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In this article, the authors address the question of whether ?homosexual fascists? should be treated as a mere ?cliche? or as an idea that contains some scientific value. After a short introductory part, the problem of homosexuality in two influential pre-war theories of mass psychology ? Freud?s and Reich?s ? are examined and then their achivements are evaluated from the perspective of five most imprtant Hitler?s statements about Rohm and his associates, their homosexuality and alleged betrayal. The authors come to the conclusion that the idea of ?homosexual fascists? turns out to be grounded only under the condition that fascism is understood as a consistently developed and implemented ideology of the Mannerbund.

Considering that Max Weber?s theory of the ?men?s union (Mannerbund)? is still unsurpassed today, despite the fact that it was not syst ematically developed anywhere, the authors undertook its reconstruction from the many fragments left behind after his death, primarily in the book Economy and Society. Although Weber is rightly considered to have paid the most attention to the phenomenon of warrior communism in his discussions of the Mannerbund, a detailed analysis shows that his dealings with the warrior orgy and the warrior cult are equally important contributions.

In this paper, the authors argue that Franz Boas had a coherent theory of the secret society, which he did not systematically develop anywhere, but which can be reconstructed from several of his works. The authors are not dealing with the whole theory, but only with the postulate of the warfare origin of secret societies (which later became the foundation of the Männerbund theory). Namely, Boas believed that the secret societies of the North American Indians were originally warlike, but that by the beginning of the 20th century they either retained only the functions of initiation and education, or were transformed into therapeutic and dance societies. Although he claimed that the mythology of the Indians did not provide additional insights into the origins of secret societies, his dealings with the myth of the “culture heroˮ and the “tricksterˮ proved the contrary. The authors try to go a step further and find new contributions for the study of the origins of secret societies in North America in the myth of Wolf as the brother (father) of the “culture hero.ˮ

In the article the authors are trying to give sociological insight in the origin and initial meaning attributed to Eucharist as one of the first Christian sacraments. The analysis is limited to the meaning of Eucharist for the community of disciples which originated it after the execution of Jesus. In the first step the authors are dealing with the theory of Rene Girard, in order to reveal the dynamic of the 'generative production of scapegoat' within the community of Jesus' disciples. In the second step they are using the theory of magician's regeneration (i.e. his second birth as a magician), developed by Max Weber, in order to establish the dominant professional problem the disciples are left with after the execution of their teacher, who was extraordinary successful magician. With help of this two theories, the authors find the origin and the meaning of Eucharist in the innovation of the initiation ritual aiming at providing the new way of acquiring the professional skills of Jesus, the magician.

In the article the author concentrates on Immanuel Kant’s philosophical musings on phantasy and its artistic products such as novels (Romane). Although Kant was one of the first critics of the early German romanticist endeavors to emancipate the force of phantasy from the domination of the mind/reason, he was also incapable to resist the temptation to give phantasy important role in the cognitive activities of man. Ultimately, phantasy was crucial in Kant’s concept of aestheticised natural order of things (because it leads man to perceive nature as beautiful as well as to begin „poetic daydreaming“ about nature), but also in his concept of divine worldly order of things after the end of history (because it enables men to be certain about coming of God’s kingdom on Earth). Keywords: Kant, romanticism, novel, phantasy, mind, reason, nature, God

Nowhere in his work Montesquieu did give a precise definition of despotism as one of three types of government. However, a number of places where Montesquieu wrote about despotism reveal a fairly consistent model based on five key principles: 1) the supremacy of only one (ruling) political force; 2) equality of subjects based on their nothingness; 3) simplicity of social structure (devoid of class and rank); 4) administrative distribution of only one (ruling) political force; as well as 5) metropolization as a consequence of homogenization policy of one (ruling) political force.

