Search

Objectives. In 2 studies, we aimed to describe the content of mothers' verbal warnings to their young children and to investigate whether mothers modify their warnings based on the type of dangerous situation and children's age. Study 1. Mothers of 12-, 18-, and 24-month-olds reported in a telephone interview the words and phrases they would use to prevent their children from falling, touching dangerous objects, ingesting poisonous substances, and running away. The words 'no,' 'don't,' and 'stop' were the most frequent warnings across ages. Mothers also used warnings to elicit their children's attention, regulate children's location, modify children's actions, and to highlight the properties and consequences of specific dangers. The content, diversity and complexity of mothers' warnings varied with children's age and the type of dangerous situation. Study 2. We observed mothers in the laboratory as they warned their 12- and 18-month-old children not to walk down 50 slopes. As in Study 1, mothers primarily relied on the words 'no,' 'don't,' and 'stop,' but again used warnings to elicit attention, regulate location, modify actions, and describe the danger. Mothers used more complex and diverse warnings with older versus younger children. Conclusions. Although simple warnings, such as 'no,' 'don't,' and 'stop' hold privileged status at all ages, mothers express a rich array of warnings that are attuned to children's age and the dangers of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. We examined how parents' expectations about their infants' crawling ability and crawling attempts in a locomotor task affect parenting choices about ensuring infants' safety and providing appropriate challenges. Design. Mothers and fathers of 34 11-month-old infants adjusted a ramp to the steepest slopes they thought their infants could safely crawl down, would attempt to crawl down, and they would allow their infants to crawl down independently. Results. Most parents expected their infants to attempt slopes that were steeper than their ability and generally emphasized safety only by permitting infants to crawl down slopes that were within infants' expected ability. More fathers than mothers displayed parenting choices emphasizing challenge by allowing their infants to attempt slopes beyond their ability. Conclusions. Both mothers and fathers expected infants to attempt impossibly steep slopes, but mothers were more likely to adopt safety-oriented parenting choices. Wide disagreements within dyads and inconsistencies in individual parents' estimates might increase the chances of infants incurring injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This primer describes research on the development of motor behavior. We focus on infancy when basic action systems are acquired-posture, locomotion, manual actions, and facial actions-and we adopt a developmental systems perspective to understand the causes and consequences of developmental change. Experience facilitates improvements in motor behavior and infants accumulate immense amounts of varied everyday experience with all the basic action systems. At every point in development, perception guides behavior by providing feedback about the results of just prior movements and information about what to do next. Across development, new motor behaviors provide new inputs for perception. Thus, motor development opens up new opportunities for acquiring knowledge and acting on the world, instigating cascades of developmental changes in perceptual, cognitive, and social domains. This article is categorized under: Cognitive Biology > Cognitive Development Psychology > Motor Skill and Performance Neuroscience > Development., (© 2024 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

The development of locomotion can be described by its form (i.e., gait) and its function (i.e., mobility). Both aspects of locomotion improve with experience. Traditional treatises on infant locomotion focus on form by describing an orderly progression of postural and locomotor milestones en route to characteristic patterns of crawling and walking gait. We provide a traditional treatment of gait by describing developmental antecedents of and improvements in characteristic gait patterns, but we highlight important misconceptions inherent in the notion of "milestones". Most critically, we argue that the prevailing focus on gait and milestones fails to capture the true essence of locomotion-functional mobility to engage with the world. Thus, we also describe the development of mobility, including the use of mobility aids for support and propulsion. We illustrate how infants find individual solutions for mobility and how the ability to move cascades into other domains of development. Finally, we show how an integration of gait and mobility provides insights into the psychological processes that make locomotion functional. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Motor Skill and Performance Psychology > Development and Aging., (© 2024 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Researchers must infer "what babies know" based on what babies do. Thus, to maximize information from doing, researchers should use tasks and tools that capture the richness of infants' behaviors. We clarify Gibson's views about the richness of infants' behavior and their exploration in the service of guiding action - what Gibson called "learning about affordances."

The valid assessment of vocabulary development in dual-language-learning infants is critical to developmental science. We developed the Dual Language Learners English-Spanish (DLL-ES) Inventories to measure vocabularies of U.S. English-Spanish DLLs. The inventories provide translation equivalents for all Spanish and English items on Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) short forms; extended inventories based on CDI long forms; and Spanish language-variety options. Item-Response Theory analyses applied to Wordbank and Web-CDI data (n = 2603, 12-18 months; n = 6722, 16-36 months; half female; 1% Asian, 3% Black, 2% Hispanic, 30% White, 64% unknown) showed near-perfect associations between DLL-ES and CDI long-form scores. Interviews with 10 Hispanic mothers of 18- to 24-month-olds (2 White, 1 Black, 7 multi-racial; 6 female) provide a proof of concept for the value of the DLL-ES for assessing the vocabularies of DLLs., (© 2024 International Congress of Infant Studies.)

