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This paper discusses the relation between the political situation in Mexico and the evolution of organized crime through an analysis of the case of the state of Michoacan. It proposes that the failure of the policies implemented to combat crime in the country can largely be explained by the adoption of a police-military strategy that does not address the structural causes of violence. In terms of methodology, research was conducted from an ethnographic perspective based on a detailed examination of the anti-crime policies of recent Mexican presidential administrations and their impact on Michoacán; an analysis framed in the perspective of historical institutionalism. The study concludes that by taking advantage of the weakness of the state and broad gaps in its authority, power groups such as organized crime have successfully embedded themselves in the wider society and the specific, concrete dynamics of the Mexican political system, especially at the level of local governments, making the problem of criminality a political matter, not one that concerns only the police or the military. El presente artículo analiza la relación entre corrupción política y narcotráfico en México, a partir del caso del estado de Michoacán. Se observa que, pese a la continuidad de la violencia, el Estado mexicano ha hecho poco por atender sistemáticamente sus causas estructurales. No se ha mejorado el estado de derecho, ni se han fortalecido las instituciones autónomas del Estado. Los poderes legislativos, en sus niveles locales y federales, continúan experimentando problemas de legitimidad y trasparencia en sus acciones. Asimismo, se han visto pocos avances democráticos en los gobiernos locales. Este artículo plantea la necesidad de mejorar la calidad democrática y la trasparencia de los gobiernos estatales de México y, especialmente, a escala municipal, como condiciones indispensables dentro de una estrategia estructural en contra del crimen organizado en el país.

The present article discusses the main proposals for constructing cultural indicators in Mexico, Spain and Germany, and contrasts them to the indicators used for gathering cultural statistics. It became clear that individual indicators of development and wellbeing have not been developed, or at least not at a level plausible for their application, though two decades have passed since Pattanaik proposed them for the area of culture. This paper offers a distinct development proposal for addressing this problem, one that is more feasible for the entities responsible for culture in their territories, that has the capacity to measure the impact of the cultural actions implemented on individuals, and that has a higher probability of obtaining results that will allow the analysis and evaluation of such actions.

The present paper seeks, from the political realism of Hinkelammert and the politics of the liberation of Dussel, to identify the initial limits that delineate the framework of political action. The political action framework delimits the space of empirical possibility. For it, the definition of politics is adopted as “art of the possible”, explicitly accepted by Hinkelammert and developed implicitly by Dussel. Three limits are identified that outline the framework of political action: 1) the natural environment as a condition of existence of living corporality, 2) the satisfaction of physical needs as a condition to preserve living corporality, 3) intersubjective experiences as a condition to maintain the human life. Propose these limits allows to establish the bases of the utopia of the political realism of Hinkelammert and of the politics of the liberation of Dussel. En el presente trabajo se busca, a partir del realismo político de Hinkelammert y la política de la liberación de Dussel, identificar los límites iniciales que delinean el marco de acción política. El marco de acción política delimita el espacio de la posibilidad empírica. Para ello, se adopta la definición de política como “arte de lo posible”, aceptada de manera explícita por Hinkelammert y desarrollada implícitamente por Dussel. Se identifican tres límites que trazan el marco de acción política: 1) el entorno natural como condición de existencia de la corporalidad viviente, 2) la satisfacción de necesidades físicas como condición para conservar la corporalidad viviente, 3) las vivencias intersubjetivas como condición para mantener la vida humana. Plantear estos límites permite fijar las bases de la utopía del realismo político de Hinkelammert y de la política de la liberación de Dussel.

