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In 2008, in the aftermath of the World Food Crisis and in a context of an unfolding New Green Revolution for Africa, Morocco launched the Green Morocco Plan to ‘modernise’ its agricultural sector, thereby making the latter the main driver for economic growth and for the alleviation of rural poverty. Yet, the technicist-productivist rationale of the Green Morocco Plan, characteristic of New Green Revolution modernisation schemes, renders any positive socio-ecological outcome unlikely. Hence, recent studies of the Green Morocco Plan have focused on its impacts on food security, inequality and environment. However, how the Green Morocco Plan's rationale is (re)produced within a given set of socio-ecological, material relations has to date attracted relatively little attention. This study, therefore, explores the power-knowledge dynamics of the modernisation discourse within the Green Morocco Plan as a driver of socio-ecological change. Bringing together insights from political ecology, critical development and agri-food studies, we show how the entangled set of ideological, material, political and technical processes embodied within the Green Morocco Plan favours a reductionist view of agricultural development as increasing yields and profits. In so doing, such a view perpetuates efforts to ‘modernise’ smallholder/family farming.

This article reviews Gillian Hart’s unique anticolonial Marxism, which she deftly deploys to explore questions regarding development, capitalism, and the post-apartheid trajectories of South Africa...

In this paper, we conceptualise the human body as infrastructure, asking what kind of infrastructure it currently is and what kind of infrastructure it could be. We therefore tease out the historically and geographically specific ways in which human bodies have been (re)produced as infrastructure, emphasising the violence of abstraction in capitalist modernity that transforms the productive body into a technology of calorific inputs and outputs. Nevertheless, through demystifying abstract labour we point to the relations of (re)production (needed for the body’s ongoing repair) and the metabolic processes (responsible for both decay and repair) that are subsumed within a broader capitalist system of accumulation. In so doing, we turn to the immanent contradictions and struggles that resist the body’s production as a one-sided technology of circulation and through which it is, and can become, an infrastructure for life and sociality. Publisher PDF

Since its inception, political ecology has marshalled a variety of different understandings of the human subject. Confronted with the challenges of authoritarian populism, as well as the provocations of the Anthropocene, being explicit about such conceptualisations is increasingly necessary. In this third report, I review recent conceptualisations of the subject, beginning with how ‘the people’ have been invoked in authoritarian populist discourses. I then contrast such a perspective with the situated social subjects of everyday political ecology before considering the challenges posed to notions of a sovereign human subject. I conclude with a discussion of political ecological persons in praxis.

In this paper, we develop a novel interpretation of the internal relationship between value, rent and finance, thereby enabling a new reading of the process of financialisation. As we argue, responding to the important question of how best to conceptualise the relationship between value and finance necessitates an understanding of the internal relations with a third moment, that of rent. We therefore develop a triadic understanding of these three interrelated moments. Crucially, we demonstrate that fictitious capital now actively pursues forms of rent, deepening the interrelationship between value, rent and finance. We conclude with a critical review of the literature on the financialisation of water, showing how the conceptual framework we develop sheds light upon the relations out of which water infrastructure has been financialised, as well as suggesting strategic entry points for its contestation.

The Thames Tideway Tunnel (TTT), often referred to as the Thames super sewer, is currently one of the largest infrastructure projects underway in any European city. Costing an estimated £4.2 billion, the sewer connects London’s Victorian sewerage network with the Thames Wastewater Treatment Works at Beckton. The latter facility has been described as the UK’s Water–Energy–Food nexus poster child, for its combination of desalination facilities, green energy generation and wastewater treatment. While physically connected to the Beckton plant, the TTT is, paradoxically, designed with an apparent disregard for the water–energy nexus. If the Beckton plant represents a nexus-based vision of integration – what Macrorie and Marvin (2016) refer to as Mode 2 Urban Integration – the TTT harks back to a view of urban integration carried from the Victorian era through to the present moment. What unites the two projects, and what undergirds the transformation of the hydrosocial cycle, is a financial model more focused on the extraction of rents from Thames Water’s consumers. Thames Water’s dismissal of genuinely integrated alternatives appears guided more by the financialisation of the urban integrated ideal than by what is needed to respond to London’s broader environmental needs. Contesting the project, therefore, will involve slicing through the various claims to integration, going beyond the many proposals for evidence-based alternatives, and capturing the transformations being wrought by finance’s entry into infrastructure provision.