Recognizing oneself in a mirror is a classic test of self-concept. A new study has revealed the perceptual-motor foundations of conceptual self-knowledge: infants' success in the mirror test was accelerated after touching a tactile stimulus while viewing themselves in a mirror., Competing Interests: Declaration of interests The authors declare no competing interests., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

What is the optimal penalty for errors in infant skill learning? Behavioral analyses indicate that errors are frequent but trivial as infants acquire foundational skills. In learning to walk, for example, falling is commonplace but appears to incur only a negligible penalty. Behavioral data, however, cannot reveal whether a low penalty for falling is beneficial for learning to walk. Here, we used a simulated bipedal robot as an embodied model to test the optimal penalty for errors in learning to walk. We trained the robot to walk using 12,500 independent simulations on walking paths produced by infants during free play and systematically varied the penalty for falling-a level of precision, control, and magnitude impossible with real infants. When trained with lower penalties for falling, the robot learned to walk farther and better on familiar, trained paths and better generalized its learning to novel, untrained paths. Indeed, zero penalty for errors led to the best performance for both learning and generalization. Moreover, the beneficial effects of a low penalty were stronger for generalization than for learning. Robot simulations corroborate prior behavioral data and suggest that a low penalty for errors helps infants learn foundational skills (e.g., walking, talking, and social interactions) that require immense flexibility, creativity, and adaptability. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: During infant skill acquisition, errors are commonplace but appear to incur a low penalty; when learning to walk, for example, falls are frequent but trivial. To test the optimal penalty for errors, we trained a simulated robot to walk using real infant paths and systematically manipulated the penalty for falling. Lower penalties in training led to better performance on familiar, trained paths and on novel untrained paths, and zero penalty was most beneficial. Benefits of a low penalty were stronger for untrained than for trained paths, suggesting that discounting errors facilitates acquiring skills that require immense flexibility and generalization., (© 2023 The Authors. Developmental Science published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Children must learn specific motor actions to use everyday objects as their designers intended. However, designed actions are not obvious to children and often are difficult to implement. Children must know what actions to do and how to execute them. Previous work identified a protracted developmental progression in learning designed actions-from nondesigned exploratory actions, to display of the designed action, to successful implementation. Presumably, caregivers can help children to overcome the challenges in discovering and implementing designed actions. Mothers of 12-, 18- to 24-, and 30- to 36-month-olds (N = 74) were asked to teach their children to open containers with twist-off or pull-off lids. Mothers' manual and verbal input aligned with the developmental progression and with children's actions in the moment, pointing to the role of attuned social information in helping children learn to use objects for activities of daily living. However, mothers sometimes "overhelped" by implementing designed actions for children instead of getting children to do it themselves, highlighting the challenges of teaching novices difficult motor actions., (© 2023 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Caregivers often tailor their language to infants' ongoing actions (e.g., "are you stacking the blocks?"). When infants develop new motor skills, do caregivers show concomitant changes in their language input? We tested whether the use of verbs that refer to locomotor actions (e.g., "come," "bring," "walk") differed for mothers of 13-month-old crawling (N = 16) and walking infants (N = 16), and mothers of 18-month-old experienced walkers (N = 16). Mothers directed twice as many locomotor verbs to walkers compared to same-age crawlers, but mothers' locomotor verbs were similar for younger and older walkers. In real-time, mothers' use of locomotor verbs was dense when infants were locomoting, and sparse when infants were stationary, regardless of infants' crawler/walker status. Consequently, infants who spent more time in motion received more locomotor verbs compared to infants who moved less frequently. Findings indicate that infants' motor skills guide their in-the-moment behaviors, which in turn shape the language they receive from caregivers. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Infants' motor skills guide their in-the-moment behaviors, which in turn shape the language they receive from caregivers. Mothers directed more frequent and diverse verbs that referenced locomotion (e.g., "come," "go," "bring") to walking infants compared to same-aged crawling infants. Mothers' locomotor verbs were temporally dense when infants locomoted and sparse when infants were stationary, regardless of whether infants could walk or only crawl., (© 2023 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

