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En un contexto permeado por varios procesos de justicia transicional y aún afectado por dinámicas de violencia, este artículo analiza dimensiones psicosociales vinculadas al perdón y a la memoria en experiencias de integrantes de organizaciones sociales víctimas del conflicto armado colombiano, para conocer y explorar procesos cognitivos, emocionales y actitudinales que limitan y que facilitan el perdón. Se desarrolló una metodología mixta con dos estudios en los departamentos del Atlántico y Caldas. En el primero se aplicó un diseño fenomenológico para descubrir ideas y emociones sobre memoria y perdón en líderes de colectivos de víctimas; en el segundo se implementó un diseño no experimental para analizar la interacción entre tres factores que explican la disposición al perdón (DP): resentimiento duradero (RD), sensibilidad a las circunstancias (SC) y perdón incondicional (PI). El estudio cualitativo evidenció sentidos alrededor de la memoria que limitan el perdón (RD, creencias de víctimas exclusivas y obstáculos percibidos para la eficacia de medidas de justicia transicional) y resignificaciones de la memoria que lo favorecen (comprensión del conflicto, creencias de víctimas inclusivas, memoria vinculada a la justicia transicional y PI). El estudio cuantitativo indicó que la SC explica el PI, mientras que el RD constituye un obstáculo. Se avanza hacia la comprensión de la relación entre memoria y perdón en escenarios de transición, que devela desafíos para la gestión constructiva de la memoria en clave de perdón, la intervención del RD, y el desarrollo de la SC a favor del perdón en la escala local y regional, no solo nacional, In a context marked by various transitional justice processes and still affected by dynamics of violence, in this article, we analyze psychosocial dimensions related to forgiveness and memory in experiences of members of social organizations who are victims of the Colombian armed conflict. The aim is to explore cognitive, emotional, and attitudinal processes that hinder or enable forgiveness. A mixed-methodology was used, with two studies conducted in the departments of Atlántico and Caldas. In the first study, a phenomenological design was applied to uncover ideas and emotions regarding memory and forgiveness among leaders of victim collectives. In the second study, a non-experimental design was implemented to analyze the interaction between three factors explaining the disposition to forgive (DP): enduring resentment (RD), sensitivity to circumstances (SC), and unconditional forgiveness (PI). The qualitative study revealed meanings surrounding memory that constrain forgiveness (RD, exclusive victim beliefs, and perceived obstacles to the effectiveness of transitional justice measures), as well as memory resignifications that promote forgiveness (understanding of the conflict, inclusive victim beliefs, memory linked to transitional justice, and PI). The quantitative study indicated that SC explains PI, while RD poses an obstacle. The research progresses towards a deeper comprehension of the connection between memory and forgiveness in transitional settings, unveiling challenges in effectively managing memory with forgiveness in mind. It highlights the significance of addressing RD and fostering SC to facilitate forgiveness, not only at the national level but also at the local and regional scales

Background: Political extremism is one of the main threats to democratic societies and it has been related to socioeconomic threats like COVID-19. We argue that socioeconomic threat perceptions increase Monopoly on Truth (MoT), a tendency to conceive personal values as undeniable truths worthy to be imposed. MoT will then prompt extremist intentions to rise. Method: These hypotheses were tested in two experimental designs (N = 274 & 484). Study 1 manipulated socioeconomic threat, while Study 2 added a manipulation of the emotional appraisal of that threat. Results: In Study 1, MoT scores were significantly different and higher in the high-threat condition. In Study 2 it was observed that threat levels did not cause statistically significant differences when emotional appraisal of such threat was manipulated, with anger causing MoT to increase. Study 2 also showed that MoT works as an antecedent of extremist intentions Conclusions: Socioeconomic threats and their emotional appraisals cause MoT and, indirectly, extremism to rise. Beyond deepening our understanding of the causes of MoT, the current findings highlight the implications of different narratives framing socioeconomic crises, that may become a facilitating factor of extremism.