Political ecology has often defined itself against Eurocentric conceptions of the world. Nevertheless, recent contributions have questioned the ongoing reproduction of an Anglo-American mainstream against ‘other political ecologies’. Decentring Anglo-American political ecology has therefore forced a greater recognition of traditions that have developed under the same banner, albeit in different linguistic or national contexts. In addition, thinking more about the situatedness of knowledge claims has forced a deeper questioning of the Eurocentric and colonial production of political ecological research. In this report I begin by reviewing a range of political ecological traditions before going on to look at decolonial moves within the field. I conclude by considering how political ecologists might reframe their practice as one of relational comparison.

Foreword by Leo Heller 1. The Right to Water in a Global Context: Challenges and Transformations in Water Politics Farhana Sultana and Alex Loftus 2. Valuing Water: Rights, Resilience, and the UN High-Level Panel on Water Jeremy Schmidt 3. Making Space for Practical Authority: Policy Formalization and The Right to Water in Mexico Katie Meehan 4. Turning to Traditions: Three Cultural-Religious Articulations of Fresh Waters' Value(s) in Contemporary Governance Frameworks Christiana Zenner 5. The Right to Bring Waters into Being Jamie Linton 6. The Rights to Water and Food: Exploring the Synergies Lyla Mehta and Daniel Langmeier 7. Water-Security Capabilities and the Human Right to Water Wendy Jepson, Amber Wutich and Leila M. Harris 8. Rights on the Edge of the City: Realizing of the Right to Water in Informal Settlements in Bolivia Anna Walnycki 9. Human Right to Water and Bottled Water Consumption: Governing at the Intersection of Water Justice, Rights and Ethics Raul Pacheco-Vega 10. Against the Trend: Structure and Agency in the Struggle for Public Water in Europe Andreas Bieler 11. Remunicipalization and the Human Right to Water: A Signifier Half Full? David A. McDonald 12. Citizen Mobilization for Water: The Case of Thessaloniki, Greece Jerry van den Berge, Rutgerd Boelens and Jeroen Vos 13. Race, Austerity and Water in the United States: Fighting for the Human Right to Water in Detroit and Flint, Michigan Cristy Clark 14. Class, Race, Space and the 'Right to Sanitation': The Limits of Neoliberal Toilet Technologies in Durban, South Africa Patrick Bond Index

However conceptualised, the institutions and relations associated with the state are clearly crucial to political ecological research. Environmental policies are enacted through state institutions, and property rights over land and resources are enforced by the legal framework and monopoly power associated with the state form. Nevertheless, political ecologists have sometimes had an uneasy relationship with conceptualisations of the state, leading to recurring questions over the adequacy of political ecological theorisations. Over the last decade and a half such questions have led to a call for dialogues with political geography and, more recently, with critical geopolitics. In this second progress report, I review recent political ecological theorisations of the state, pointing to a set of shared concerns associated with the processes, relations and struggles through which states are brought into being and acquire certain effects. I will conclude with a note of caution when it comes to an uncritical dialogue with more abstract interpretations of state power.

This paper historicises the emergence (and subsequent power) of geographical abstractions. Following Karl Marx in the Grundrisse, I argue that one of the central features of modern capitalist society is rule by abstractions. As both Derek Sayer and Henri Lefebvre argue, such abstractions enact forms of violence within the societies subjected to their rule. The three geographical abstractions I consider are space, nature, and scale. Whilst I argue that some forms of abstraction are transhistorical, my interest is more in how these transhistorical abstractions rub up against new forms specific to capitalist societies. In particular, following Alfred Sohn-Rethel, I am interested in the role played by the exchange abstraction in producing distinctive spatial relations, a commoditised nature, and new forms of scalar hierarchy. The paper sheds light on the utility of a historical–geographical materialist approach for situating the production of violent geographical abstractions and envisaging a world free from their domination.