In Aesthetic Theory Adorno refers to Schubert as "the mimic par excellence." The connection between Adomo's conception of mimesis and his notion of Schubert has remained unexplored. In his essays "Schubert" and "Franz Schubert: Grand Rondo in A Major for Piano Four-Hands, op. 107" Adomo developed concepts and drew conclusions about Schubert's formal procedures that had a formative influence on his later understanding of mimesis. Adorno's mimesis is supposed to be a creative synthesis of two dichotomies: the life and death instincts (Freud) and the instincts of self-preservation and letting go (Caillois). In Dialectic of Enlightenment. Adorn equates mimesis to the death instinct and development to the life instinct, but only to disguise his departure from both dichotomies. He links every notion of progress to "domination" and reduces it to the mimesis of the "nonorganic," that which is dead. But Adomo did not purge his mimetic theory of every residue of Freud's and Caillois's dualism. Instead, he constructed a new opposition within mimesis itself: mimicking that which is dead and that which is living. The roots of this change can be found in his essays on Schubert. Mimicking that which is dead may be understood as an elaboration of the idea of "the landscape of death" in Schubert's music, embodied in a "crystalline form" through which the wanderer moves aimlessly. Mimicking that which is living would resemble Schubert's landscapes in which nature is "reconciled and blissful," landscapes that open up the prospect of regeneration. Schubert's music embodied the irrational hope of all those whom Adorn perceived as mimics from Schubert to all freedom-loving "wanderers" through the world at the end of history that one day the hour of regeneration would come and life once more defeat death. Keywords: Aesthetic Theory, Adomo, Schubert, mimesis, wanderer

First part of the article is devoted to the main categories of Max Weber's historicist sociology: ethos and spirit. The authors are examining his concepts of capitalist spirit and protestant spirit and, relaying especially on Weber's unfinished treatise on music, contemplating the missing concept of romantic spirit, which could be tied with wandering ethos. In the second part of article, they are separating the phenomena of wandering (moving without purpose or goal) from travelling (moving towards the determined end) and analysing the possibilities of re-constructing the wandering ethos in context of emerging early Romanticism. In the end they are dealing with the main change the wandering underwent in 18th Century and early 19th Century: from despised activity practiced by social outcasts only (with few exceptions such as journeymen and merchants) to the tool of regeneration.

In this article the authors are reconstructing the dichotomies which the young Theodor Adorno was trying to detect in the music of the bourgeois epoch and personify in two antipodes - Franz Schubert and Ludwig van Beethoven. Although already a devotee of Arnold Schonberg and the 20th century music avantgardism, Adorno was, in his works prior to his exile from Germany (1934), intensively dealing with Schubert and his opposition towards Beethoven. While Beethoven was a bold and progressive revolutionary, fascinated by the “practical reason” and the mission to rise up and reach the stars, Schubert wanted none of it (almost anticipating the failure of the whole revolutionary project). Instead, he was looking backwards, to primordial nature and the possibility of man to participate in its mythic cycles of death and regeneration. The lack of synthesis between this two opposing tendencies in the music of early bourgeois epoch lead to the “negative dialectics” of Schonberg and 20th century music avantgardism and to the final separation of Beethovenian musical progress and Schubertian musical mimesis. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177019: Identiteti srpske muzike u svetskom kulturnom kontekstu, i br. 179035: Izazovi nove drustvene integracije u Srbiji - koncepti i akteri]

Although the philosophy (as well as the whole movement) of Enlightenment was born in the Netherlands and England in the late 17th and early 18th century, there were considerable problems in defying the freedom. By the mid 18th century, under the influence of „national mercantilism“ (Max Weber), the freedom was perceived in more and more collective terms, giving bith to the political option of national liberalism. That is why in the second half of 18th century this two countries have been progresively loosing importance for the movement of Enlightenment and two new countries emerged at its leading position, striving for democratic liberalism: United States of America and France. However, individual freedom faced not one, but two dangers during its philosophical and institutional development in the Age of Enlightenment: on the one hand, the danger of wanishing in the national freedom, and, on the other hand, the danger of becoming unbound and (self)destructive. The emerging (national) liberalism in England in the 18th century witnessed the first danger, while the second danger appeared in the wake of the Franch revolution. The French were the first in the Modern epohe to realise that the light of freedom is to powerful to be used without considerable precaussions in the establishement of liberal civil society. Therefore, some moderation hat to be taken into consideration. The idea of humanity, i.e. human rights, was at the end found as most helpful in solving the task of preserving individual freedom, without sacrifying social bonds between free individuals.

