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Government websites are an important tool for communicating information about environmental exposures and emerging public health concerns to the public. This includes how US state websites frame ri...

The United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has been the epicenter of national environmental justice (EJ) work since President Bill Clinton signed Executive Order (EO) 12898 in 1994. De...

Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) are a class of over 9000 persistent hazardous chemicals used in industrial processes and consumer goods. They are ubiquitous in the environment and in people, who are exposed to PFAS via contaminated food and water, consumer products, and workplaces.1 Exposure to several PFAS has been linked to a plethora of health effects in both animal and human studies, even at background levels. They are so environmentally persistent that they have been termed “forever chemicals.” While in many ways PFAS contamination problems reflect broader issues with the chemicals regulatory system in the United States, a key feature of this industry is that only a handful of companies have produced the basic chemical building blocks for PFAS chemicals. These companies have known about the potential toxicity, human exposure, and extreme persistence of PFAS since the 1970s, yet have continued and expanded production.2 In the 2000s, in response to mounting pressure from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) about risks to human and environmental health, PFAS manufacturers agreed to phase out U.S. production of perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA), perfluorooctanesulfonate (PFOS), and some related PFAS. Replacement PFAS, including new chemicals developed by industry, are widely used in more than 200 use categories,3 despite growing concerns about exposures, persistence, and toxicity.4 The PFAS industry claims that the chemicals’ use in consumer goods and industrial applications brings wide benefits, valuing the U.S. fluoropolymer segment at $2 billion a year.5 However, it fails to mention the costs of exposure, which are long-term, wide-ranging, routinely externalized onto the public, and disproportionately experienced. Focusing on a narrow, short-term view of PFAS benefits ignores how costs are displaced to communities and governments, despite existence of safer alternatives in most product sectors. This review of the true costs of PFAS highlights the need to act now to ensure that exposures are capped at current levels by reducing the production and use of PFAS. It calls attention to systematic failures of U.S. chemical regulation, including inadequate premarket review of new compounds, data gaps that prevent and delay the regulation of existing chemicals, and the widespread externalization of social costs of pollution onto the public.

The COVID-19 pandemic has coincided with a powerful upsurge in antiracist activism in the United States, linking many forms and consequences of racism to public and environmental health. This commentary develops the concept of eco-pandemic injustice to explain interrelationships between the pandemic and socioecological systems, demonstrating how COVID-19 both reveals and deepens structural inequalities that form along lines of environmental health. Using Pellow’s critical environmental justice theory, we examine how the crisis has made more visible and exacerbated links between racism, poverty, and health while providing opportunities to enact change through collective embodied health movements. We describe new collaborations and the potential for meaningful opportunities at the intersections between health, antiracist, environmental, and political movements that are advocating for the types of transformational change described by critical environmental justice.

As climate change increases the frequency and severity of disasters, and population and social changes raise the public’s vulnerability to disaster events, societies face additional risk of multiple disaster events or other hazards occurring simultaneously. Such hazards involve significant uncertainty, which must be translated into concrete plans able to be implemented by disaster workers. Little research has explored how disaster managers incorporate different forms of knowledge and uncertainty into preparations for simultaneous hazards or disaster events, or how front-line disaster workers respond to and implement these plans. In this paper I draw on ethnographic research working as a wildland firefighter, interviews with firefighters and fire managers, and state and agency planning documents to examine preparations for two events occurring in Central Oregon in August 2017: (1) the height of wildfire season and (2) hundreds of thousands of anticipated visitors for a total solar eclipse. I find that different qualities of risk, hazard, and uncertainty across these two events were central to the development and implementation of disaster plans. Agency leaders devised worst-case scenario plans for the eclipse based on uncertain predictions regarding hazards from the eclipse and the occurrence of severe wildfires, aiming to eliminate the potential for unknown hazards. These plans were generally met with skepticism by front-line disaster workers. Despite the uncertainties that dominated eclipse-planning rhetoric, firefighters largely identified risks from the eclipse that were risks they dealt with in their daily work as firefighters. I conclude by discussing implications of these findings for conceptual understandings of disaster planning as well as contemporary concerns about skepticism and conspiracy theories directed at government planning and response to disaster events.