In a context marked by various transitional justice processes and still affected by dynamics of violence, in this article, we analyze psychosocial dimensions related to forgiveness and memory in experiences of members of social organizations who are victims of the Colombian armed conflict. The aim is to explore cognitive, emotional, and attitudinal processes that hinder or enable forgiveness. A mixed-methodology was used, with two studies conducted in the departments of Atlántico and Caldas. In the first study, a phenomenological design was applied to uncover ideas and emotions regarding memory and forgiveness among leaders of victim collectives. In the second study, a non-experimental design was implemented to analyze the interaction between three factors explaining the disposition to forgive (DP): enduring resentment (RD), sensitivity to circumstances (SC), and unconditional forgiveness (PI). The qualitative study revealed meanings surrounding memory that constrain forgiveness (RD, exclusive victim beliefs, and perceived obstacles to the effectiveness of transitional justice measures), as well as memory resignifications that promote forgiveness (understanding of the conflict, inclusive victim beliefs, memory linked to transitional justice, and PI). The quantitative study indicated that SC explains PI, while RD poses an obstacle. The research progresses towards a deeper comprehension of the connection between memory and forgiveness in transitional settings, unveiling challenges in effectively managing memory with forgiveness in mind. It highlights the significance of addressing RD and fostering SC to facilitate forgiveness, not only at the national level but also at the local and regional scales., Resumo: Em um contexto permeado por vários processos de justiça de transição e ainda afetado por dinâmicas de violência, neste artigo, são analisadas as dimensões psicossociais ligadas ao perdão e à memória nas experiências de membros de organizações sociais vítimas do conflito armado colombiano, a fim de compreender e explorar os processos cognitivos, emocionais e atitudinais que limitam e facilitam o perdão. Foi desenvolvida uma metodologia mista com dois estudos nos estados de Atlántico e Caldas. No primeiro, foi aplicado um projeto fenomenológico para descobrir ideias e emoções sobre memória e perdão em líderes de coletivos de vítimas; no segundo, foi implementado um projeto não experimental para analisar a interação entre três fatores que explicam a disposição para o perdão (DP): ressentimento duradouro (RD), sensibilidade às circunstâncias (SC) e perdão incondicional (PI). O estudo qualitativo evidenciou sentidos em torno da memória que limitam o perdão (RD, crenças exclusivas da vítima e obstáculos percebidos à eficácia das medidas de justiça transicional) e ressignificações da memória que o favorecem (compreensão do conflito, crenças inclusivas da vítima, memória vinculada à justiça transicional e PI). O estudo quantitativo indicou que a SC explica o PI, enquanto o RD constitui um obstáculo. Há progresso na compreensão da relação entre memória e perdão em cenários de transição, o que revela os desafios para a gestão construtiva da memória em termos de perdão, a intervenção do RD e o desenvolvimento da SC a favor do perdão em nível local e regional, não apenas nacional., Resumen: En un contexto permeado por varios procesos de justicia transicional y aún afectado por dinámicas de violencia, este artículo analiza dimensiones psicosociales vinculadas al perdón y a la memoria en experiencias de integrantes de organizaciones sociales víctimas del conflicto armado colombiano, para conocer y explorar procesos cognitivos, emocionales y actitudinales que limitan y que facilitan el perdón. Se desarrolló una metodología mixta con dos estudios en los departamentos del Atlántico y Caldas. En el primero se aplicó un diseño fenomenológico para descubrir ideas y emociones sobre memoria y perdón en líderes de colectivos de víctimas; en el segundo se implementó un diseño no experimental para analizar la interacción entre tres factores que explican la disposición al perdón (DP): resentimiento duradero (RD), sensibilidad a las circunstancias (SC) y perdón incondicional (PI). El estudio cualitativo evidenció sentidos alrededor de la memoria que limitan el perdón (RD, creencias de víctimas exclusivas y obstáculos percibidos para la eficacia de medidas de justicia transicional) y resignificaciones de la memoria que lo favorecen (comprensión del conflicto, creencias de víctimas inclusivas, memoria vinculada a la justicia transicional y PI). El estudio cuantitativo indicó que la SC explica el PI, mientras que el RD constituye un obstáculo. Se avanza hacia la comprensión de la relación entre memoria y perdón en escenarios de transición, que devela desafíos para la gestión constructiva de la memoria en clave de perdón, la intervención del RD, y el desarrollo de la SC a favor del perdón en la escala local y regional, no solo nacional.

Esta tesis buscó analizar el apoyo al populismo desde una perspectiva psicosocial. Para ello, se realizaron tres estudios. En el primero se hizo el análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de la narrativa de tres partidos políticos (oferta), que promovieron tres mociones de censura al correspondiente partido de Gobierno; dos de los partidos tienen una visión populista con ideologías políticas opuestas. En los otros dos estudios se analizaron factores predictores de actitudes populistas en la ciudadanía (demanda), a partir de diseños comparativos entre seguidores de partidos populistas y no populistas en España y en Países Bajos.

The dataset presented in this paper were collected for testing a perceptive-axiological model of recycled water acceptance for low and high contact uses. Participants were selected by proportional random sampling by sex and age the two Spanish communities with the most extreme values of water stress (Galicia, the rainiest region and Murcia, the driest). Data were collected by a company specialized in market research using an online survey housed on Qualtrics. Participants who matched the specified profile were contacted by email. The company compensated them financially. The final sample size consisted of 726 valid responses. The survey collected data on a variety of variables related to three conceptual dimensions: the diagnosis of the environmental situation, the axiological influence and the public perceptions regarding recycled water. The survey also collected demographic data from respondents. The survey was designed and reviewed by four experts in social psychology and two experts in methodology. The dataset featured in this article provides the raw survey data plus sociodemographic distribution, survey items, and other statistical data. This is the first and most comprehensive set of comparative data known to the authors on public acceptance of water reuse for high and low contact uses comparing regions with and without water scarcity. The authors have published an open access paper based on this data set, which are linked to this paper. Water industry professionals, policymakers, researchers and other stakeholders aiming to implement wastewater reuse systems in society may be interested in using the data as a point of comparison for their own study on public acceptance of water reuse or examining the data for relationships not yet explored in the literature

