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IntroductionGlobally in 2024, 1 in 5 women aged 20–24 years worldwide had been married before the age of 18 years. One reason for this persistent prevalence of underage marriage may be the slow change in social norms relating to education levels and women's marriage age. However, we know little about how norms change, and whether they vary by socio-demographic characteristics. We aimed to investigate changes in social norms across generations in rural Maharashtra, India.MethodsTo understand the status quo, we identified education levels and marriage ages typical of contemporary young adults in rural Maharashtra using the National Family Health Survey. To see if norms have shifted across generations, we analysed data on education and marriage age in 659 parent-adolescent dyads from the Pune Maternal Nutrition Study (PMNS) in rural Maharashtra. To ascertain if norms might shift in the future, we investigated adolescents' aspirations for their future hypothetical children's education and marriage, and classified adolescents as wanting (a) their children to decide themselves, (b) more education and later marriage age, or (c) the status quo. We assessed whether these aspirations differed by socio-demographic characteristics.ResultsCompared to the status quo and PMNS adults, PMNS adolescents had substantially more education, and girls were marrying slightly later. About 70% of the adolescents wanted their children to themselves decide their schooling. The remainder of both sexes wanted their children to have the same education as them (15 years). Only 10% of adolescent girls and 14% of boys wanted their child to decide their own marriage age. Most adolescents wanted a later marriage age for their children than their own experience. Lower educated and early married girls aspired for greater education for their children. More educated boys aspired for later marriage for their children.DiscussionEducation norms have changed by a larger magnitude than marriage age norms. Adolescents are already attaining their education aspirations, but aspire for later marriage of their children, more so for their hypothetical sons than daughters. Since senior household members remain influential in marriage decisions, it may take time before adolescents' aspirations for their children become a new norm.

IntroductionMaternal nutrition promotes maternal and child health. However, most interventions to address undernutrition are only implemented once pregnancy is known, and cannot address broader risk factors preceding conception. Poverty and socio-economic status are considered systemic risk factors, but both economic growth and cash transfers have had limited success improving undernutrition. Another generic risk factor is low human capital, referring to inadequate skills, knowledge and autonomy, and represented by traits such as low educational attainment and women's early marriage. Few studies have evaluated whether maternal human and socio-economic capital at conception are independently associated with maternal and offspring outcomes.MethodsUsing data on 651 mother-child dyads from the prospective Pune Maternal Nutrition Study in rural India, composite markers were generated of “maternal human capital” using maternal marriage age and maternal and husband's education, and 'socio-economic capital' using household wealth and caste. Linear and logistic regression models investigated associations of maternal low/mid human capital, relative to high capital, with her own nutrition and offspring size at birth, postnatal growth, education, age at marriage and reproduction, and cardiometabolic risk at 18 years. Models controlled for socio-economic capital, maternal age and parity.ResultsIndependent of socio-economic capital, and relative to high maternal human capital, low human capital was associated with shorter maternal stature, lower adiposity and folate deficiency but higher vitamin B12 status. In offspring, low maternal human capital was reflected in shorter gestation, smaller birth head girth, being breastfed for longer, poor postnatal growth, less schooling, lower fat mass and insulin secretion at 18 years. Daughters married and had children at an early age.DiscussionSeparating maternal human and socio-economic capital is important for identifying the aspects which are most relevant for future interventions. Low maternal human capital, independent of socio-economic capital, was a systemic risk factor contributing to an intergenerational cycle of disadvantage, perpetuated through undernutrition, low education and daughters' early marriage and reproduction. Future interventions should target maternal and child human capital. Increasing education and delaying girls' marriage may lead to sustained intergenerational improvements across Sustainable Development Goals 1 to 5, relating to poverty, hunger, health, education and gender equality.