The Trump administration has severely curtailed the work of the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The EPA has rolled back environmental protections, lost ground on addressing climate change and environmental justice, and shed large numbers of experienced staff. All of this has accelerated a longer-term decline in EPA resources, expertise, and authority. Here, we present perspectives of EPA employees and retirees on reconfiguring and strengthening the agency to address current and future environmental health problems, based on qualitative data obtained through 100 semi-structured interviews with 76 current and former EPA employees. Interviewees emphasized a number of internal and external issues, including a hyper-partisan context in which the agency operates, lack of public understanding of the extent of domestic and global environmental problems, budget shortfalls, staffing and leadership challenges, reduced scientific capacity and use of science in decision-making, insufficient attention to environmental justice, and lagging technology. We argue that reforms cannot only be expert-driven but must also come from the public, incorporating community driven solutions and focusing on remedying environmental injustice.

This article examines how ignorance can be produced by regulatory systems. Using the case of contamination from per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS), we identify patterns of institutionalized ignorance in U.S. chemical regulation. Drawing on in-depth interviews and archival research, we develop a chemical regulatory pathway approach to study knowledge and ignorance production through the regulatory framework, the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA). Investigating TSCA’s operation, we consider why PFAS were relatively recently recognized as a significant public health threat, despite evidence of their risks in the 1960s. The historical context of TSCA’s enactment, including the mobilization of the chemical industry, contributed to the institutionalization of organizational practices promoting distinct types of ignorance based on stakeholder position: chemical manufacturers who have discretion over knowledge production and dissemination, regulators who operate under selective ignorance, and communities and consumers who experience nescience, or total surprise.

We report here on a multifaceted body of research on per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS), chemicals that have become a well-known group of ‘emerging contaminants’ in recent years. Our PFAS Project team of over 10 researchers – faculty, postdocs, graduate students, and undergraduates – has been working since 2015 to study the extent and health effects of PFAS contamination through a broad model of engaged public sociology. Our model of research combines organic public sociology with elements of community-based participatory research, a related but distinct research form most widely used in the environmental health sciences. Based on long-term, place-based relationships, our engaged public sociology has led to numerous academic, regulatory, and social movement effects. We argue that this form of engaged, intervention-oriented public sociology is appropriate and beneficial for research in many areas of environmental sociology given the social and ecological stakes in the current moment. Engaged public sociology involves collaborative, reflexive research with broadly-conceived communities or publics. It facilitates the creation of previously undone science by addressing research topics of interest to community members, and allows researchers to directly contribute to environmental and social justice movements by acting as reflexive, observant participants.

In the absence of comprehensive environmental regulation, under what conditions can social movement pressure on the private sector generate substantive change? We explore this question in relation to per- and poly-fluoroalkyl substances (PFAS), a class of persistent, bioaccumulative, and toxic chemicals that are widely used in consumer products and industrial processes yet remain largely understudied and weakly regulated. This paper focuses on the strengths and limitations of one high-profile shame campaign by Greenpeace that has called for clothing and outdoor brands to eliminate PFAS from their products. We find that while the campaign appears to have spurred widespread awareness of PFAS in the apparel industry, corporate action remains fragmented and leaves broader environmental and social justice concerns unaddressed. We highlight the urgent need for comprehensive federal regulation for toxic chemicals, increased funding for green chemistry, and collaborative governance of global production networks.

BACKGROUND AND AIM: Systemic environmental health disparities exist for residents of U.S. Tribal lands including access to safe public drinking water and differences in drinking water quality as co...