This Advanced Review analyzes recent debates over the human right to water. While accepting critiques from scholars that the right to water risks entrenching unequal and unjust forms of water governance, the paper nevertheless takes a more sympathetic view of the potentials within struggles for the right to water. Recognizing that such struggles can take many different forms, we urge scholars to adopt more nuanced and geographically sensitive analyses of the conditions out of which movements for the right to water have emerged. We reject the claim that the right to water depoliticises struggles for water justice and we instead find conditions of possibility for deeper and more lasting changes to water governance within struggles for the right to water. WIREs Water 2015, 2:97–105. doi: 10.1002/wat2.1067 For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website. Conflict of interest: The authors have declared no conflicts of interest for this article.

Urban political ecology attempts to unravel and politicize the socio-ecological processes that produce uneven waterscapes. At the core of this analysis are the choreographies of power that influence how much water flows through urban infrastructure as well as where it flows, thereby shaping conditions and quality of access in cities. If these analyses have been prolific in demonstrating uneven distribution of infrastructures and water quantity, the political ecology of water quality remains largely overlooked. In this paper, we argue that there is a clear theoretical and practical need to address questions of quality in relation to water access in the South. We show that conceptual resources for considering differentiated drinking water quality are already present within urban political ecology. We then contend that an interdisciplinary approach, highlighting the interdependencies between politics, power, and physiochemical and microbiological contamination of drinking water, can further our understandings of both uneven distribution of water contamination and the conceptualisation of inequalities in the urban waterscape. We illustrate our argument through the case of water supply in Lilongwe, Malawi. Our political ecology analysis starts from an examination of the physicochemical and microbiological quality of water supplied by the formal water utility across urban spaces in Lilongwe. We then present the topography of water (quality) inequalities in Lilongwe and identify the political processes underlying the production of differentiated water quality within the centralised network. This paper thereby serves as a deepening of urban political ecology as well as a demonstration of how this approach might be taken forward in the analysis of urbanism and water supplies in the global South.

This paper rereads debates over water security and insecurity through the tools of critical geographical scholarship. It seeks to demonstrate the value of such a critical perspective in achieving access to water for all. While rejecting a simplistic dismissal of mainstream discourses on water security, the paper notes the failure to adequately politicise the processes and relationships that reproduce water inequalities. Finding lessons in recent writings on political ecology, the hydro-social cycle and on the right to water, the paper concludes with a Gramscian claim to build from the fragmented but situated knowledges implicit in struggles to achieve democratic access to water.

The senses are relationally produced through, in part, the everyday activities of making urban space. This reciprocal relationship suggests new ways of exploring the conditions of possibility for an urban politics. In seeking to chart such possibilities, we turn to the twofold understanding of aesthetics found within Marx’s critique of political economy, using this as a lens through which to learn from the practices of insurgent artists and anarchitects as they perform ‘relational urban interventions’ in the cities of London and New York. Just as Marx railed against the anaesthetising tendencies of capitalist society, and saw within communism the possibilities for the liberation of the senses and the freeing of creative activity, so relational urban interventions develop a twofold aesthetic model. Nevertheless, recent scholarly attempts to consider the political life of sensation and to theorise the relationship between space and politics have been filtered through a post-Althusserian lens that is less attentive to emergent possibilities within critical spatial practice. Taking a different tack, we call for a philosophy of praxis that builds on an understanding of relational sensuousness and a Marxist aesthetics in order to prise open the conditions of possibility for an urban politics.

In this paper, we seek to revisit earlier work on the theory of rent, situating it in the current period of economic crisis and in relation to informal housing in the global South. More than ever, land is treated as a pure financial asset. Finance capital now exerts a profound influence over the production of space and exposes the built environment to the kinds of speculative binges that we have witnessed over the last decade. This is now as much a feature of living conditions in the poorest settlements of the global South as it is in the financial heartlands of the global North. We question key assumptions behind development interventions by arguing that infrastructural upgrading may decrease the security of tenure of residents of informal housing and call for a more nuanced approach that recognises the (post)colonial histories of urbanisation structuring access to land and housing.