This study explores whether there are differences in several environmental dimensions, when the European Region and Generation cohort are considered. In doing so, this study compares millennials in North and South Europe with members of Generation X in three environmental dimensions: attitudes, personal norms, and behavior. Using data from the European Social Survey (n = 6.216), the researchers tested the hypothesis that Northern Europeans and millennials have more pro-environmental standing than southerners and Generation Xers. The findings challenge the common belief that millennials are more committed to being environmentally conscious, showing that many millennials do not feel responsible for their climate footprint, nor do they behave in a way that shows more concern than previous generations to improve their environmental performance. Furthermore, contrary to expectations, Northern European participants are not the most committed, in all environmental dimensions, compared to Southern Europeans

According to a report by the World Economic Forum, the water crisis is the fourth most serious global risk to society. The apparent limitations of the hydraulic paradigm to solving this crisis are leading to a change in water management approaches. Recently, decentralized wastewater treatment systems have re-emerged as a partial solution to this problem. However, to implement these systems successfully, it is necessary not only to design this technology but also to have social support and willingness among citizens to use it. Previous studies have shown that these technologies are often perceived as being too costly, and people often do not consider the need for adopting them. However, it has also been pointed out that thinking about these technologies as a sustainable endeavor to reduce human impact on the environment can help to overcome the barriers to usage. Thus, we test whether priming environmental concerns before presenting information about decentralized wastewater treatment plants will increase acceptance of those technologies. In this study, we test whether priming environmental concerns can enhance the acceptance of decentralized wastewater treatment plants even when presenting disadvantages of the technology. In order to do so, we designed an experimental study with a sample of 287 people (85.7% women, M age=20, 28). The experimental design was 2 (priming the environmental concern vs. no priming)×2 (type of information: only advantages vs. advantages and disadvantages). The results showed that those in the environmental concern priming condition had more positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward decentralized wastewater treatment plants than those in the control condition group. Participants who received only advantages information had a more positive perception toward the decentralized wastewater systems than in the condition, where disadvantages were present, but in the priming condition this difference was not significant. This implies that

Engagement in collective action is essential in the scenario of a secessionist struggle. In this scenario, two groups contend for an incompatible goal and one of them is favoured by the current status quo. Therefore, this context represents an excellent opportunity to compare the motives for participation among two groups whose situation and objectives differ drastically. We examined the motivations to participate in collective action of Catalan participants in the days leading to the independence referendum held in Catalonia (Spain) on the first of October 2017 (n = 719). As hypothesized, participation predicted by different motivations for each group. Regarding participation in the referendum, Catalan identity was the only predictor among pro-independence ranks, while those against independence showed a solidarity-based motivation. This work contributes to the literature by adapting previously researched collective action motivations to the context of a secessionist contention and providing evidence of their effect. Crucially, the motivations are different between supporters and opponents of independence, highlighting the need for examining the status and the stance on the system of groups when studying collective action

The present thesis considers what motivates people to participate in political action. Specifically, it seeks to explain how moral concerns shape the intentions to participate in a) collective action and b) extremism. The former is thought to be explained by moral obligation, understood as the motivation to act accordingly with moral values. The latter is anticipated to be motivated by monopoly on truth (MoT), the belief that ones own ideas are objectively better for everyone. The results corroborate that moral obligation and MoT predict collective action and extremist engagement, respectively. This confirms the contribution of the thesis to the literature by adding an axiological path to political action.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o discurso do presidente Bolsonaro em relação à pandemia da COVID-19, para discutir o diagrama das suas práticas governamentais. Realizamos uma cartografia das reportagens sobre as falas de Bolsonaro publicadas na mídia no período de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos três eixos de análise: Discurso negacionista e criação da própria narrativa; retórica militarista e criação do inimigo; e lógica neoliberal governamental. Constatamos que seu posicionamento e suas práticas necropolíticas estão à serviço da manutenção do funcionamento das engrenagens do diagrama neoliberal, em que a máxima defendida na contemporaneidade não é mais o “Fazer viver e deixar morrer”, senão o “Produzir, e deixar morrer”, El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el discurso del presidente Bolsonaro en relación a la pandemia de la COVID-19, para discutir el diagrama de sus prácticas gubernamentales. Realizamos una cartografía de los reportajes publicados en los medios de comunicación sobre las charlas de Bolsonaro en el periodo de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos tres ejes de análisis: Discurso negacionista y creación de la propia narrativa; Retorica militarista y creación del enemigo y Lógica neoliberal gubernamental. Constatamos que su posicionamiento y sus prácticas necropolíticas están al servicio de la manutención del funcionamiento de los engranajes del diagrama neoliberal, en que la máxima defendida en la contemporaneidad no es más el “Hacer vivir y dejar morir”, sino el “Producir y dejar morir”, The aim of this article is to analyze President Bolsonaro’s discourse regarding the COVID-19 pandemic in order to discuss the diagram of his governmental practices. We carried out a cartography of reports on Bolsonaro’s speeches published in the media from 02/26/2020 to 06/20/2020. We elaborated three axes of analysis: Denialist discourse and creation of the narrative itself, Militaristic rhetoric and creation of the enemy, and Governmental neoliberal logic. We verified that his position and necropolitical practices are at the service of maintaining the functioning of the neoliberal diagram’s gears, in which the maxim defended in contemporary times is no longer “Make live and let die”, but “Produce and let die”