Researchers routinely infer learning and other unobservable psychological functions based on observable behavior. But what behavioral changes constitute evidence of learning? The standard approach is to infer learning based on a single behavior across individuals, including assumptions about the direction and magnitude of change (e.g., everyone should avoid falling repeatedly on a treacherous obstacle). Here we illustrate the benefits of an alternative "multiexpression, relativist, agnostic, individualized" approach. We assessed infant learning from falling based on multiple behaviors relative to each individual's baseline, agnostic about the direction and magnitude of behavioral change. We tested infants longitudinally (10.5-15 months of age) over the transition from crawling to walking. At each session, infants were repeatedly encouraged to crawl or walk over a fall-inducing foam pit interspersed with no-fall baseline trials on a rigid platform. Our approach revealed two learning profiles. Like adults in previous work, "pit-avoid" infants consistently avoided falling. In contrast, "pit-go" infants fell repeatedly across trials and sessions. However, individualized comparisons to baseline across multiple locomotor, exploratory, and social-emotional behaviors showed that pit-go infants also learned at every session. But they treated falling as an unimpactful "pratfall" rather than an aversive "pitfall." Pit-avoid infants displayed enhanced learning across sessions and partial transfer of learning from crawling to walking, whereas pit-go infants displayed neither. Thus, reliance on a predetermined, "one-size-fits-all" behavioral expression of a psychological function can obscure different behavioral profiles and lead to erroneous inferences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Infants of all species learn to move in the midst of tremendous variability and rapid developmental change. Traditionally, researchers consider variability to be a problem for development and skill acquisition. Here, we argue for a reconsideration of variability in early life, taking a developmental, ecological, systems approach. Using the development of walking in human infants as an example, we argue that the rich, variable experiences of infancy form the foundation for flexible, adaptive behavior in adulthood. From their first steps, infants must cope with changes in their bodies, skills, and environments. Rapid growth spurts and a continually expanding environment of surfaces, elevations, and obstacles alter the biomechanical constraints on balance and locomotion from day to day and moment to moment. Moreover, infants spontaneously generate a variable practice regimen for learning to walk. Self-initiated locomotion during everyday activity consists of immense amounts of variable, time-distributed, error-filled practice. From infants' first steps and continuing unabated over the next year, infants walk in short bursts of activity (not continual steps), follow curved (not straight) paths, and take steps in every direction (not only forward)-all the while, accompanied by frequent falls as infants push their limits (rather than a steady decrease in errors) and explore their environments. Thus, development ensures tremendous variability-some imposed by physical growth, caregivers, and a changing environment outside infants' control, and some self-generated by infants' spontaneous behavior. The end result of such massive variability is a perceptual-motor system adept at change. Thus, infants do not learn fixed facts about their bodies or environments or their level of walking skill. Instead, they learn how to learn-how to gauge possibilities for action, modify ongoing movements, and generate new movements on the fly from step to step. Simply put, variability in early development is a feature, not a bug. It provides a natural training regimen for successfully navigating complex, ever-changing environments throughout the lifespan. Moreover, observations of infants' natural behavior in natural, cluttered environments-rather than eliciting adult-like behaviors under artificial, controlled conditions-yield very different pictures of what infants of any species do and learn. Over-reliance on traditional tasks that artificially constrain variability therefore risks distorting researchers' understanding of the origins of adaptive behavior., (© The Author(s) 2023. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for Integrative and Comparative Biology.)

In Tajikistan, infants are bound supine in a "gahvora" cradle that severely restricts movement. Does cradling affect motor development and body growth? In three studies (2013-2018), we investigated associations between time in the gahvora (within days and across age) and motor skills and flattened head dimensions in 8-24-month-old Tajik infants (N = 269, 133 girls, 136 boys)) and 4.3-5.1-year-old children (N = 91, 53 girls, 38 boys). Infants had later motor onset ages relative to World Health Organization standards and pronounced brachycephaly; cradling predicted walk onset age and the proficiency of sitting, crawling, and walking. By 4-5 years, children's motor skills were comparable with US norms. Cultural differences in early experiences offer a unique lens onto developmental processes and equifinality in development., (© 2023 The Authors. Child Development © 2023 Society for Research in Child Development.)

