership of József Akovy in provisional premises. To improve the bad infrastructural circumstances, a new building was erected in February 1909 to accommodate the new Clinic of Stomatology.

An innovative movement of free medical clinics, which began in the 1960s, has helped indigent people without access to traditional health care. In this article, the author relates his experiences at three free clinics. Aside from the delivery of good care to deserving people, these clinics also had an impact on other relevant issues in medicine: The first of these clinics became involved with a chronic illness that affected medical research, the second provided another venue for medical teaching, and the third increased volunteerism, especially among senior clinicians. These secondary features are the focus of this article. The first clinic, created in a time of troubling social change, cared for many young people with infections, probably including some who were part of an evolving epidemic that was only later recognized as HIV/AIDS. The second clinic began when the traditional hospital and outpatient clinic settings for teaching medical students-both in their preclinical years and during clerkship rotations-were not conducive to learning the skills of interviewing and physical examination of cooperative patients. The more informal, less frenetic pace of a free clinic appealed to students and some residents as a place to build clinical skills. The new Liaison Committee on Medical Education standard to provide student service learning may formalize the use of free clinics in medical schools. The third clinic, like any of the 1,200 or more free clinics in the United States, cares for indigent people who have no access to established health care. The free clinic movement, which can provide some of the needed care, relies on volunteer physicians, many of whom are older and retired clinicians, who find that their contribution to free clinic care can be both useful to the patients and most rewarding to themselves.

Dr Milton Douglas Quigless, a graduate of Meharry Medical College, arrived in Tarboro, North Carolina, in 1936 to practice medicine. For 10 years, he tried to obtain hospital privileges at the Edgecombe General Hospital, but segregation laws prevented him from performing surgery and admitting ill patients to this local facility. After years of frustration, Dr Quigless decided to establish his own hospital so that he could adequately care for his patients. In 1946, the doors of the Quigless Hospital-Clinic opened--the first hospital for blacks in Tarboro. As a noted family physician and distinguished community leader, Dr Quigless had an enormous impact on the lives of multiple generations of North Carolinians.