Current predictive models of collective action have devoted little attention to personal values, such as morals or ideology. The present research addresses this issue by incorporating a new axiological path in a novel predictive model of collective action, named AICAM. The axiological path is formed by two constructs: ideology and moral obligation. The model has been tested for real normative participation (Study 1) and intentional non-normative participation (Study 2). The sample for Study 1 included 531 randomly selected demonstrators and non-demonstrators at the time of a protest that took place in Madrid, May 2017. Study 2 comprised 607 randomly selected participants who filled out an online questionnaire. Structural equation modelling analysis was performed in order to examine the fit and predictive power of the model. Results show that the model is a good fit in both studies. It has also been observed that the new model entails a significant addition of overall effect size when compared with alternative models, including SIMCA. The present research contributes to the literature of collective action by unearthing a new, independent path towards collective action that is nonetheless compatible with previous motives. Implications for future research are discussed, mainly stressing the need to include moral and ideological motives in the study of collective action engagement.

The objective of this article is to analyze the psycho-metric adjustment of two scales for a Disposition for Social Reconciliation (DRS) in the context of Colombia. Two studies were carried out, based on samplings from the inhabitants of Barranquilla (387 victimized persons and 387 members of general population) and Medellín (384 members of the general population, of whom 27,6% acknowledged that they had been direct or indirect victims). Thus, both studies surveyed victimized persons, a key factor because victimization was used as a criterion for comparing the victimized respondents and the respondents from the general population. Victimization shows a positive and significant correlation with a DRS. The results confirm the validity of the construct., RESUMO O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o ajuste psicométrico de duas escalas aplicadas ao contexto colombiano e que avaliam a Disposição para a Reconciliação Social (DRS). Foram realizados dois estudos, com amostras de Barranquilla (387 pessoas vitimizadas e 387 pessoas da população em geral) e de Medellín (384 pessoas da população em geral -27,6% reconhecem ter sofrido vitimização direta ou indireta). Ambos os estudos contaram com pessoas vitimadas, categorização que se utiliza como critério de comparação entre população vitimada e população em geral, e que se correlaciona positiva e significativamente com a DRS. Os resultados permitem afirmar a validade do constructo., RESUMEN El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el ajuste psicométrico de dos escalas aplicadas al contexto colombiano y que evalúan la Disposición hacia la Reconciliación Social (DRS). Se realizaron dos estudios, con muestras de Barranquilla (387 personas victimizadas y 387 personas de la población general) y Medellín (384 personas de población general, el 27,6% reconocen haber sufrido victimización directa o indirecta). Ambos estudios contaron con personas victimizadas, categorización que se emplea como criterio de comparación entre población victimizada y población general y que se correlaciona positiva y significativamente con la DRS. Los resultados permiten afirmar la validez del constructo.

Background: Extreme political attitudes have been on the rise since the economic and political crisis of 2008. This surge of extremism constitutes a real threat, as attitudes like these are dangerous for the peaceful, democratic functioning of society. A new cognitive style, Monopoly on Truth has been proposed, based mainly on the concept of naïve realism. Method: The development and validation of a scale for this new construct is the main objective of this study. A pilot study (N=209) was performed in order to gather the items that make up the fi nal scale; and a main study (N=369) was conducted to test the validity and predictive power of the scale. Results: The validation is successful as the scale shows good reliability scores, while also proving to be linked to extremism-related constructs. Additionally, the scale shows signs of not being ideologically biased. Conclusion: Results show the scale to be a very useful tool for studying extremism and other political trends. Future directions and other implications of the Monopoly on Truth are also discussed, Desarrollo y validación de la Escala de Monopolio de la Verdad. Una medida de extremismo político. Antecedentes: las actitudes políticas extremas han experimentado un crecimiento constante desde la crisis político-económica de 2008. Esta oleada de extremismo constituye una amenaza real, debido el peligro que supone para el funcionamiento pacífico y democrático de la sociedad. Se propone un nuevo estilo cognitivo, el Monopolio de la Verdad, basado principalmente en el concepto de realismo ingenuo. Método: el desarrollo y validación de una escala para este nuevo constructo es el objetivo principal del presente trabajo, para ello se llevó a cabo un estudio piloto (N=209) con la finalidad de desarrollar la escala, así como un estudio principal (N=369) cuyo propósito fue la validación de la misma. Resultados: el proceso de construcción y validación fue satisfactorio ya que la escala muestra una buena fiabilidad y está vinculada con constructos relacionados con extremismo. Adicionalmente, la escala no muestra sesgos ideológicos. Conclusiones: la Escala de Monopolio de la Verdad es una herramienta de gran interés para el estudio del extremismo y otras tendencias políticas. Se discuten también direcciones futuras y otras implicaciones del Monopolio de la Verdad