The purpose of the authors in the article is to contextualize Adorno's early theory of society and music in his experience of Weimar Republic and Third Reich. The importance of the revolution in his first outline of sociology of music is especially stressed. At he beginning this period, it was the revolution of the workers class that he was trying to reconcile with the dodecaphonic revolution in music (which he believed he had already witnessed in Wienna while studying with Alban Berg). But, his attitude changed towards the end of Weimar Republic and at the beginning of Third Reich (Adorno left Germany in April 1934) and he separated the paths of two revolutions, arguing that the revolution of the workers class could be pursued by the means of 'vulgar bourgeois' choral music (with new lyrics). The same he thought appropriate for the Nazi revolution in one of the last papers published before his leave for England.

The central topic of the article is the importance of the freedom for the Age of Enlightenment, as well as ties connecting philosophy of Enlightenment and political liberalism. Furthermore, the author?s central thesis is that the light that began to enlightened the reason in the Age of Enlightenment had nothing to do with God or nature, but solely with human freedom. As Anthony Ashley Cooper, third Earl of Shaftsbury, noted in one of his letters, freedom shed the light on two countries at first: the Netherlands and England. The author is also disputing the thesis developed by Jonathan Irving Israel in his recent books Radical Enlightenment and Enlightenment Contested that the movement of radical Enlightenment in 18. century was almost exclusevly inspired by the political and religious philosophy of the Dutch Baruch de Spinoza. Although Spinoza?s contribution to the radical Enlightenment is clear and evident, he could be also perceived as a thinker who inspired some currents of moderate Enlightenment and counter-Enlightenment as well.

In the article the author is dealing with two issues he perceives as main specific features of the German 18th century Enlightenment: the impact of pietism and the role of Prussian king Frederic the Great. On the one hand, as a very influential intellectual power in Germany, especially in Prussia, pietism was reluctant to let freedom of consciousness go too far. Instead, it tried to come to terms with the Enlightenment movement and save what was believed to be the original ?core? of Christianity. On the other hand, Frederic played a crucial role in the development of German Enlightenment as a free-thinker, as well as an enlightened despot, who encouraged his subjects to think freely in religious matters, but never contemplated the possibility to help them overcome their political immaturity. Instead, he preferred order and discipline in persuading his ?people? to accept state machinery which should be served quietly and obediently. The long-term consequences of such development were the rise of nationalism and the theory of the reason of state.

Carl Schmitt is usually perceived as the theorist of total state, total war and total hostility. In the article, the author however tries to show that from 1937 to 1944, Schmitt was arguing that total war and total hostility were dangerous for Germany (as well as for the rest of Europe) and warned against perpetuation of all efforts to totalize enemy that started in 1914. In his theoretical endeavors in this period there was place for the total state only - and especially for the total state strong enough to resist temptation of declaring total war on total enemy. The total state he recommended Hitler and his Nazi comrades was German Reich, as a part of Europe ordered and divided in the huge spaces (Grossraumordnung). Positioned in the centre of Europe, between the rest of the powers (France, Italy, USSR as well as the Scandinavian states), Germany should be careful enough to wage war only against its Eastern enemies (Poland and maybe USSR) and only in order to achieve 'just' borders. Occupying in this way its huge space Germany should devote itself to the task of exploitation of various peoples such as Poles, Chechs and Slovaks, which were perceived as incapable of having their states and doomed to serve the master race - the Germans.

In this paper the author discusses Carl Schmitt's concept of 'the political' (das Politische), and his constitutional teaching (Verfassungslehre). He is trying to explain that the logic of Schmitt's argument against liberal democracy and in favor of populist democracy follows all the important conclusions made by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his Social Contract, with only one exception. Schmitt was, namely, reluctant to accept that the social contract ever occurred in any historical society and he believed that it could not be used even as a methodological tool, because it has no meaning in the very foundations of political community. Rousseau's statements on 'general will', 'people', and immediate democracy Schmitt found more attractive for his purposes of designing the model of total state.

In this article the authors devote their attention to the ideological dimension of Theodor Adorno's attitude towards atonality, and especially towards dodecaphonic music. They are arguing that Adorno never really wanted to understand close interrelatedness between Arnold Schoenberg's dodecaphonic project and his endeavors to go 'back to the roots' of Judaism. Instead, Adorno developed a Marxist pattern of explanation which was hostile towards anything belonging to the repressive and meaningless 'ancient regime', as well as towards its 'appropriate' ideologies and religions (like Judaism). In order to fulfill the primary task of reflecting the evils of the rule of contemporary totalitarian capitalism, modern atonal (and especially dodecaphonic) music had to be, according to Adorno, 'progressively' purified of all ties with 'reactionary' Judaism.