Background Women’s early marriage (

Abstract Background Body Mass Index (BMI) is a common outcome when assessing associations between childhood overweight and obesity and physical activity patterns. However, the fat and fat-free components of BMI, measured by the Fat Mass Index (FMI) and Fat-Free Mass Index (FFMI), may show contrasting associations with physical activity, while ethnic groups may vary in both physical activity patterns and body composition. Body composition must therefore be evaluated when assessing the associations between childhood overweight and obesity and physical activity in multi-ethnic populations. Methods This cross-sectional study investigated associations of BMI, FMI and FFMI z-scores with extracurricular physical activity for 2171 London primary schoolchildren (aged 5–11 years) of black, South Asian and white/other ethnicity. Multilevel mixed-effects ordered logistic modelling was used, adjusting for age, sex and family and neighbourhood socioeconomic status as potential confounders. Results Controlling for ethnicity and individual, family and neighbourhood socioeconomic confounders, actively commuting children had significantly lower Odds Ratios for being in high BMI (Odds Ratio (OR) = 0.678; 95 % Confidence Interval (CI) = 0.531 − 0.865; p − value = 0.002) and FMI z-score groups (OR = 0.679; 95 % CI = 0.499 − 0.922; p = 0.013), but not FFMI z-score groups, than passive commuters. Children doing sports less than once a week had lower Odds Ratios for being in high BMI (OR = 0.435; 95 % CI = 0.236 − 0.802; p = 0.008) and FFMI (OR = 0.455; 95 % CI = 0.214 − 0.969; p = .041) z-score categories compared to daily active children. Differences in FMI between groups did not reach the significance threshold. A trend towards statistical significance was obtained whereby children’s complete inactivity was associated with higher odds for being in higher BMI (OR = 2.222 : 95 % CI = 0.977 − 5.052; p = .057) and FMI z-score groups (OR = 2.485 : 95 % CI = 0.961 − 6.429; p = .060). FFMI z-scores did not show a similar trend with complete inactivity. Conclusions Active commuting was objectively associated with lower adiposity, while more frequent extracurricular sports participation was correlated with greater fat-free mass accretion. These relationships were independent of ethnicity and individual, family or neighbourhood socioeconomic confounding factors.

Several papers have primarily considered a female disadvantage in mortality as something to explain, considering a male disadvantage to be a “natural condition”. Even if, due to biological reasons, shorter life expectancy among males has been demonstrated, other factors need to be involved to explain firstly the increasing, and then the decreasing, of the male relative disadvantage over the past century.The principal aim of this paper is to provide a clearer picture of the major age-class and cause-of-death contributions to male excess mortality in England and Wales from 1881 to 2011.Results indicate a clear shift in contributions to the male disadvantage from differences occurring during the first year of life to those occurring in ageing people, and from tuberculosis, respiratory diseases, external causes and perinatal and congenital conditions to neoplasms and circulatory diseases. In contrast, the narrowing of the gap since 1981 seems to be most closely related to the decrease in the male disadvantage in respiratory diseases and to the simultaneous increasing in the female disadvantage in old-age diseases.The most important novelty of this research relates to the method: instead of using ratios to investigate gender differences in health, we use decomposition methods.