Cognition in preverbal human infants must be inferred from overt motor behaviors such as gaze shifts, head turns, or reaching for objects. However, infant mammals - including human infants - show protracted postnatal development of cortical motor outflow. Cortical control of eye, face, head, and limb movements is absent at birth and slowly emerges over the first postnatal year and beyond. Accordingly, the neonatal cortex in humans cannot generate the motor behaviors routinely used to support inferences about infants' cognitive abilities, and thus claims of developmental continuity between infant and adult cognition are suspect. Recognition of the protracted development of motor cortex should temper rich interpretations of infant cognition and motivate more serious consideration of the role of subcortical mechanisms in early cognitive development., Competing Interests: Declaration of interests The authors have no interests to declare., (Copyright © 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Many everyday objects require "hidden" affordances to use as designed (e.g., twist open a water bottle). Previous work found a reliable developmental progression in children's learning of designed actions with adult objects such as containers and zippers-from non-designed exploratory actions, to the basics of the designed action, to successful implementation. Many objects designed for children (e.g., toys) also entail designed actions (e.g., interlocking bricks) but might not require a protracted period of discovery and implementation. We encouraged 12- to 60-month-old children (n = 91) and a comparative sample of 20 adults to play with six Duplo bricks to test whether the developmental progression identified for children's learning of adult objects with hidden affordances holds for a popular toy expressly designed for children. We also examined whether children's moment-to-moment behaviors with Duplo bricks inform on general processes involved in discovery and implementation of hidden affordances. With age, children progressed from non-designed exploratory actions, to attempts to interlock, to success, suggesting that the three-step developmental progression revealed with everyday adult objects broadly applies to learning hidden affordances regardless of object type. Detailing the process of learning (the type and timing of children's non-designed actions and attempts to interlock) revealed that the degree of lag between steps of the progression depends on the transparency of the required actions, the availability of perceptual feedback, and the difficulty of the perceptual-motor requirements. Findings provide insights into factors that help or hinder learning of hidden affordances., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Inattention to faces in clinical assessments is a robust marker for autism. However, a new study distinguishes diagnostic marker from behavioral mechanism, showing that face looking in everyday activity is equally rare in autistic and neurotypical children and not required for joint attention in either group., Competing Interests: Declaration of interests The authors declare no competing interests., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Behavioral flexibility-the ability to tailor motor actions to changing body-environment relations-is critical for functional movement. Navigating the everyday environment requires the ability to generate a wide repertoire of actions, select the appropriate action for the current situation, and implement it quickly and accurately. We used a new, adjustable barrier paradigm to assess flexibility of motor actions in 20 17-month-old (eight girls, 12 boys) and 14 13-month-old (seven girls, eight boys) walking infants and a comparative sample of 14 adults (eight women, six men). Most participants were White, non-Hispanic, and middle class. Participants navigated under barriers normalized to their standing height (overhead, eye, chest, hip, and knee heights). Decreases in barrier height required lower postures for passage. Every participant altered their initial walking posture according to barrier height for every trial, and all but two 13-month-olds found solutions for passage. Compared to infants, adults displayed a wider variety of strategies (squat-walking, half-kneeling, etc.), found more appropriate solutions based on barrier height (ducked at eye height and low crawled at knee height), and implemented their solutions more quickly (within 4 s) and accurately (without bumping their heads against the barrier). Infants frequently crawled even when the barrier height did not warrant a low posture, displayed multiple postural shifts prior to passage and thus took longer to go, and often bumped their heads. Infants' improvements were related to age and walking experience. Thus, development of flexibility likely involves the contributions of multiple domains-motor, perception, and cognition-that facilitate strategy selection and implementation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Infants learn nouns during object-naming events-moments when caregivers name the object of infants' play (e.g., ball as infant holds a ball). Do caregivers also label the actions of infants' play (e.g., roll as infant rolls a ball)? We investigated connections between mothers' verb inputs and infants' actions. We video-recorded 32 infant-mother dyads for 2 hr at home (13 month olds, n = 16; 18 month olds, n = 16; girls, n = 16; White, n = 23; Asian, n = 2; Black, n = 1; other, n = 1; multiple races, n = 5; Hispanic/Latinx, n = 2). Dyads were predominantly from middle-class to upper middle-class households. We identified each manual verb (e.g., press, shake) and whole-body verb (e.g., kick, go) that mothers directed to infants. We coded whether infants displayed manual and/or whole-body actions during a 6-s window surrounding the verb (i.e., 3 s prior and 3 s after the named verb). Mothers' verbs and infant actions were largely congruent: Whole-body verbs co-occurred with whole-body actions, and manual verbs co-occurred with manual actions. Moreover, half of mothers' verbs corresponded precisely to infants' concurrent action (e.g., infant pressed button as mother said, "Press the button"). In most instances, mothers commented on rather than instigated infants' actions. Findings suggest that verb learning is embodied, such that infants' motor actions offer powerful cues to verb meanings. Furthermore, our approach highlights the value of cross-domain research integrating infants' developing motor and language skills to understand word learning. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Across species and ages, planning multi-step actions is a hallmark of intelligence and critical for survival. Traditionally, researchers adopt a "top-down" approach to action planning by focusing on the ability to create an internal representation of the world that guides the next step in a multi-step action. However, a top-down approach does not inform on underlying mechanisms, so researchers can only speculate about how and why improvements in planning occur. The current study takes a "bottom-up" approach by testing developmental changes in the real-time, moment-to-moment interplay among perceptual, neural, and motor components of action planning using simultaneous video, motion-tracking, head-mounted eye tracking, and electroencephalography (EEG). Preschoolers (n = 32) and adults (n = 22) grasped a hammer with their dominant hand to pound a peg when the hammer handle pointed in different directions. When the handle pointed toward their non-dominant hand, younger children ("nonadaptive planners") used a habitual overhand grip that interfered with wielding the hammer, whereas adults and older children ("adaptive planners") used an adaptive underhand grip. Adaptive and nonadaptive children differed in when and where they directed their gaze to obtain visual information, neural activation of the motor system before reaching, and straightness of their reach trajectories. Nonadaptive children immediately used a habitual overhand grip before gathering visual information, leaving insufficient time to form a plan before acting. Our novel bottom-up approach transcends mere speculation by providing converging evidence that the development of action planning depends on a real-time "tug of war" between habits and information gathering and processing., Competing Interests: Declaration of interests The authors declare no competing interests., (Copyright © 2021 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Object play yields enormous benefits for infant development. However, little is known about natural play at home where most object interactions occur. We conducted frame-by-frame video analyses of spontaneous activity in two 2-h home visits with 13-month-old crawling infants and 13-, 18-, and 23-month-old walking infants (N = 40; 21 boys; 75% White). Regardless of age, for every infant and time scale, across 10,015 object bouts, object interactions were short (median = 9.8 s) and varied (transitions among dozens of toys and non-toys) but consumed most of infants' time. We suggest that infant exuberant object play-immense amounts of brief, time-distributed, variable interactions with objects-may be conducive to learning object properties and functions, motor skill acquisition, and growth in cognitive, social, and language domains., (© 2021 The Authors. Child Development © 2021 Society for Research in Child Development.)