Communities across the U.S. are discovering drinking water contaminated by perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) and determining appropriate actions. There are currently no federal PFAS drinking water standards despite widespread drinking water contamination, ubiquitous population-level exposure, and toxicological and epidemiological evidence of adverse health effects. Absent federal PFAS standards, multiple U.S. states have developed their own health-based water guideline levels to guide decisions about contaminated site cleanup and drinking water surveillance and treatment. We examined perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA) and perfluorooctane sulfonate (PFOS) water guideline levels developed by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and state agencies to protect people drinking the water, and summarized how and why these levels differ. We referenced documents and tables released in June 2018 by the Interstate Technology and Regulatory Council (ITRC) to identify states that have drinking water and groundwater guideline levels for PFOA and/or PFOS that differ from EPA's health advisories (HAs). We also gathered assessment documents from state websites and contacted state environmental and health agencies to identify and confirm current guidelines. Seven states have developed their own water guideline levels for PFOA and/or PFOS ranging from 13 to 1000 ng/L, compared to EPA's HA of 70 ng/L for both compounds individually or combined. We find that the development of PFAS guideline levels via exposure and hazard assessment decisions is influenced by multiple scientific, technical, and social factors, including managing scientific uncertainty, technical decisions and capacity, and social, political, and economic influences from involved stakeholders. Assessments by multiple states and academic scientists suggest that EPA's HA is not sufficiently protective. The ability of states to develop their own guideline levels and standards provides diverse risk assessment approaches as models for other state and federal regulators, while a sufficiently protective, scientifically sound, and enforceable federal standard would provide more consistent protection.

This article examines salient topics and textual silences in the media coverage of two major wildfires in Washington State. A significant body of research has examined the importance of media cover...

Understandings of environmental governance both assume and challenge the relationship between expert knowledge and corresponding action. We explore this interplay by examining the context of knowledge production pertaining to a contested class of chemicals. Per-and polyfluorinated alkyl substances (PFASs) are widely used industrial compounds containing chemical chains of carbon and fluorine that are persistent, bioaccumulative and toxic. Although industry and regulatory scientists have studied the exposure and toxicity concerns of these compounds for decades, and several contaminated communities have documented health concerns as a result of their high levels of exposure, PFAS use remains ubiquitous in a large range of consumer and industrial products. Despite this significant history of industry knowledge production documenting exposure and toxicity concerns, the regulatory approach to PFASs has been limited. This is largely due to a regulatory framework that privileges industry incentives for rapid market entry and trade secret protection over substantive public health protection, creating areas of unseen science, research that is conducted but never shared outside of institutional boundaries. In particular, the risks of PFASs have been both structurally hidden and unexamined by existing regulatory and industry practice. This reveals the uneven pathways that construct issues of social and scientific concern.

Concern about the toxicity and exposure of per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFASs) is growing among scientists, regulators, and residents of contaminated communities. In 2016, the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) removed three food contact substances (FCSs) containing perfluorinated chemicals from the list of approved FCSs due to concerns regarding chemical safety. To investigate the significance and limitations of the FDA's regulatory action for environmental health research, advocacy, and regulation, we conducted a media analysis and qualitative interviews with a range of involved stakeholders. We find that the FDA's regulatory action represents a potential shift from chemical-by-chemical regulation toward class-based regulation, where groups of chemicals can be identified as sharing properties and risks, and are thus evaluated and regulated together. The FDA decision sets an important precedent of using a petition process to delist chemicals based on a safety standard. However, the narrow reach of this action also highlights the need for more comprehensive, precautionary chemical regulation capable of thoroughly evaluating classes of chemicals, and raises important questions about how classes of chemicals are delimited in environmental health science and regulation.

Environmental risks are contested topics, and definitions of risk often vary across contexts, disciplines, and institutions. Identifying and describing differences between risk definitions is particularly important because they directly impact risk assessment and management practices. This paper describes how stakeholders rhetorically define and technically operationalize the risks of industrial chemicals, focusing on contemporary debates over flame retardant chemicals that in recent years have been the subject of numerous risk assessments, regulatory activities, and activist campaigns. This paper uses a multi-method approach to develop six conceptual risk formulas which delineate the components that go into evaluating risk and the relationships between those components: the classic risk formula, the emerging toxicology risk formula, the exposure-proxy risk formula, the exposure-centric risk formula, the hazard-centric risk formula, and the either-or risk formula. Using chemical alternatives assessment as an example, this analysis demonstrates how conceptual risk definitions influence the operationalization of risk assessment and management activities.

