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Studies of the Allies' grand strategy for the defeat of Japan in Southeast Asia usually focus on the discussions over Burma. This article examines the roles envisioned for the Bay of Bengal. It argues that operations within and based on the Bay of Bengal formed the basis of Allied strategy in Southeast Asia, but plans quickly diverged. The U.S. and China pushed for amphibious operations as part of the broader Burma campaign. Britain, however, wanted to use the Bay of Bengal as a springboard for operations into broader Southeast Asia. No party got what it wanted. Scrutinizing these strategic developments, however, provides a clearer understanding of the evolution of Southeast Asia's place in the Allies' grand strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to show «the place of peace in the international relations of the Islamic State». The most logical method is to refer to the Quran. According to the Qur'an, the basis of international relations is peace and peaceful coexistence. The reason is verses of the Quran. Not only from the verses of peace but also from the verses of Jihad. these interpretations and readings are supposed to be inferred. The provisions of the peace verses are: «the necessity of peaceful relations with nonviolent states», «the right to have good and fair relations with non-hostile states», «the prohibition of friendly relations with hostile states» and «the prohibition of aggression to neutral governments and allies in the conflict between Islamic State and hostile states». The verses of jihad are also used in such a way that one cannot fight a government or a group without reason or permission. The reason for the war can be some events like «invading Islamic lands» or «persecuting Muslims and conspiring against their religion and beliefs» or «persecuting and abusing their followers» or «killing and corruption on the earth» by a hostile group or an aggressive government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-52) one of the most vexing issues facing Occupation authorities was prostitution, which had historically enjoyed widespread acceptance. Many Allied personnel patronized prostitutes. Venereal disease was common among prostitutes and increasingly among GIs. The Occupation outlawed the old imperial system of licensed prostitution because of its reliance on human trafficking but never outlawed prostitution outright. This apparent contradiction led many writers to condemn the Occupation as hypocritical. Nevertheless, the Occupation's decisions were consistent with its commitment to individual autonomy and its understanding of the situation in Japan, an understanding which was essentially accurate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper draws on the economic theory of alliances to stress the importance of considering both benefits and costs arising from the interaction between member states of a military alliance in terms of defence expenditure on equipment. We expand the theory of alliances to incorporate the spills that stem from the obligations of each ally by introducing the notion of spill-outs and net spills, the latter measured as the difference between spill-in and spill-out effects. To assess the net spills contribution of each of the members to the alliance, we test for empirical evidence of net spills among a group of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, applying time-varying Dynamic Quantile Connectedness analysis. The results that stem from our model considering the cost of spill-outs suggest that there are strong incentives among the allies for free-riding behaviour. In line with our theoretical model, our empirical analysis shows that it is only during crisis period that NATO member-states contribute actively to the alliance, something that has become increasingly clear since the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why were casualties on Omaha Beach on D-Day so high? Many accounts assert that the unusually high casualties suffered can be traced to the U.S. Army's refusal to employ specialized tanks developed by the British army, nicknamed "Armored Funnies." This article examines the roots of this legend and details American and British plans for employing specialized tank support for Operation Neptune in June 1944. It concludes that the U.S. Army did not refuse to employ the Armored Funnies, but that delivery of some of these specialized tanks did not occur in time due to British shortages. This episode highlights the difficulty of attempting to harmonize military equipment and tactics in time-constrained joint operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether technological superiority guarantees air superiority remains a fundamental question in air power theory. Focusing on World War II (1939-45) and the Korean conflict (1950-53), this article considers the Cotton Aerodynamic Anti-G (CAAG) suit as a putatively "war- winning" innovation. Championed by the Royal Australian Air Force, it lost out to the Canadian Franks Flying Suit worn by Royal Air Force and Fleet Air Arm flyers, and to U.S. Army Air Forces and U.S. Navy anti-G outfits. Lacking consistent policy, priority, and pilot support, the CAAG suit's proponents failed to convert its technological advantages into doctrinal and tactical benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's meteoric economic rise has precipitated a debate about its growing profile in Europe through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In this context, for some observers Greece serves as an illustration of how China is also translating its economic power into actual political influence over small European states to Brussels' disadvantage. This article challenges such simplistic and state-centric views by considering the role of contingent and domestic factors and the wider strategic environment in which Sino-Greek relations have unfolded. It also highlights the agency of influential actors at the more micro-level of analysis. It argues that although China has achieved