Infant walking skill improves with practice-crudely estimated by elapsed time since walk onset. However, despite the robust relation between elapsed time (months walking) and skill, practice is likely constrained and facilitated by infants' home environments, sociodemographic influences, and spontaneous activity. Individual pathways are tremendously diverse in the timing of walk onset and the trajectory of improvement, and presumably, in the amount and type of practice. So, what factors affect the development of walking skill? We examined the role of months walking, walk onset age, spontaneous locomotor activity, body dimensions, and environmental factors on the development of walking skill in two sociodemographically distinct samples (ns = 38 and 44) of 13-, 15-, and 19-month-old infants. Months walking best predicted how well infants walked, but environmental factors and spontaneous activity explained additional variance in walking skill. Specifically, less crowded homes, a larger percentage of time in spontaneous walking, and a smaller percentage of short walking bouts predicted more mature walking. Walk onset age differed by sample but did not affect walking skill. Findings indicate that elapsed time since walk onset remains a robust predictor of walking skill, but environmental factors and spontaneous activity also contribute to infants' practice, thereby affecting walking skill., (© 2021 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Observation is a powerful way to learn efficient actions from others. However, the role of observers' motor skill in assessing efficiency of others is unknown. Preschoolers are notoriously poor at performing multi-step actions like grasping the handle of a tool. Preschoolers (N = 22) and adults (N = 22) watched video-recorded actors perform efficient and inefficient tool use. Eye tracking showed that preschoolers and adults looked equally long at the videos, but adults looked longer than children at how actors grasped the tool. Deep learning analyses of participants' eye gaze distinguished efficient from inefficient grasps for adults, but not for children. Moreover, only adults showed differential action-related pupil dilation and neural activity (suppressed oscillation power in the mu frequency) while observing efficient vs. inefficient grasps. Thus, children observe multi-step actions without "seeing" whether the initial step is efficient. Findings suggest that observer's own motor efficiency determines whether they can perceive action efficiency in others., (© 2021. The Author(s).)

What is the role of errors in infants' acquisition of basic skills such as walking, skills that require immense amounts of practice to become flexible and generative? Do infants change their behaviors based on negative feedback from errors, as suggested by "reinforcement learning" in artificial intelligence, or do errors go largely unmarked so that learning relies on positive feedback? We used falling as a model system to examine the impact of errors in infant development. We examined fall severity based on parent reports of prior falls and videos of 563 falls incurred by 138 13- to 19-month-old infants during free play in a laboratory playroom. Parent reports of notable falls were limited to 33% of infants and medical attention was limited to 2% of infants. Video-recorded falls were typically low-impact events. After falling during free play in the laboratory, infants rarely fussed (4% of falls), caregivers rarely showed concern (8% of falls), and infants were back at play within seconds. Impact forces were mitigated by infants' effective reactive behaviors, quick arrest of the fall before torso or head impact, and small body size. Moreover, falling did not alter infants' subsequent behavior. Infants were not deterred from locomotion or from interacting with the objects and elevations implicated in their falls. We propose that a system that discounts the impact of errors in early stages of development encourages infants to practice basic skills such as walking to the point of mastery., (© 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

Infants' free-play behavior is highly variable. However, in developmental science, traditional analysis tools for modeling and understanding variable behavior are limited. Here, we used Hidden Markov Models (HMMs) to capture behavioral states that govern infants' toy selection during 20 minutes of free play in a new environment. We demonstrate that applying HMMs to infant data can identify hidden behavioral states and thereby reveal the underlying structure of infant toy selection and how toy selection changes in real time during spontaneous free play. More broadly, we propose that hidden-state models provide a fruitful avenue for understanding individual differences in spontaneous infant behavior.

Pre-mobile infants and caregivers spontaneously engage in a sequence of contingent facial expressions and vocalizations that researchers have referred to as a social "dance." Does this dance continue when both partners are free to move across the floor? Locomotor synchrony was assessed in 13- to 19-month-old infant-mother dyads (N = 30) by tracking each partner's step-to-step location during free play. Although infants moved more than mothers, dyads spontaneously synchronized their locomotor activity. For 27 dyads, the spatiotemporal path of one partner uniquely identified the path of the other. Clustering analyses revealed two patterns of synchrony (mother-follow and yo-yo), and infants were more likely than mothers to lead the dance. Like face-to-face synchrony, locomotor synchrony scaffolds infants' interactions with the outside world., (© 2021 Society for Research in Child Development.)

The everyday world is populated with artifacts that require specific motor actions to use objects as their designers intended. But researchers know little about how children learn to use everyday artifacts. We encouraged forty-four 12- to 60-month-old children to unzip a vinyl pouch during a single 60-s trial. Although unzipping a pouch may seem simple, it is not. Unzipping requires precise role-differentiated bimanual actions-one hand must stabilize the pouch while the other hand applies a pulling force on the tab. Moreover, kinematic data from six adults showed that the tolerance limits for applying the forces are relatively narrow (pulling the tab within 63° of the zipper teeth while stabilizing the pouch within 4 cm of the slider). Children showed an age-related progression for the unzipping action. The youngest children did not display the designed pulling action; children at intermediate ages pulled the tab but applied forces outside the tolerance limits (pulled in the wrong direction, failed to stabilize the pouch in the correct location), and the oldest children successfully implemented the designed action. Findings highlight the perceptual-motor requirements in children's discovery and implementation of the hidden affordances of everyday artifacts., (© 2020 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Video data are uniquely suited for research reuse and for documenting research methods and findings. However, curation of video data is a serious hurdle for researchers in the social and behavioral sciences, where behavioral video data are obtained session by session and data sharing is not the norm. To eliminate the onerous burden of post hoc curation at the time of publication (or later), we describe best practices in active data curation-where data are curated and uploaded immediately after each data collection to allow instantaneous sharing with one button press at any time. Indeed, we recommend that researchers adopt "hyperactive" data curation where they openly share every step of their research process. The necessary infrastructure and tools are provided by Databrary-a secure, web-based data library designed for active curation and sharing of personally identifiable video data and associated metadata. We provide a case study of hyperactive curation of video data from the Play and Learning Across a Year (PLAY) project, where dozens of researchers developed a common protocol to collect, annotate, and actively curate video data of infants and mothers during natural activity in their homes at research sites across North America. PLAY relies on scalable standardized workflows to facilitate collaborative research, assure data quality, and prepare the corpus for sharing and reuse throughout the entire research process.