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el ajuste psicométrico de dos escalas aplicadas al contexto colombiano y que evalúan la Disposición hacia la Reconciliación Social (DRS). Se realizaron dos estudios, con muestras de Barranquilla (387 personas victimizadas y 387 personas de la población general) y Medellín (384 personas de población general, el 27,6% reconocen haber sufrido victimización directa o indirecta). Ambos estudios contaron con personas victimizadas, categorización que se emplea como criterio de comparación entre población victimizada y población general y que se correlaciona positiva y significativamente con la DRS. Los resultados permiten afirmar la validez del constructo., The objective of this article is to analyze the psycho-metric adjustment of two scales for a Disposition for Social Reconciliation (DRS) in the context of Colombia. Two studies were carried out, based on samplings from the inhabitants of Barranquilla (387 victimized persons and 387 members of general population) and Medellín (384 members of the general population, of whom 27,6% acknowledged that they had been direct or indirect victims). Thus, both studies surveyed victimized persons, a key factor because, O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o ajuste psicométrico de duas escalas aplicadas ao contexto colombiano e que avaliam a Disposição para a Reconciliação Social (DRS). Foram realizados dois estudos, com amostras de Barranquilla (387 pessoas vitimizadas e 387 pessoas da população em geral) e de Medellín (384 pessoas da população em geral —27,6% reconhecem ter sofrido vitimização direta ou indireta). Ambos os estudos contaram com pessoas vitimadas, categorização que se utiliza como critério de comparação entre população vitimada e população em geral, e que se correlaciona positiva e significativamente com a DRS. Os resultados permitem afirmar a validade do constructo

Collective action and protest have become a normalized political behavior that in many cases defines the political agenda. The reasons why people take to the streets constitute a central subject within the study of social psychology. In the literature, three precedents of protest that have been established as central to the study of this phenomenon are: injustice, efficacy, and identity. But political action is also deeply related to moral values. This explains why in recent years some moral constructs have also been pointed out as predictors of collective action. Moral variables have been introduced into the literature with little consideration to how they relate to each other. Thus, work in this direction is needed. The general aim of this research is to differentiate moral obligation from moral norms and moral conviction, as well as to compare their ability to predict collective action. In order to do so, the research objectives are: (a) conceptualize and operationalize moral obligation (Study 1, N = 171); (b) test its predictive power for intention to participate in protests (Study 2, N = 622); and (c) test moral obligation in a real context (Study 3, N = 407). Results are encouraging, showing not only that moral obligation is different to moral conviction and moral norm, but also that it is a more effective predictor working both for intention and real participation. This work therefore presents moral obligation as a key precedent of protest participation, prompting its future use as a variable that can enhance existing predictive models of collective action. Results regarding other variables are also discussed

La reconciliación social ha sido propuesta como una de las estrategias que permite la transformación de los conflictos y el restablecimiento de las relaciones intergrupales pacíficas. El objetivo de este trabajo es hacer una revisión sistemática de la reconciliación, las variables con las que se asocia y los instrumentos para medirla. La búsqueda se hizo en Psycinfo y en la Web of Science, y los resultados indican que el mayor porcentaje de artículos surge en los años 90, las publicaciones abordan conflictos que se desarrollan a lo largo de todo el planeta: América, Europa, Oriente medio y África. Las variables con las cuales se relaciona estadística y teóricamente a la reconciliación se agrupan en cinco categorias: recuperación psicosocial, acercamiento de las partes confrontadas, resignificación endo y exogrupal, emociones y gestión del conflicto. Se registran 12 instrumentos con una fiabilidad adecuada para evaluar la reconciliación. Se concluye que con las cinco categorías de variables se podrían diseñar modelos explicativos y de diagnóstico que contribuyan a la promoción de los procesos de reconciliación social temprana, particularmente para aquellos paises que requieren transformar las dinámicas de confrontación violenta, Social reconciliation has been posed as one of the strategies that allows for conflict transformation and re-establishment of peaceful intergroup relationships. The aim of this work is to carry out a systematic review of reconciliation, its associated variables and its measurement instruments. The search process was carried out using PsychInfo and Web of Science databases. Results show that the largest proportion of articles arised during the 90's, publications discuss conflicts developed all over the world: America, Europe, Middle East and Africa. The variables with which reconciliation is statistically and theoretically associated group within five categories: psychoscial recovery, rapprochement of confronted parties, ingroup and outgroup re-signification, emotions and conflict management. Twelve adequately reliable measurements of reconciliation are registered. It is concluded that the five categories mentioned could be used to design explanatory and diagnostic models which could contribute to the promotion of early social reconciliation processes, specifically within those countries that require the transformation of violent confrontation dynamics