In contested areas of environmental research and policy, all stakeholders are likely to claim that their position is scientifically grounded but disagree about the relevant scientific conclusions or the weight of the evidence. In this article, I draw on a year of participant observation and over 110 in-depth interviews, with the case study of controversial chemicals used as flame retardants in consumer products. I develop the concept of strategic science translation (SST), the process of interpreting and communicating scientific evidence to an intended audience in order to advance certain goals and interests. Engaging in selective, interpretive, or inaccurate SST allows competing stakeholders to bolster their arguments, strengthen their authority, and inspire change regarding a policy-relevant issue. Because stakeholders deploy imbalanced resources when they participate in contested environmental fields, their actions in those fields and the resulting policy outcomes often reduce not to the settling of scientific truths but to power differentials.

Research on environmental social movements often focuses on movements that target a limited spectrum of policy outcomes and that mobilize primarily around a relatively narrow swath of environmental issues. Through a case study of research and advocacy around flame retardant (FR) chemicals, we describe an unusual multisector alliance involving a broad coalition of participants and multiple levels of state and non-state targets aimed at influencing environmental governance of potentially toxic chemicals. This issue has brought together environmental and health activists, scientists, regulators, firefighters, fire safety professionals, journalists, hospital and building sustainability experts, and manufacturers and retailers. Our research draws on analysis of 126 in-depth interviews, literature and website reviews, and observations at an FR manufacturing company, government regulatory and research offices, and scientific and advocacy conferences. As part of the multisector alliance around FR regulations, man...

Social science-environmental health (SS-EH) research takes many structural forms and contributes to a wide variety of topical areas. In this article we discuss the general nature of SS-EH contributions and offer a new typology of SS-EH practice that situates this type of research in a larger transdisciplinary sensibility: (1) environmental health science influenced by social science, (2) social science studies of environmental health, and (3) social science-environmental health collaborations. We describe examples from our own and others’ work and we discuss the central role that research centers, training programs, and conferences play in furthering SS-EH research. We argue that the third form of SS-EH research, SS-EH collaborations, offers the greatest potential for improving public and environmental health, though such collaborations come with important challenges and demand constant reflexivity on the part of researchers.

An amendment to this paper has been published and can be accessed via a link at the top of the paper.

Today, Americans are simultaneously skeptical of and engaged with political life. How does widespread cynicism affect the culture of civic participation? What are the implications for democracy? This study synthesizes data from a one-year collective ethnography of seven civic groups and theoretical work on boundary making, ambiguity, and role distancing. The authors find skepticism generates “disavowal of the political,” a cultural idiom that allows people to creatively constitute what they imagine to be appropriate forms of engagement. Disavowal generates taboos, and the authors show how disdain for conflict and special interests challenges activism around inequality. Political disavowal both facilitates and constrains civic engagement in an era of political skepticism.

Chemicals that are widely used in consumer products offer challenges to product manufacturers, risk managers, environmental regulators, environmental scientists, and the interested public. However, the factors that cause specific chemicals to rise to the level of regulatory, scientific, and social movement concern and scrutiny are not well documented, and scientists are frequently unclear about exactly how their research impacts policy. Through a case study of advocacy around flame retardant chemicals, this paper traces the pathways through which scientific evidence and concern is marshaled by both advocacy groups and media sources to affect policy change. We focus our analysis around a broad coalition of environmental and public health advocacy organizations and an investigative journalism series published in 2012 in the Chicago Tribune. We demonstrate that the Tribune series both brought the issue to a wider public audience and precipitated government action, including state policy revisions and federal Senate hearings. We also show how a broad and successful flame retardant coalition developed, leveraged a media event, and influenced policy at multiple institutional levels. The analysis draws on over 110 in-depth interviews, literature and Web site reviews, and observations at a flame retardant manufacturing company, government offices, and scientific and advocacy conferences.