In the article the authors are examining three positions within the 18th Century aesthetic discussion on the sublime - Edmund Burke's, Immanuel Kant's and Friedrich Schiller's. They are also trying to reconstruct the political backgrounds of each of this theoretical positions: old regime conservatism (Burke), republican liberalism (Schiller) and romantic longing for the 'third way' (Kant). The most sophisticated and mature theory of sublime is found in Schiller's aesthetic works, especially in those following his disappointment in French Revolution, in which the relationship between sublime and paradoxes of historical violence is most thoroughly reflected.

The paper views rationalism as a central category of an entire sociological endeavor of Max Weber in two dimensions: through the progress of mind in the understanding of 'the nature of things' and overcoming the resistance posed to the mind on that path by nature itself on the one hand, and through the struggle against irrationality of the very social beliefs and institutions which have gathered in history, on the other. When it comes to the first dimension, rationalization of music begins with the solving of the problem of the division of the octave (which cannot be divided symmetrically into equal parts) and ends in the obstruction of the 'spiral' effect of intervals which the octave is composed of. (in order to ensure undisturbed successive or 'circular' lining of octaves). The other dimension is problematise in the relation with the ascetic ethics and the spirit of pentatonics, which is presented as similar to the relation between protestant ethics and the spirit of capitalism, only without the positive rationalist contributions of ascetic ethics.

The question why Arnold Schoenberg did not complete his oratorio Die Jakobsleiter according to his initial plan, but instead decided to set to music only the text from the first part of the work and to compose the Great symphonic interlude, is still unanswered today and is quite worthy of continuing scholarly attention. In this article the authors argue that Schoenberg's religious beliefs played a central role in both creating and (re)shaping Die Jakobsleiter. In other words, Schoenberg's post-war decision to abandon the plan to compose music for the second part of the oratorio (i.e. for the rest of the libretto published in 1917), was a direct outcome of the transition of his Weltanschauung from unorthodox theosophy and open-minded cosmopolitanism towards more earthly oriented and nationally uncompromising Judaism. According to these new beliefs, Schoenberg conceived the Great symphonic interlude as a real denial of all human endeavors to reach transcendence and as an epitaph for the romantic 'infinite urge', which so passionately inspired composers from the previous epoch. By doing this Schoenberg abandoned the tradition of musical romanticism, as well as his own 'free' atonal project, which was counterpart to his former beliefs and which in different conditions, was found to be 'heretical' according to the newly revealed Law of Dodecaphony.

In the article the authors are dealing with the musical 'material' as the key concept of Theodor Adorno's sociology of music. Being a synthesis of two, ideologically opposite - Schonberg's and Marx's - legacies, Adorno's 'material' combines also quite opposite meanings. On the one side, it echoes Schonberg's theory of relationship between tone (as natural phenomena) and unconscious 'instinct' (that transforms composer into some kind of the tool of nature, and whole mankind as well). On the other side, Adorno was following Karl Marx general theory of capitalism (all cultural phenomena are determined by the material production), with one crucial innovation. Adorno's 'material' was reflecting the lack of virtual communist revolution, instead of its preparation (in the bosom of totalitarian capitalism). As the result of Adorno's 'negative dialectics' in the field of music, it was carrying the message of the suppressed apocalypse. .

In the article the authors are dealing with the militant potential of the concept of avant-garde. Emerging in the politics and art in the first half of the 19th century and designed to ruin almost the whole tradition of 'bourgeois' enlightenment, political and artistic avant-garde was never capable of emancipating itself from its roots in strategic military thinking. Its true essence was to create battlefields in every domain of public life where the chance was given to ruin civil society - its politics, its art, its way of thinking, its civilization. In the name of freedom never heard of before, it spread violence and spread totalitarian seeds on the scorched soil. And in the end it was not defeated by its numerous enemies because it became victim of its own destructiveness.

In the article the author is examining few parallels between the French Third republic and post-Milošević Serbia. He is dealing mostly with the phenomenon of (futile) revanchism in both countries, as well as with its impact on political life and perseverance of democracy. In the first period of its history (1871-1914), Third republic won the battle against revanchist challenge, provoked by the German amputation of Alsace and Lorraine. Nowadays, it is uncertain whether the young democracy in Serbia is capable of withstanding the same challenge, generated by the unsolved question of Kosovo and Metohija.