Este trabajo explora los motivos que conducen a la participación en acciones de resistencia pacífica bajo condiciones de violencia armada. Fundamentados en los marcos de acción colectiva, se analizó el papel que ejercen la identidad, el agravio, la ira, la esperanza, la satisfacción moral y la eficacia sobre la implicación en acciones de resistencia pacífica. Participaron 739 personas que viven en medio del conflicto armado colombiano, con diferentes niveles de implicación en los movimientos de resistencia pacífica. Análisis de correlaciones y de regresión muestran que todas las variables correlacionaron significativamente con el nivel de implicación en acciones de resistencia, a excepción de la ira, y que las mejores predictoras son la eficacia, la esperanza-satisfacción moral y la identidad. Mediante un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales, se analizó el papel que ejercen las variables para motivar acciones de resistencia pacífica. Los resultados evidencian paths directos y significativos. El agravio es incorporado al modelo como una variable exógena que actúa sobre la identidad para potenciar su influencia motivadora de la participación. La identidad potencia el papel mediador de la esperanza-satisfacción moral y de la eficacia. Los hallazgos hacen un aporte novedoso a la teoría tradicional que explica el surgimiento de las acciones colectivas, pues incorporan emociones positivas y poco estudiadas en el contexto de la movilización, tal y como son la esperanza y la satisfacción moral, This paper explores the motives leading to the participation in pacific resistance actions underthe conditions of armed violence. Based within the framework of collective action, the roles of identity, grief, anger, hope-moral satisfaction, and efficacy were analysed on their implications on the actions of pacific resistance. The participants were 739 people living in the middle of the Colombian armed conflict, with different levels of involvement in pacific resistance movements. Correlation and regression analysis shows that all variables are significantly correlated to the level of involvement in resistance actions, except for anger. The best predictors in a regression equation are efficacy, moral hope-satisfaction, and identity. We used a structural equation model to analyse the role of these variables in motivating non-violent resistance actions, and the results show direct and significant paths. Grief is incorporated in the model as an exogenous variable that acts on identity, in order to potentiate its important motivational influence for the participation in resistance actions. The identity potentiates the mediator role of moral satisfaction-hope and efficacy. These findings are a novel contribution to the traditional theory, which explains the emergence of collective actions, since it incorporates positive and less-studied emotions within the mobilisation context, such as hope and moral satisfaction

In times of crisis, political mobilizations increase. Many of them compete to impose a determined diagnosis of the situation. This work analyses this issue, taking into consideration two of the movements that have had a greater incidence during the crisis in Spain: The Catalonian National Assembly and the Marches for dignity. The objective is to know how the categories of aggrieved ingroup and outgroup responsible were identified and how both these movements defined the emotional climate at that moment. This work includes two studies. In the first one, an analysis of the categories identified in the manifestos published by these two movements was carried out. The results show that the Marches for dignity constructed a more inclusive ingroup identity and show a more negative emotional climate than the Catalonian National Assembly. The second study includes a sample of 919 participants and non-participants in 2 demonstrations called by those organizations. In this case MANOVAs of 2 (Type of demonstration: Catalonian National Assembly, Marches for dignity) × 2 (Type of participants: participants, non-participants) were performed. Results show that participants in both demonstrations have a higher level of injustice than non-demonstrators. Furthermore, demonstrators in Marches for dignity have a more negative perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. However, and contrary to the hypothesis, demonstrators of the Catalonian National Assembly have a more positive perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. The work explains these results in the socio-political context in which each of these movements acts and highlights the relevance of comparative investigation designs to further the knowledge of political mobilization dynamics

Las manifestaciones se han convertido en una forma de participación política común en los países occidentales, siendo omnipresentes en Europa y otras partes del mundo. Numerosos trabajos han estudiado las características de los participantes y los motivos asociados a la participación en esas acciones, proporcionando un cuerpo de conocimiento importante sobre por qué unos participan y otros no. Sin embargo, se ha creado una imagen demasiado homogénea del grupo de participantes. Superando esta limitación, la tesis presenta tres estudios empíricos comparativos donde se analizan los motivos de participación en manifestantes en diversas movilizaciones que tuvieron lugar entre 2009 y 2011 en Europa, confirmando que los motivos para participar, varían en función del perfil del manifestante y del contexto de la movilización.

Recently, many mobilisations have emerged all around the world and their impact on social change has been noteworthy. In this paper we shall review the evolution of the latest models of collective action in order to better understand current challenges in the field of political protest. Scholars have suggested that identity, grievances, efficacy, and anger are the relevant motives for prompting action. Nonetheless, there is still some room for improvement. In addition to previous variables, there is enough argumentation to include others which have been overlooked by the hegemony of instrumental logic; we are talking about moral obligation and positive emotions. There is a deontological logic in collective protest that can explain why individuals do not simply participate to obtain some kind of benefit; they may also feel morally obligated to do so. Moreover, positive emotions, such as hope, pride or optimism, can reinforce motivation. Another important aspect is the role of context. The specific characteristics of the political and the mobilising context may differently activate some motives or others. All these new contributions question the hegemony of the instrumental logic and demand an update of the theoretical approaches. The authors discuss the implications for theory and future research on collective action, Recientemente han surgido muchas movilizaciones por todo el mundo y su impacto a la hora de producir el cambio social es de destacar. En este artículo haremos una revisión de cómo han evolucionado los últimos modelos de acción colectiva para poder entender mejor los retos contemporáneos en el campo de la protesta política. Los motivos más relevantes señalados por la literatura científica para la promoción de la acción son: la identidad, la injusticia, la eficacia y la ira. Sin embargo, todavía quedan aspectos por mejorar. Además de las variables mencionadas, hay argumentos suficientes para incluir otros factores que han sido pasados por alto en la hegemonía de la lógica instrumental; hablamos de la obligación moral y de las emociones positivas. Hay una lógica deontológica en la protesta colectiva que puede explicar porqué los individuos no participan simplemente para obtener algún tipo de beneficio, sino que también pueden sentirse moralmente obligados a hacerlo. Más aún, las emociones positivas tales como la esperanza, el orgullo y el optimismo pueden reforzar la motivación. Otro aspecto importante es el papel del contexto. Las características específicas del contexto político y de movilización pueden activar diferencialmente algunos motivos u otros. Todas estas nuevas contribuciones cuestionan la hegemonía de la lógica instrumental y demandan una actualización de las aproximaciones teóricas. Los autores discuten las implicaciones para la teoría y la investigación futura sobre la acción colectiva