Objective: to identify some types of violence that motivate the emigration of Mexicans to foreign countries and the violence that affects their socio-productive reintegration upon their return.Methodology: in-depth interviews were conducted with a non-random sample of returnees to towns in Mexico.Results: the types of violence that most promote emigration of Mexicans are associated with financial need, immaturity and dreaming of the North, among others. Domestic violence, family and labor disputes, extortion and blackmail, as well as insecurity to live in a certain place also outstand. Although most Mexicans bring assets and technical knowledge when they return, socio-productive reintegration is restricted by circumstances such as institutional violence (corruption, red tape), insecurity (kidnapping, blackmail and extortion) and discrimination by age and Northern condition.Conclusions: emigration is often associated with financial need, the desire to improve, intentions to bring resources, whereas return is viewed as the closure of the migration cycle and the ability to meet the yearning to return to the place of origin. This study also concludes that different types of violence influence this decision, but they are associated with other conditions. Upon return, reintegration is complicated because, coupled with other circumstances such as the manifestation of violence, individuals cannot make productive use of the assets they brought along., Objetivo: identificar algunos tipos de violencia que motivan la emigración de mexiquenses hacia el extranjero, así como las violencias que afectan su reinserción socio-productiva al retorno.Metodología: se realizaron entrevistas a profundidad con una muestra no aleatoria de migrantes retornados hacia distintas localidades del Estado de México.Resultados: se encontró que las violencias que más promueven la emigración de los mexiquenses se asocian a la necesidad económica, la inmadurez, sueños del norte y otras; destacan la violencia doméstica, conflictos familiares y laborales, extorsiones y chantajes, inseguridad para vivir en determinado lugar. Al retorno, aunque la mayoría trae consigo activos y conocimientos técnicos, su reinserción socio-productiva se restringe por circunstancias como la violencia institucional (corrupción, trámites excesivos), inseguridad (secuestros, chantajes y extorsiones), y la discriminación por edad y condición norteña.Conclusiones: se concluye que la emigración suele asociarse a la necesidad económica, los deseos de mejorar, las intenciones para traer recursos, mientras que el retorno se visiona como el cierre del ciclo migratorio y la posibilidad de cumplir el anhelo de regresar al lugar de origen. Este trabajo también concluye que distintas violencias influyen en esta decisión pero asociadas a otras circunstancias, además de que al retorno la reinserción se complica porque, aunada a otros condicionantes, la manifestación de violencia no permite el uso productivo de los activos traídos consigo., Objetivo: identificar alguns tipos de violência que motivam a emigração de mexicanos para o estrangeiro, assim como as violências que afeitam sua reinserção sócia produtiva ao retorno.Metodologia: realizaram-se entrevistas a profundidade com una mostra não aleatória de emigrantes retornados para localidades do Estado de México.Resultados: encontrou-se que as violências que mais promovem a emigração dos mexicanos se associam à necessidade económica, a imaturidade e sonhos do norte, entre outras. Destaca a violência doméstica, conflitos familiares e trabalhistas, extorsões chantagens, inseguridade para viver em determinado lugar. Ao retorno, embora a maioria traga consigo ativos e conhecimentos técnicos, sua reinserção sócia produtiva se restringe por circunstancias tais como a violência institucional (corrupção, trâmites excessivos), inseguridade (sequestros, chantagens e extorsões) e a discriminação por idade e condição nortenha.Conclusões: conclui-se que a emigração costuma ser associada com a necessidade económica, os desejos de melhorar, as intenções para trazer recursos, enquanto que o retorno se visiona como o fechamentodo ciclo migratório e a possibilidade de cumprir o anseio de voltar ao lugar de origem. Este trabalho também conclui que diferentes violências influem em esta decisão, mas associadas a outras circunstancias. Ao retorno, a reinserção se complica porque, unida a outras circunstancias como a manifestação de violência, não se pode fazer uso produtivo dos ativos trazidos consigo.

This paper analyzes the relationship between organized crime and municipal governments in Mexico. Specifically, we study the case of the municipality of Apatzingán in the state of Michoacán from a qualitative perspective that reveals the historical depth of institutional weakness in Mexico and the lack of consolidation of democratic institutions; two conditions that have created an enabling environment for the activities of criminal groups. This is particularly clear at the level of municipal government, and underlines the need to strengthen government institutions and the rule of law, and to implement strategies that attack the structural causes of violence. It is also necessary to analyze the phenomenon of violence from sociological perspectives that consider existing socioeconomic inequalities. En este trabajo se analiza la relación entre crimen organizado y gobierno municipal en México. Se estudia específicamente el caso del municipio de Apatzingán en el estado de Michoacán a partir de un análisis cualitativo que revela la profundidad histórica de debilidad institucional en México y la falta de consolidación de las instituciones democráticas; dos condiciones que han creado un entorno propicio para las actividades de grupos delictivos. Esto es particularmente claro en los gobiernos municipales mexicanos. A nivel de gobierno local es necesario fortalecer las instituciones gubernamentales y el Estado de Derecho y aplicar una estrategia que ataque las causas estructurales de la violencia. Asimismo, es necesario analizar el fenómeno de la violencia desde perspectivas sociológicas que consideren la inequidad y desigualdades sociales existentes.