In the article the author is depicting Bayreuth Circle as a social group of radical right-wing German intellectuals, who were trying not only to propagate and disseminate nationalist and anti-Semite ideas of controversial composer and thinker Richard Wagner, but also to produce substantial changes into the social reality of Second German Reich and Weimar Republic as well. Author's intention is to stress the straight of the mixture of art (mainly music) and ideology, which enabled the members of Bayreuth Circle to be extremely successful in their efforts to "regenerate" the "deceased" German nation and, prospectively, the whole world.

Paper presents a socio-psychological study of knowledge and attitudes towards different constitutional and legal solutions concerning human rights, among law students. Hundred law students from University of Novi Sad and University of Belgrade were examined. Results show low level of knowledge of the Yugoslavian Constitution, especially the articles concerning human rights. Also, law students show extremely high authoritarian attitudes and values.

U članku autor pokušava da uspostavi vezu između Makijavelijeve teorije državnog rezona (ragione di stato), koja je po opštem mišljenju razvijena u Vladaru, i njegove republikanske teorije, izložene u Raspravama o prvoj dekadi Tita Livija. Makijavelijeve razbacane analize različitih slučajeva dozvoljavaju zaključak da republikanske vođe ne inkliniraju ništa manje ka arcana imperii od kraljeva i tirana. Zapravo, Makijaveli se bavio uputstvima državnog rezona kao svojevrsnim naučnim uvidima u dinamiku univerzalne prirodne sile i njenih pravilnosti. Stoga je Makijavelijevo učenje o državnom rezonu primenljivo kako na monarhije, tako i na republike; štaviše, njen najvažniji uticaj on je očekivao u temeljno degenerisanim republikama (poput onih italijanskih) u kojima sposoban vođa primenjuje program regeneracije. In the article the author is trying to establish the connection between Machiavelli's theory of the Reason of state (ragione di stato, commonly associated with his Prince) and his republican theory (basically developed in his Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius). Machiavelli's scattered analyses of various cases permit the conclusion that republican leaders are not less attracted to the arcana imperii than the kings and tyrants. As a matter of fact, Machiavelli dealt with the instructions of the Reason of state as some kind of scientific in­sights in the dynamic of universal natural force and its regularities. Therefore Machiavelli's teaching of the Reason of state applied both on monarchies and republics; furthermore, he expected its most important impact on thoroughly degenerated republics (such as those in contemporary Italy) in which capable leader pursues the program of its regeneration.

Theodor Adorno razvio je teoriju mimezisa kao jedan od stupova svoje kritičke teorije društva i (izostanka) njegova napredovanja. Razmatranje nastanka i značaja Adornove teorije mimezisa autori su učinili u četiri koraka. U prvome dijelu članka uspostavili su veze između Adornove i Calloisove teorije, kao polazišta Adornovog bavljenja ovom temom; u drugome dijelu obratili su pažnju na Adornovu prvu primjenu teorije mimezisa na klasne odnose u masovnome društvu modernoga kapitalizma; treći dio donosi uvide u Adornovu kritiku mimetičkih tendencija moderne znanosti; a u četvrtome dijelu razotkrivaju se proturječnosti mimetičke umjetnosti u Adornovoj sociologiji glazbe i estetičkoj teoriji. Neke od ovih mimetičkih manifestacija Adorno je interpretirao kao znake primicanja kraju »građanske epohe«, dok je u nekima vidio nositelje nade u regeneraciju., Adorno developed his theory of mimesis as one of the main pillars of his critical theory of society and its (lack of) progress. In order to show the origins and importance of Adorno’s theory of mimesis, the authors proceeded in four steps. In the first part of the article they are establishing connections between Adorno’s and Callois’ theory of mimesis, as the starting point of Adorno’s dealing with this topic; in second part they pay attention to Adorno’s first application of theory of mimesis on the class relations in mass society of modern capitalism; third part brings insights in Adorno’s critique of mimetic tendencies of modern science; and in fourth part the ambiguities of mimetic art in Adorno’s sociology of music and aesthetic theory are revealed. Some of these mimetic manifestations Adorno interpreted as the signs of the “bourgeois epoch” approaching to its very end, while some of them he perceived as the bearers of hope in regeneration.