Background: The concept of Reconciliation as applied to inter-group conflict has come into use only recently. Throughout the history of Psychology, Reconciliation was mostly understood at the individual and inter-personal level. Method: In the present study we shall analyse the roles played by trust, negotiating attitude, legitimacy and ethnocentric attitude over the attitude towards social reconciliation. To this end we studied a group of 188 Colombian civilians living under conditions of real socio-political conflict. Results: A path analysis was performed using the statistical program AMOS whose fit indexes indicate a good fit of the model and a variance of .36. The results show that the variables of trust, negotiating attitude and legitimacy have a significant and positive effect on the reconciliation variable, and significant negative effect on the ethnocentric attitude variable. Conclusions: This study contributes to the integration of a number of variables that facilitate process of social reconciliation, as it explicitly deals with some of the perceptions, attitudes and beliefs which could change the course of a confrontation, Antecedentes: el concepto Reconciliación aplicado a los conflictos intergrupales es de utilización reciente. A lo largo de la historia de la Psicología, la Reconciliación ha sido principalmente abordada desde los niveles individual e interpersonal. Método: en esta investigación analizaremos el papel de la confianza, la actitud negociadora, la legitimidad y la actitud etnocéntrica sobre la actitud hacia la reconciliación social. Para ello se contó con la colaboración de una muestra de 188 personas de población civil colombiana que vive bajo las condiciones de un conflicto sociopolítico real. Resultados: con el programa estadístico AMOS se realizó un análisis de rutas cuyos índices indican un buen ajuste del modelo y una varianza de .36. Los resultados aportan evidencia de que existen efectos positivos y significativos de las variables confianza, actitud negociadora y legitimidad sobre la variable reconciliación, y efectos negativos y significativos de la variable actitud etnocéntrica. Conclusiones: esta investigación contribuye a la integración de varias variables que facilitan el proceso de reconciliación social, puesto que hace explícitas algunas de las percepciones, actitudes y creencias a partir de las cuales se podría cambiar el curso de una confrontación

Studies into sport leadership are focused, mostly, in the formal leadership of the coach, in which Chelladurai´s Multidimensional Model of Leadership is the principal theoretical reference. However, another kind of informal leadership can be observed in sport teams: peer leadership. Research on peer leadership is not as advanced as research on the formal leadership of the coach, neither in theoretical terms nor in the assessment. To overcome the shortcomings presented in previous investigations about informal leadership, the aim of the present research has been the development of a scale for the evaluation of the peer leadership in sport teams, which was designed asking a sample of 407 senior Spanish football players to evaluate the characteristics of sport leaders over a total of 54 indicators. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were developed, also reliability analysis and evaluation of the internal consistency of factors. The results offered a 30 indicators scale, grouped into five factors denominated: empathy, task orientation, influence in decision-making, sport values and social support. Satisfactory fit indexes have been obtained for the model, for the reliability of items and for the internal consistency of factors. A secondrange exploratory factor analysis was performed, with the result that task orientation is positioned separated from the other four primary factors, which are grouped into one social orientation factor., Los estudios de liderazgo deportivo están focalizados, mayoritariamente, en el liderazgo formal del entrenador en el que el Modelo Multidimensional del Liderazgo de Chelladurai es la referencia fundamental. Sin embargo, otro tipo de liderazgo, el informal, puede ser observado en los equipos deportivos: el que ejercen algunos deportistas entre sus compañeros de equipo. Sin embargo, en este caso, la investigación no está tan avanzada como en el caso del entrenador, tanto en el aspecto teórico como en la evaluación. Para superar las limitaciones de estudios previos sobre liderazgo informal, el objetivo de la presente investigación ha sido la construcción de una escala de evaluación del liderazgo ejercido por deportistas, la cual fue diseñada a partir de una muestra de 407 jugadores de fútbol españoles, de categorías senior, que evaluaran las características de los líderes de equipos deportivos sobre un total de 54 ítems. Se realizaron análisis factoriales exploratorios y confirmatorios, así como análisis de fiabilidad y evaluación de la consistencia interna de los factores. Los resultados ofrecieron una escala de 30 ítems, agrupados en 5 factores, que fueron denominados empatía, orientación a la tarea, influencia en la toma de decisiones, valores deportivos y apoyo social. Se obtuvieron índices de ajuste satisfactorios para el modelo, para la fiabilidad de los ítems y para el análisis de consistencia interna de los factores. Se realizó un análisis factorial de segundo orden, con el resultado de que la orientación a la tarea se posiciona separada de los otros cuatro factores primarios, que se agrupan en un factor de orientación social.