Flexibility and generativity are fundamental aspects of functional behavior that begin in infancy and improve with experience. How do infants learn to tailor their real-time solutions to variations in local conditions? On a nativist view, the developmental process begins with innate prescribed solutions, and experience elaborates on those solutions to suit variations in the body and the environment. On an emergentist view, infants begin by generating a variety of strategies indiscriminately, and experience teaches them to select solutions tailored to the current relations between their body and the environment. To disentangle these accounts, we observed coordination patterns in 11-month-old pre-walking infants with a range of cruising (moving sideways in an upright posture while holding onto a support) and crawling experience as they cruised over variable distances between two handrails they held for support. We identified infants' coordination patterns using a novel combination of computer-vision, machine-learning, and time-series analyses. As predicted by the emergentist view, the least experienced infants generated multiple coordination patterns inconsistently regardless of body size and handrail distance, whereas the most experienced infants tailored their coordination patterns to body-environment relations and switched solutions only when necessary. Moreover, the beneficial effects of experience were specific to cruising and not crawling, although both skills involve anti-phase coordination among the four limbs. Thus, findings support an emergentist view and suggest that everyday experience with the target skill may promote "learning to learn," where infants learn to assemble the appropriate solution for new problems on the fly., Competing Interests: Declaration of Interests The authors declare no competing interests., (Published by Elsevier Inc.)

We propose that developmental cognitive science should invest in an online CRADLE, a Collaboration for Reproducible and Distributed Large-Scale Experiments that crowdsources data from families participating on the internet. Here, we discuss how the field can work together to further expand and unify current prototypes for the benefit of researchers, science, and society., (Copyright © 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

In this commentary on Osiurak and Reynaud's target article, we argue that action is largely missing in their account of the ascendance of human technological culture. We propose that an action-based developmental account can help to bridge the cognitive-sociocultural divide in explanations of the discovery, production, and cultural transmission of human tool use.

Where do infants go? A longstanding assumption is that infants primarily crawl or walk to reach destinations viewed while stationary. However, many bouts of spontaneous locomotion do not end at new people, places, or things. Study 1 showed that half of 10- and 13-month-old crawlers' (N = 29) bouts end at destinations-more than previously found with walkers. Study 2 confirmed that, although infants do not commonly go to destinations, 12-month-old crawlers go to proportionally more destinations than age-matched walkers (N = 16). Head-mounted eye tracking revealed that crawlers and walkers mostly take steps in place while fixating something within reach. When infants do go to a destination, they take straight, short paths to a target fixated while stationary., (© 2019 Society for Research in Child Development.)

Motor skills are important for development. Everything infants do involves motor skills - postural, locomotor, and manual actions; exploratory actions; social interactions; and actions with artifacts. Put another way, all behavior is motor behavior, and thus motor skill acquisition is synonymous with behavioral development. Age norms for basic motor skills provide useful diagnostics for "typical" development, but cultural differences in child-rearing practices influence skill onset ages. Whenever they emerge, motor skills lay the foundation for development by opening up new opportunities for learning. Postural control brings new parts of the environment into view and into reach; locomotion makes the larger world accessible; manual skills promote new forms of interactions with objects; and motor skills involving every part of the body enhance opportunities for social interaction. Thus, motor skills can instigate a cascade of developments in domains far afield from motor behavior - perception and cognition, language and communication, emotional expression and regulation, physical growth and health, and so on. Finally, motor skill acquisition makes behavior increasingly functional and flexible. Infants learn to tailor behavior to variations in their body and environment and to discover or construct new means to achieve their goals., (© 2020 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

Goal-directed actions involve problem solving-how to coordinate perception and action to get the job done. Whereas previous work focused on the ages at which children succeed in problem solving, we focused on how children solve motor problems in real time. We used object fitting as a model system to understand how perception and action unfold from moment to moment. Preschoolers (N = 25) and adults (N = 24) inserted three-dimensional objects into their corresponding openings in a "shape-sorting" box. We applied a new combination of real-time methods to the problem of object fitting-head-mounted eye tracking to record looking behaviors, video microcoding to record adjustments in object orientation between reach and insertion, and real-time analysis techniques (recurrent quantification analysis and Granger causality) to test the timing relations between visual and manual actions. Children, like adults, solved the problem successfully. However, adults outperformed children in terms of their speed of fitting, and speed depended on when adjustments of object orientation occurred. Adults adjusted object orientation during transport, whereas children adjusted object orientation after arriving at the box. Children's delays in adjustment resulted from delays in looking at the target shape and its corresponding aperture. Findings show that planning is a real-time cascade of perception and action, and looking provides the basis for planning actions prospectively. We suggest that developmental improvements in problem solving are driven by real-time changes in the instigation of the planning cascade and the timing of its components., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

The ecological approach is a framework for studying the behavior of animals in their environments. My version of an ecological approach focuses on learning in the context of development. I argue that the most important thing animals learn is behavioral flexibility. They must acquire the ability to flexibly guide their behavior from moment to moment in the midst of developmental changes in their bodies, brains, skills, and environments. They must select, modify, and create behaviors appropriate to the current situation. In essence, animals must learn how to learn. I describe the central concepts and empirical strategies for studying learning in development and use examples of infants coping with novel tasks to give a flavor of what researchers know and still must discover about the functions and processes of learning (to learn) in (not and) development.