some limited political gains, the relationship remains mainly economics-driven at a time when Greece is strengthening strategic ties with its traditional allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of Historical Sciences / Przegląd Nauk Historycznych is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In its inaugural Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea pledged to bolster the regional rules-based order to protect freedom, democracy, and human rights. The document expands on President Yoon Suk-yeol's previous promises to accept greater responsibility for defending democratic principles and is consistent with the national security strategies of the United States and its allies. Seoul stressed the threat of North Korea's growing nuclear and missile arsenal, however, once again, held back from unambiguously defining the Chinese threat to the same extent that Washington, New Delhi, Tokyo, and others have. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While allyship is recognized in advancing supporting marginalized individuals in a number of contexts, it has so far not received attention in the entrepreneurship literature. We conduct an exploratory qualitative study in Nairobi, Kenya, and through interviews with 41 black female technology founders, experts in the local ecosystem, and nominated allies, conceptualize allyship in entrepreneurship in terms of allies' characteristics, motivations, and behaviors. Our results foremost provide evidence for impactful allyship in a context where female entrepreneurs are commonly over mentored and underfunded. In doing so, we highlight the promise of redirecting scholarly attention from privilege of (largely white and male) resource holders as a source of inequity to uncovering its potential for increasing equity and inclusion in entrepreneurial ecosystems. Moreover, we uncover three distinct allyship profiles, contextualizing the why and how of allyship in technology entrepreneurship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No one is calling the Russia-Ukraine conflict is considered the commencement of World War III right now. But all analyzes see it as Europe's biggest conflict since World War II as the war dragged on and it assumed a different character as well. The opening weeks of Russia's invasion of Ukraine were a war of military strategy. On the other hand, the Ukrainian troopsbuilt resistance was necessary to stop the enemy's advance. In military strategy, a well-trained and efficient army is necessary to conduct war properly. Over the past six years, with the help of Western allies, Ukraine has been able to build a military capable of such a war. As part of such a war, where resistance is needed (such as in Kyiv), the Ukrainian military has done so. Again, the army has withdrawn from where it is necessary to retreat (Donetsk and Luhansk). The Russian - Ukraine war can be considered a multi-dimensional disaster, which is likely to get much worse in the foreseeable future because while a war is successful, little attention is paid to its causes, but when the outcome is disastrous, understanding how it happened becomes paramount. All in all, this study intends to provide an overview of the Russia-Ukraine war and its causes with Waltz's three Images as Individual, Domestic Politics, and international systems as well. In addition to this, it also has attempted to understand the long-term effect(s) on world politics as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Of all the various ways that American participation in World War II contributed to Allied victory, the most critical, and in the end the most decisive, was American industrial productivity, and particularly shipbuilding. United States ship construction between 1941 and 1945 dramatically outstripped both its own allies and all of its foes combined. The United States was not only the "arsenal of democracy" (Franklin Roosevelt's phrase) but also the Allies' shipbuilder, and superiority in shipping is what allowed the Allies to win the Battle of the Atlantic, conduct the DDay invasion, and mount a simultaneous offensive in the Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the efforts made to protect prisoners of war (POWs) in German hands at the end of the Second World War. Challenging contemporary and historical judgments, it argues that Allied plans were reasonable, realistic, and reflected a widespread belief in the importance of protecting the lives and well-being of Allied POWs. Although only two operations were ultimately mounted, the process of raising and equipping specialized recovery units provided a valuable learning experience for Allied planners, which later went on inform recovery operations in the Pacific, and set a precedent that arguably extends to influence attitudes towards POW recovery today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The exiled navies of many Allied nations came under British operational control in World War II. Six of these contributed significant proportions of their submarine fleets to the Mediterranean, where there was great need for them, yet troubled relations meant multinational naval cooperation (MNC) was often extremely difficult. British attempts to establish structures to improve this were frequently hampered, while perceived differing strategic "worth" led the British to treat their new allies in an unequal manner. Ultimately, while MNC was broadly successful in the British home theatre, it was much less effective in the Mediterranean and valuable resources subsequently went underused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on Turkey and the Allied Powers signing the Treaty of Lausanne. Topics include emphasizing the point with reference to specific articles in the Treaty focusing on Turkey and its southeastern neighbors in the 1920s; recipients of Turkish civil and military pensions acquirng under the present Treaty the nationality of a State other than Turkey; and requiring negotiations between the Ankara government and the French and British Mandate authorities.