Having overcome the prejudice that equated emotion with irrationality, collective action theories are beginning to incorporate emotional variables. Nonetheless, these are restricted to negative ones, fundamentally anger. This is due to the fact that collective action is associated exclusively with protest, when this does not necessarily have to be the case. The aims of the present work are twofold: a) to analyse the structure of emotions with regard to the Spanish Government’s decision to negotiate with ETA; and b) to verify the impact of these emotions and of ideology on the intention to participate in demonstrations supporting or protesting against said decision. The results show that emotions can be organised into three factors: anger, enthusiasm and anxiety. Anger and enthusiasm account for a high percentage of variance in the attention to demonstrate. Ideology, although to a lesser extent, also has a significant influence, Después de superado el prejuicio que equiparaba emoción con irracionalidad, las teorías de la acción colectiva empiezan a incorporar las variables emocionales. Sin embargo, las emociones a las que aluden se limitan a las negativas y, fundamentalmente, a la ira. Esto obedece a que la acción colectiva se asocia exclusivamente con la protesta. Pero las acciones colectivas también pueden ser proactivas. Por este motivo, en esta investigación nos propusimos un doble objetivo: a) analizar la organización de diferentes emociones en relación a la decisión del Gobierno de España de negociar con ETA y b) conocer la incidencia de esas emociones y de la ideología, en la intención de participar en acciones de apoyo o protesta a dicha decisión. Los resultados muestran que las emociones se organizan en tres factores: ira, entusiasmo y ansiedad. La ira y el entusiasmo explican un porcentaje muy elevado de la varianza de la intención de movilizarse. La ideología, aunque en menor medida, también muestra un peso significativo

El objetivo de este estudio es comprobar, en un contexto político real, si el paso de una situación de violencia política a un proceso de paz real exige el cambio de las creencias que hasta ese momento estaban al servicio del enfrentamiento. Se plantean dos hipótesis: a) si esas creencias no se modifican será difícil alcanzar un clima de confianza entre las partes y el proceso fracasará, y b) si eso sucede los grupos generarán creencias más extremas contra el adversario. Los resultados obtenidos mediante el análisis textual respaldan ese planteamiento. Durante el proceso de paz fallido no se modificó la estrategia de deslegitimación del oponente ni las identidades enfrentadas; y una vez que el proceso fracasó se le atribuyó la responsabilidad exclusivamente al adversario, al tiempo que se intensificó la deslegitimación del mismo, The aim of this study is to test in a real political context whether or not a change in the beliefs which were fuelling the political violence in question is required during the advent of a peace process. Two hypothesis are considered: a) in the case of these beliefs not being modified, there will be difficulties to reach an atmosphere of trust between both parts and the process will fail, and b) if this happens, the groups will develop more extreme beliefs against the opponent. The results obtained through a textual analysis support both hypotheses. During the failure of the peace process, neither the strategy of the delegitimization of the opponent nor the identities in conflict were modified. Consequently, when the process failed, responsibility for this failure was attributed to the opponent, and, at the same time, delegitimization against the opponent intensified

The theory of collective action frameworks states that identifying a social problem, is a key to understanding the ideas that guide the collective action, therefore, gives special emphasis to the social construction of protest, using three variables for analysis: perceptions of injustice, social identity and perception of efficacy. These variables are investigated through a descriptive study that used a Likert-type survey and a focus group, three groups that currently are mobilized by the claim of human rights in the city of Barranquilla: concience objetors, trade unionists and peace makers. The events of the variables are detailed and a discussion on the contribution of the social struggles on the legitimacy of democratic processes in Colombia is joll owed., La teoría de los marcos de acción colectiva postula que la identificación de una situación social como problemática es un aspecto fundamental para la comprensión de ideas colectivas que orientan la acción; por esta razón, otorga especial énfasis a la construcción social de la protesta, formulando tres variables para su análisis: percepción de injusticia, identidad social y percepción de eficacia. Se indagan las variables mencionadas mediante un estudio descriptivo que utilizó una encuesta tipo likert y un grupo focal, en tres colectivos que actualmente se movilizan por la reivindicación de derechos humanos en la ciudad de Barranquilla: objetores de conciencia, sindicalistas y formadores de paz. Se detallan las manifestaciones de las variables y se expone una discusión sobre la contribución de las luchas sociales a la legitimidad de procesos democráticos en Colombia.

Basándonos en los trabajos de Fishbein y Ajzen (1975, 1980), Ajzen y Madden, (1986), Ajzen, (2002), este trabajo propone una extensión del modelo de la Teoría de la Conducta Planificada (TCP) para poder explicar mejor el comportamiento pro-ambiental. El objetivo fundamental de este trabajo es explorar la importancia de los aspectos emocionales a la hora de comprender y explicar la conducta de reducir la utilización del coche más allá de la explicación dada por la TCP. Así, se construyó un cuestionario que se aplicó a una muestra de 797 representativa de la población gallega. Los resultados muestran a la ira como una de las variables que contribuyen a la explicación de esa conducta siendo su peso incluso superior a uno de los elementos centrales del modelo de la TCP, como es el control conductual.