How do young children learn to use everyday artifacts-doorknobs, zippers, and so on-in the ways they were designed to be used? Although the designed actions of such objects seem obvious to adults, little is known about how young children learn the "hidden affordances" of everyday objects. We encouraged 115 11- to 37-month-old children to open 2 types of containers: circular jars with twist-off lids (Experiment 1) and rectangular Tupperware-style containers with pull-off lids (Experiment 2). We varied container size to examine effects of the body-environment fit on display of the designed action and successful implementation of the designed action. Results showed a developmental progression from nondesigned actions to performance of the designed twisting or pulling actions to successful implementation of the designed action. Nondesigned actions decreased with age as performance of the designed action increased. Successful implementation lagged behind performance of the designed action. That is, even after children appeared to know what to do, they were still unsuccessful in opening the container. Why? For twist-offs, very large lids were difficult to manipulate, and younger children often twisted to the right, or in both directions, and did not persist in consecutive turns to the left. Larger pull-off containers required new strategies to stabilize the base, such as holding the container against the tabletop or the chest. Findings provide insights into the body-environment factors that facilitate children's learning and implementation of the hidden affordances inherent in everyday artifacts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Skilled object retrieval requires coordination of the perceptual and motor systems. Coordination is especially challenging when body position is changing and visual search is required to locate the target. In three experiments, we used a "pivot paradigm" to induce changes in body position: Participants were passively pivoted 180° toward a target placed at varied locations to the left and right of the center of a reaching board. Experiment 1 showed that 6- to 15-month-old infants (n = 41) plan prehension so quickly that they retrieve targets mid-turn and scale their reaches to target location relative to turn direction. Experiment 2 characterized planning mid-turn reaching in 6- to 8-month-olds (n = 5) wearing a head-mounted eye tracker. Reach planning depended on when the target appeared in the field of view-not on target fixation. Experiment 3 used head-mounted eye tracking and motion tracking to assess perceptual-motor coordination in adults (n = 13). Adults displayed more mid-turn reaching than infants. But like infants, adults scaled reaching to target location relative to turn direction, and contact time depended on when the target came into view-not on target fixation. Findings show that fast, efficient perceptual-motor coordination supports flexibility in infant prehension, and constraints on coordination are similar across the lifespan., (© 2019 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

This review challenges the traditional interpretation of infants' and young children's responses to three types of potentially "fear-inducing" stimuli-snakes and spiders, heights, and strangers. The traditional account is that these stimuli are the objects of infants' earliest developing fears. We present evidence against the traditional account, and provide an alternative explanation of infants' behaviors toward each stimulus. Specifically, we propose that behaviors typically interpreted as "fearful" really reflect an array of stimulus-specific responses that are highly dependent on context, learning, and the perceptual features of the stimuli. We speculate about why researchers so commonly misinterpret these behaviors, and conclude with future directions for studying the development of fear in infants and young children. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

We investigated the real-time cascade of postural, visual, and manual actions for object prehension in 38 6- to 12-month-old infants (all independent sitters) and eight adults. Participants' task was to retrieve a target as they spun past it at different speeds on a motorized chair. A head-mounted eye tracker recorded visual actions and video captured postural and manual actions. Prehension played out in a coordinated sequence of postural-visual-manual behaviors starting with turning the head and trunk to bring the toy into view, which in turn instigated the start of the reach. Visually fixating the toy to locate its position guided the hand for toy contact and retrieval. Prehension performance decreased at faster speeds, but quick planning and implementation of actions predicted better performance., (© 2019 Society for Research in Child Development.)

Manual skills such as reaching, grasping, and exploring objects appear months earlier in infancy than locomotor skills such as walking. To what extent do infants incorporate an old skill (manual actions on objects) into the development of a new skill (walking)? We video recorded 64 sessions of infants during free play in a laboratory playroom. Infants' age (12.7-19.5 months), walking experience (0.5-10.3 months), and walking proficiency (speed, step length, etc.) varied widely. We found that the earlier developing skills of holding and exploring objects are immediately incorporated into the later developing skill of walking. Although holding incurred a reliable cost to infants' gait patterns, holding and exploring objects in hand were relatively common activities, and did not change with development. Moreover, holding objects was equally common in standing and walking. However, infants did not interact with objects indiscriminately: Object exploration was more frequent while standing than walking, and infants selectively chose lighter objects to carry and explore. Findings suggest that the earlier appearance of some skills may serve to motivate and enrich later appearing skills., Competing Interests: Conflicts of Interest The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare.