The author’s starting point is the assumption that the idea of the Christian Republic, suppressed by the Enlightenment, entered the French 18th-century discourse through its two secularized versions: the “Great Plan” put forward by Duke of Sully in Royal Economies (1638) and the Project for Perpetual Peace in Europe by Charles-Irenee Castel, the abbot of Saint-Pierre (1717). While the “Great Plan” aimed at establishing a secularized European peace alliance under the hegemony of France, Saint-Pierre strove to remove all hegemonic facets of the plan and establish peace according to the principles of equality of sovereign states. In the second half of the 18th century, Gabriel Bonnot de Mably and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in reaction to the Seven-Year War, assumed different standpoints regarding the heritage of Sully and Saint-Pierre: although both deemed useful to build upon Saint-Pierre’s pacifist thought, they rejected his way of establishing a Christian Republic in Europe as essentially Utopian. The former saw the only way of pacifying Europe in federalization under the hegemony of a single federal republic. The latter however rejected this solution as too risky and too difficult to carry out, preferring a return to the old theory of balance of forces, which enables small, autarchic and belligerent republics, that must always take into account the certainty that they could be attacked at any time, to establish only temporary and loose connections with other (equally small) republics within the frameworks of defensive alliances., Autor polazi od pretpostavke da je prosvetiteljstvom potisnuta ideja Hrišćanske republike u francuski diskurs 18. veka ušla kroz svoje dve sekularizovane verzije: kroz “Veliki plan” koji je u Kraljevskim ekonomijama izneo vojvoda de Sully (1638) i kroz Projekt za uspostavljanje trajnog mira u Evropi Charles- Ireneea Castela, opata de Saint-Pierrea (1717). Dok je “Veliki plan” išao za uspostavljanjem jednog sekularizovanog evropskog mirovnog saveza pod francuskom hegemonijom, Saint-Pierre je nastojao da taj plan liši svih hegemonističkih primesa i uspostavi ga na principima jednakosti suverenih država. U drugoj polovini 18. veka, Gabriel Bonnot de Mably i Jean-Jacques Rousseau su se, reagujući na Sedmogodišnji rat, na različite načine odredili prema Sullyjevom i Saint-Pierreovom nasleđu: iako su i jedan i drugi smatrali korisnim nastaviti pacifističku misao Saint-Pierrea, obojica su odbacila njegov način uspostavljanja Hrišćanske republike u Evropi kao u suštini utopijski. Dok je prvi smatrao da je jedini način da se Evropa pacifikuje taj da se federalizuje pod hegemonijom jedne federalne republike, drugi je taj put odbacio kao isuviše rizičan i teško sprovodiv, preferirajući povratak staroj teoriji ravnoteže sila, koja malim, usamljenim i ratobornim republikama, koje uvek moraju računati sa izvesnošću da u svakom momentu mogu biti napadnute, omogućava da se sa drugim (isto tako malim) republikama povezuju samo privremeno i labavo, u okvirima odbrambenih saveza.

U radu se kritički razmatra Ustav Republike Srbije od 8. novembra 2006. i konstatuje njegova nedostatnost za utemeljenje demokratske ustavne države. Polazeći od teorije Carla Schmitta, srbijanski režim se definiše kao najbliskiji totalnoj pluralističkoj partijskoj državi (totaler pluralistischer Parteistaat). Ipak, taj režim pokazuje velike napukline koje su nastale usled dijalektike suprotstavljenih tendencija ka prokosovskoj komesarskoj diktaturi (usmerenoj ka uvođenju vanrednog stanja kako bi se odbranilo Kosovo i Metohija) i proevropskoj suverenoj diktaturi (usmerenoj ka “evropskim integracijama” ali ne i ka izgradnji demokratske ustavne države). Rad završava ukazivanjem na probleme koji u narednom periodu očekuju srbijanske političke aktere ako se budu nakanili da ustavno konsoliduju Srbiju i da evropske integracije učine delom zadatka izgradnje demokratske ustavne države., This paper provides a critical evaluation of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia of November 8, 2006, and finds it an insufficient foundation of a democratic constitutional state. Based on Carl Schmitt’s theory, the Serbian regime is defined as most similar to a total pluralist party-state (totaler pluralistischer Parteistaat). Still, there are large cracks in the regime resulting from the dialectics of opposed tendencies towards a pro-Kosovo commissarial dictatorship (aiming at the introduction of a state of emergency in order to defend Kosovo and Metohia) and a pro-European sovereign dictatorship (aiming at “European integrations”, but not at the construction of a democratic constitutional state). In the final section, the paper points out the problems facing the Serbian political actors in the coming period should they strive towards constitutional consolidation of Serbia and towards making European integrations part of the task of constructing a democratic constitutional state.