This study explored potential gender and racial/ethnic disparities in overall health risk related to 24 health risk indicators selected across six domains: socioeconomic, health status and health care, lifestyle, nutritional, clinical, and environmental. Using the 2003-2006 National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys (NHANES), it evaluated cross-sectional data for 5,024 adults in the United States. Logistic regression models were developed to estimate prevalence odds ratios (PORs) adjusted for smoking, health insurance status, and age. Analyses evaluated disparities associated with 24 indicator variables of health risk, comparing females to males and four racial/ethnic groups to non-Hispanic Whites. Non-Hispanic Blacks and Mexican Americans were at greater risk for at least 50% of the 24 health risk indicators, including measures of socioeconomic status, health risk behaviors, poor/fair self-reported health status, multiple nutritional and clinical indicators, and blood lead levels. This demonstrates that cumulative health risk is unevenly distributed across racial/ethnic groups. A similarly high percentage (46%) of the risk factors was observed in females. Females as compared to males were more likely to have lower income, lower blood calcium, poor/fair self-reported health, more poor mental health days/month, higher medication usage and hospitalizations, and higher serum levels of some clinical indicators and blood cadmium. This analysis of cumulative health risk is responsive to calls for broader-based, more integrated assessment of health disparities that can help inform community assessments and public health policy.

Although the population of homeschooled children in the United States is large and growing, little is known about their access to and utilization of preventive health care services. This paper compares the health care access and utilization of homeschooled children and public school children in the United States using data from the nationally-representative 2007 National Survey of Children's Health. Using logistic regression models, this study finds that homeschooled children were significantly less likely than public school children to have access to a medical home, to visit a health care professional annually, and to receive the Human Papillomavirus vaccine. They were not statistically less likely to have health insurance, to receive annual dental care, or to receive Tetanus or Meningitis vaccinations. This research suggests that public health practitioners, medical providers, researchers, and educators should be attentive to the health care needs of homeschooled children.

This article describes an innovative collaboration between graduate students and a faculty member to co-design and co-teach a graduate-level workshop-style qualitative methods course. The goal of co-designing and co-teaching the course was to involve advanced graduate students in all aspects of designing a syllabus and leading class discussions in a required course for first-year graduate students. The authors describe the multiple stages involved in designing and teaching the qualitative methods course and discuss the challenges of this type of collaborative teaching. This type of collaboration builds on the existing strengths of workshop-style methods courses to improve student learning by providing opportunities for grounded engagement with epistemological topics and ample opportunities for feedback, discussion, and reflection on the research process. This collaborative teaching model, although difficult and time-intensive, provides measurable improvements to existing qualitative workshop courses by overcoming some of the limitations of workshop courses and providing significant benefits for graduate students in the class, the student co-teachers, and faculty.

Community-engaged research on environmental problems has reshaped researcher-participant relationships, academic-community interaction, and the role of community partners in human subjects protection and ethical oversight. We draw on our own and others' research collaborations with environmental health and justice social movement organizations to discuss the ethical concerns that emerge in community-engaged research. In this paper we introduce the concept of reflexive research ethics: ethical guidelines and decision-making principles that depend on continual reflexivity concerning the relationships between researchers and participants. Seeing ethics in this way can help scientists conduct research that simultaneously achieves a high level of professional conduct and protects the rights, well-being, and autonomy of both researchers and the multiple publics affected by research. We highlight our research with community-based organizations in Massachusetts, California, and Alaska, and discuss the potential impacts of the community or social movement on the research process and the potential impacts of research on community or social movement goals. We conclude by discussing ways in which the ethical concerns that surface in community-engaged research have led to advances in ethical research practices. This type of work raises ethical questions whose answers are broadly relevant for social movement, environmental, and public health scholars.