What incites infant locomotion? Recent research suggests that locomotor exploration is not primarily directed toward distant people, places, or things. However, this question has not been addressed experimentally. In the current study, we asked whether a room filled with toys designed to encourage locomotion (stroller, ball, etc.) elicits different quantities or patterns of exploration than a room with no toys. Caregivers were present but did not interact with infants. Although most walking bouts in the toy-filled room involved toys, to our surprise, 15-month-olds in both rooms produced the same quantity of locomotion. This finding suggests that mere space to move is sufficient to elicit locomotion. However, infants' patterns of locomotor exploration differed: Infants in the toy-filled room spent a smaller percent of the session within arms' reach of their caregiver and explored more locations in the room. Real-time analyses show that infants in the toy-filled room took an increasing number of steps per bout and covered more area as the session continued, whereas infants in the no-toy room took fewer and fewer steps per bout and traveled repeatedly over the same ground. Although not required to elicit locomotion, moving with toys encouraged infants to travel farther from their caregivers and to explore new areas., (© 2018 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

Motor development and psychological development are fundamentally related, but researchers typically consider them separately. In this review, we present four key features of infant motor development and show that motor skill acquisition both requires and reflects basic psychological functions. ( a) Motor development is embodied: Opportunities for action depend on the current status of the body. ( b) Motor development is embedded: Variations in the environment create and constrain possibilities for action. ( c) Motor development is enculturated: Social and cultural influences shape motor behaviors. ( d) Motor development is enabling: New motor skills create new opportunities for exploration and learning that instigate cascades of development across diverse psychological domains. For each of these key features, we show that changes in infants' bodies, environments, and experiences entail behavioral flexibility and are thus essential to psychology. Moreover, we suggest that motor development is an ideal model system for the study of psychological development.

What happens to early acquired but later abandoned motor skills? To investigate effects of disuse on early-developing motor skills, we examined crawling in two groups of habitual crawlers (34 6-12-month-old infants and five adults with Uner Tan Syndrome) and two groups of rusty crawlers (27 11-12-year-old children and 13 college-aged adults). Habitual crawlers showed striking similarities in gait patterns, limbs supporting the body, and crawling speed, despite dramatic differences in crawling practice, posture, and body size. Habitual crawlers trotted predominantly, whereas rusty crawlers showed a variety of gait patterns. Within sequences, habitual crawlers and children showed more switches in gait patterns than young adults. Children crawled faster and kept fewer limbs on the grounds than the other groups. Old crawling patterns were retained despite disuse, but new ones were also added. Surprisingly, results indicate that nothing was lost with disuse, but some features of crawling were gained or altered., (© 2018 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

A traditional childrearing practice-"gahvora" cradling-in Tajikistan and other parts of Central Asia purportedly restricts movement of infants' body and limbs. However, the practice has been documented only informally in anecdotal reports. Thus, this study had two research questions: (1) To what extent are infants' movements restricted in the gahvora? (2) How is time in the gahvora distributed over a 24-hour day in infants from 1-24 months of age? To answer these questions, we video-recorded 146 mothers cradling their infants and interviewed them using 24-hour time diaries to determine the distribution of time infants spent in the gahvora within a day and across age. Infants' movements were indeed severely restricted. Although mothers showed striking uniformity in how they restricted infants' movements, they showed large individual differences in amount and distribution of daily use. Machine learning algorithms yielded three patterns of use: day and nighttime cradling, mostly nighttime cradling, and mostly daytime cradling, suggesting multiple functions of the cradling practice. Across age, time in the gahvora decreased, yet 20% of 12- to 24-month-olds spent more than 15 hours bound in the gahvora. We discuss the challenges and benefits of cultural research, and how the discovery of new phenomena may defy Western assumptions about childrearing and development. Future work will determine whether the extent and timing of restriction impacts infants' physical and psychological development., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Although a fundamental goal of developmental science is to identify general processes of change, developmental scientists rarely generalize beyond their specific content domains. As a first step toward a more unified approach to development, we offer 15 suggestions gleaned from a century of research on infant walking. These suggestions collectively address the multi-leveled nature of change processes, cascades of real-time and developmental events, the diversity of developmental trajectories, inter- and intraindividual variability, starting and ending points of development, the natural input for learning, and the roles of body, environment, and sociocultural context. We argue that these 15 suggestions are not limited to motor development, and we encourage researchers to consider them within their own areas of research., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Face-to-face interaction between infants and their caregivers is a mainstay of developmental research. However, common laboratory paradigms for studying dyadic interaction oversimplify the act of looking at the partner's face by seating infants and caregivers face to face in stationary positions. In less constrained conditions when both partners are freely mobile, infants and caregivers must move their heads and bodies to look at each other. We hypothesized that face looking and mutual gaze for each member of the dyad would decrease with increased motor costs of looking. To test this hypothesis, 12-month-old crawling and walking infants and their parents wore head-mounted eye trackers to record eye movements of each member of the dyad during locomotor free play in a large toy-filled playroom. Findings revealed that increased motor costs decreased face looking and mutual gaze: Each partner looked less at the other's face when their own posture or the other's posture required more motor effort to gain visual access to the other's face. Caregivers mirrored infants' posture by spending more time down on the ground when infants were prone, perhaps to facilitate face looking. Infants looked more at toys than at their caregiver's face, but caregivers looked at their infant's face and at toys in equal amounts. Furthermore, infants looked less at toys and faces compared to studies that used stationary tasks, suggesting that the attentional demands differ in an unconstrained locomotor task. Taken together, findings indicate that ever-changing motor constraints affect real-life social looking., (© 2017 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)