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Henry (Harry) Gullett, the press liaison for the Australian delegation at the Paris peace conference in 1919, was convinced that the valour and sacrifice of Australian soldiers had earned the nation the right to have its voice heard. In this, he was in complete agreement with the Australian prime minister Billy Hughes. Both were equally certain, however, that Australian interests were now 'grievously imperilled'. These fears were framed not by the potential future actions of Australia's recent enemies, but by a suspicion that its allies were either ignorant of Australian concerns, or dismissive of them. Britain, America and Japan personified Australian fears about the post‐war world, as the correspondence between Gullett and his wife Penelope will attest. Furthermore, this article will show that though the war had been a seismological catastrophe, Gullett saw in it a further validation of his pre‐war commitment to immigration, which bordered on an obsession. Similarly, for the nation as a whole, the years between 1914 and 1918 heightened the strategic and economic concerns that had driven the nation to sacrifice so much of its human and financial treasure. White Australia, the Australian/British relationship and the concern over the nation's strategic vulnerabilities appeared as pressing in 1919 as they had been in 1914. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central European Journal for Contemporary Religion is the property of Charles University Prague, Karolinum Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the early NATO discourse to illuminate ideas about a future war with the Soviet Bloc. World War Two provided an important cognitive script for conceptualizing a Third World War, with the impact of the nuclear 'revolution' being less dominant than generally believed. I argue that officials were unable to devise a script in which the Soviet Union could conquer Western Europe and then defeat the United States. Although this inability to achieve "final victory" was believed enough to deter Moscow from aggression, the need to reassure European Allies led NATO to adopt the "forward strategy". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long seen the Harmel Report as a significant moment in NATO's history as the Western allies staked out a role for the Alliance in the pursuit of détente. This article examines how and why the Harmel Report's parallel formula of defence and dialogue endured, focusing on the Alliance's 1984 reappraisal of East-West relations, the Tindemans Initiative. A snapshot of the Alliance's ongoing conversation about détente, the Tindemans Initiative illustrated the degree to which détente remained contested, yet also the enduring value of the Harmel Report's 'double philosophy' as a mechanism to retain sufficient public support for the Alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on newspaper and archival sources, this article examines post-war Canadian attitudes towards Dwight D. Eisenhower, particularly during his time in office as the United States President from 1953 to 1961. Eisenhower emerged from the Second World War as a trusted figure for many Canadians due to his inspiring leadership of the Allied cause. Once in the White House, however, his reputation began to suffer, and public opinion in Canada increasingly questioned core elements of the traditional Canada–United States relationship and America's ability to lead the Western alliance during a period of heightening Cold War tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collaboration during World War II (1939-45) between the British Royal Navy (RN) and the navies-in-exile of Poland, Norway, Netherlands, Belgium, France, Yugoslavia, and Greece necessitated the creation of a liaison system between senior naval officers to ensure the effective integration of Allied navies into RN commands. This article's purpose is to explain the RN's World War II senior-level naval liaison system. It addresses the origin, duties, and evolution of the office of Principal Liaison Officer, Allied Navies (PNLO), and evaluates how the liaison office influenced the relationship between the RN and the Allied navies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high death rate of Allied prisoners of war in the Pacific compared with those in Europe is commonly used to signify the barbarous way in which the Japanese fought the Second World War. This study examines the extent to which 'friendly fire' inflated the death rate of Allied prisoners under the Japanese, and evaluates more broadly the perceived disparity between Japanese and German treatment of Allied prisoners of war (POWs). Four broad conclusions are drawn. First, that while Allied submarine and air attacks elevated the deaths rate of Allied prisoners held by the Japanese, even if these are excluded the POW death rate remains significantly higher than for those held by Germany. Second, in some respects, POW death rates under the Japanese can be more productively and favourably compared to Germany's treatment of Soviet prisoners on the Eastern front than its treatment of Western captives. Third, the death rates mask the diversity of prisoners' experience under the Japanese. Finally, it is suggested that perhaps the single most important difference between German and Japanese treatment of Allied prisoners was the latter's failure to adequately distribute Red Cross supplies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Minority Treaties that were signed at the end of First World War were not only instrumental in establishing the status of minorities in their respective countries but also significant in terms of their impact on nation‐building processes. Through focusing on the post‐Ottoman lands, and specifically on Turkey, this paper examines the tension between the goals of the Allied Powers and the League of Nations, and those of the nationalist political elites in the newly‐created national states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Allied intelligence officers' encounters with and interrogations of German civilians from autumn 1944 onwards, psychological warfare operations directed at civilians, and their wider ramifications. Focusing especially on the officers serving with the Psychological Warfare Division (PWD), I will demonstrate that field intelligence officers' stance towards German civilians was fluid and often ambiguous, with the encounter causing considerable distress to some of them. Their reports and correspondence further suggest that in this period, Germans readily professed knowledge of atrocities. But contrary to intelligence officers' expectations, they failed to accept any guilt or responsibility. Finally, I will argue that the very foundations and techniques of Western Allied psychological warfare may have reinforced and legitimised justification strategies that separated between "real" Nazis and everyone else. This was at odds with one of the central aims of Military Government, i.e. to inculcate a sense of culpability in Germans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany's increased power capabilities in foreign affairs since reunification have prompted scholars to argue that the country should be viewed as a regional hegemonic power, exercising significant influence not only over smaller countries in Eastern and Southern Europe, but also over the institutions of the European Union. After providing a critical assessment of the literature on hegemony in Europe, this article outlines three main trends in the scholarship on German power in European affairs. First, scholars tend to exaggerate Berlin's power capabilities relative to other major European states such as France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Research shows that Europe is best understood as a multipolar regional order, not a hegemonic system dominated by one powerful state. Second, German leadership in Europe is contested and often delegitimized. Since 1949, German political elites have not been able to exercise influence in Europe without the support of other European states. This remains true even after the collapse of the Franco-German "tandem" in the wake of the European debt crisis. Third, scholars fail to adequately address how American power in the North Atlantic impacts regional polarity. Since reunification, the role of the United States in Europe has only increased and American influence over Eastern Europe, in particular, surpasses that of other European powers, including Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]