IN THE NET OF DISCIPLINARY AND REGULATORY MECHANISMS: MUSICIANS IN BELGRADE 1941−1944 Summary: The subject of this doctoral dissertation is the status of musicians in Belgrade during the German occupation in World War II. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Michel Foucault's historical relational biopolitics, which has proven to be suitable to assess the status of musicians in a particular crisis of "social state" and based on the example of actual practices and knowledge. The dissertation applies biopolitical strategies at two operational levels, which, like Foucault's disciplinary (micro) and regulatory mechanisms (macro), are pervasive. Firstly, biopolitics is applied to the analysis of concrete knowledge and practices which are the basis for a hypothetical framework for the future regulation of society. In this regard, we argue that biological and racial criteria are dominant in the organization of all aspects of the society in occupied Belgrade. Therefore we followed two interpretations of biopolitics  German and Serbian. Their encounters or differences, and their influence on the profession of musicians during the occupation period, as well as possible hypothetical ideas of the role of musicians in the future society, were viewed as a part of the general population's biopolitics. At the same time, we analyzed seemingly thin boundaries between the Nazi biopolitics in the homeland and in occupied Belgrade as well as those between the Serbian biopolitics and the exemplary Nazi biopolitics. In this regard, we argue that, against Nazi biopolitics based on doctrinal racial theory, a clear hierarchy of nations and cultures in the future New Europe, the Serbian version of biopolitical regulation of society was focused on preserving the collective entity represented through the concepts of "rural dystopias", framed by ideas of cooperative caste-like society system, restoration of the Middle Ages, the Saint Sava cult, ruralization and patriarchy. Although Serbian biopolitics was inferior to Nazi, viewed as different biopolitical programs, we conclude that both biopolitical versions showed insufficiently refined regulation, and dominance of disciplinary measures that led to the self-destruction of both ideals, of Aryan and of Serbian collective entities. Secondly,, we analyzed actual encounters of disciplinary practices and knowledge in occupied Belgrade, by certain power centres and interests, and influence of these encounters on the position of musicians employed at four major institutions: the Serbian National Theater, the Kolarac Foundation with the Kolarac National University, the State Music Academy with Secondary Music School and Soldier’s Radio Belgrade (Soldatensender Belgrad). By applying biopolitical perspective, we conclude that the excommunicated and the ineligible musicians constituted an equal half, the Other without whom it was impossible to define "what is disciplined and what is it that remains." In addition to the analytical goal of this dissertation, which is to determine boundaries between different versions of biopolitics  Nazi and Serbian, and their related visions of future societies which influenced the status of musicians, this dissertation also pursued an interpretative-theoretical goal: pointing out adequate social classification of musicians that would fulfill sociological criteria and would be applicable to the analysis of the position of musicians in the occupied metropolies during WWII. In this regard, interpretative-theoretical approach resulted in classification of musicians in occupied Belgrade into five basic groups: 1) ineligible musicians such as Jews, Communists, Roma, and to some extent Freemasons 2) “opportunists” as the largest group of educated musicians in German-speaking areas or prominent music professionals, 3) foreign musicians, 4) eligible musicians, and 5) neutral musicians who remained largely inactive during this period. The failure of Nazi biopolitics in the sphere of music is evident through the dominance of "opportunist" musicians and abscence of ideals of "Nazi Aryan music" as well as of a clear criteria of "eligibility". Finally, the main premise on which this dissertation is based is that there is no autonomously German or Serbian history of occupation of Belgrade, and that both the position of musicians and the attitude towards musical practices were created in line with coinciding of the aforementioned. The sociological segmentation of the musicians in this dissertation is presented as an example how clusters in the society of the Third Reich and other metropoles under the Nazis, not only in occupied Belgrade, can be further compared.&nbsp