Background: Early childbirth is associated with adverse maternal and child health outcomes. In South Asia, where women generally marry before having children, public health efforts need to focus on delaying marriage. Female education is widely considered the primary means to achieve this. However, it remains unclear how much education is required to delay marriage to the universal minimum age of 18 years, or what predicts marriage age in women lacking any education. This is crucial to address in the Terai region of Nepal which has the highest proportion of children out of school and where girls marry and have their first pregnancy early.Methods: We analyzed data from 6,406 women aged 23–30 years from a cluster-randomized trial in lowland Terai Nepal. Using Kaplan-Meier survival analysis, multivariable logistic and Cox proportional hazards regression models, we investigated associations between women's education level and age at marriage and first pregnancy, and the interval between these events. Among the uneducated women, we investigated associations of husband's education level with the same outcomes.Results: Compared to uneducated women, educated women had a greater probability of delaying marriage until the age of 18 years and of pregnancy until 20 years. Women needed to complete grade 9, and ideally 11, to substantially increase their odds of marrying after 18 years. Delaying first pregnancy to 20 years was largely due to marrying later; education had little extra effect. The association of marriage with first pregnancy age worked independently of education. However, later-marrying women, who generally had completed more education, had their first pregnancy sooner after marriage than earlier marrying women. Most uneducated women, regardless of their husbands' level of education, still married under the legal age of marriage.Conclusion: Delaying marriage to majority age requires greater efforts to ensure girls get to school in the first place, and complete secondary education. Since currently only 36% of girls in the Terai attend secondary school, parallel efforts to delay marriage are crucial to prevent early childbearing. Sexual and reproductive health programmes in school and in women's groups for married and uneducated adolescents may help prepare for marriage and pregnancy.

In many traditional societies, women’s age at marriage acts simultaneously as a gateway to new family roles and the likelihood of producing offspring. However, inadequate attention has previously been given to the broader health and social implications of variability in women’s marriage age for public health. Biomedical scientists have primarily been concerned with whether the onset of reproduction occurs before the woman is adequately able to nurture her offspring and maintain her own health. Social scientists have argued that early marriage prevents women from attaining their rightful education, accessing employment and training opportunities, developing social relationships with peers, and participating in civic life. The aim of this review article is to provide comprehensive research evidence on why women’s marriage age, independent of age at first childbirth, is a crucial issue for public health. It focuses on data from four South Asian countries, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and Pakistan, in which marriage is near universal and where a large proportion of women still marry below the United Nations prescribed minimum marriage age of 18 years. Using an integrative perspective, we provide a comprehensive synthesis of the physiological, bio-demographic, and socio-environmental drivers of variable marriage age. We describe the adverse health consequences to mothers and to their offspring of an early age at marriage and of childbearing, which include malnutrition and high rates of morbidity and mortality. We also highlight the complex association of marriage age, educational attainment, and low societal status of women, all of which generate major public health impact. Studies consistently find a public health dividend of increased girls’ education for maternal and child nutritional status and health outcomes. Paradoxically, recent relative increases in girls’ educational attainment across South Asia have had limited success in delaying marriage age. This evidence suggests that in order for public health initiatives to maximize the health of women and their offspring, they must first address the factors that shape the age at which women marry.

As active commuting levels continue to decline among primary schoolchildren, evidence about which built environmental characteristics influence walking or cycling to school remains inconclusive and is strongly context-dependent. This study aimed to identify the objective built environmental drivers of, and barriers to, active commuting to school for a multi-ethnic sample of 1,889 healthy primary schoolchildren (aged 5-11) in London, UK. Using cross-sectional multilevel ordered logistic regression modelling, supported by the spatial exploration of built environmental characteristics through cartography, the objective built environment was shown to be strongly implicated in children's commuting behaviour. In line with earlier research, proximity to school emerged as the prime variable associated with the choice for active commuting. However, other elements of the urban form were also significantly associated with children's use of active or passive modes of transport. High levels of accidents, crime and air pollution along the route to school were independently correlated with a lower likelihood of children walking or cycling to school. Higher average and minimum walkability and higher average densities of convenience stores along the way were independently linked to higher odds of active commuting. The significance of the relations for crime, air pollution and walkability disappeared in the fully-adjusted model including all built environmental variables. In contrast, relationships with proximity, traffic danger and the food environment were maintained in this comprehensive model. Black children, pupils with obesity, younger participants and those from high socioeconomic families were less likely to actively commute to school. There is thus a particular need to ensure that roads with high volumes of actively commuting children are kept safe and clean, and children's exposure to unhealthy food options along the way is limited. Moreover, as short commuting distances are strongly correlated with walking or cycling, providing high-quality education near residential areas might incite active transport to school.