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Of the goals of sustainable development (SD), human capital and poverty reduction are seen as the means and end. As they combine to shape other goals, they are equally the targets. However, how the synergy responds to the overall Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) cannot be divorced from the former’s processes and government commitment. This underscores centrality of human capital (HC) to achievement of poverty reduction and food security priorities. This paper assesses HC development practice and utilisation process. Focus group discussion and in-depth interviews used give our findings empirical underpinnings. This study reveals that the most critical HC aspect has been consistently neglected in empowerment scheme of Ebonyi state government.

This study examined experiences of abuse and work engagement behaviours of general employees in the Nigerian public service sector. Cross-lagged survey data were collected from 219 workers (female ...

This study examined both the direct and interactive effects on employee compliance to safety work behaviour of perceived work pressure, transformational leadership behaviour, and organisation manag...

This study examines the relationship among gender, democracy, and national development in Nigeria. This translates to a discussion of the possible linkages among gender identity, gendered representation, and national development in the country. Beyond the typical gender theorization, this article squarely focuses on women’s political representation within the Nigerian state and the power implications of the inherent challenges. The work reechoes the issue of underdevelopment as a societal phenomenon. The methodology of the contribution is normative argumentation. The theoretical framework is the power theory. The study concludes that the disarticulations between gendered representation and democracy have invariably led to contentious national development in Nigeria.

National development remains clearly elusive in some regions of the world. And democracy is frequently proposed as the catalyst of development for such locations. This presupposes that development was stunted by the dearth of democracy in these environments. At the heart of the undemocratic tendencies in the affected nation states is the phenomenon of strongmen in government. These genres of leaders usually detest the notion of the Rule of Law, as the very bedrock of development. They candidly although, project national interest as the superior paradigm of progress in these nations, giving rise to the scenario of competing models of national development for such places. This paper is a contribution to the reconciliation of the conflicting issues. Its premises are derived from the disciplines of law, political science and development studies. The work is framed on the experiences of the Nigerian nation state in West Africa. KEYWORDS: rule of law, democracy, national interest, national development

This article discusses the concepts of failure of states, fragility of states, and the prospects of peace in South Sudan. The article focuses specifically on judicial structural deformities in South Sudan under the qualitative and normative research methodologies, with structural functionalism as theoretical framework. Where preceding works had concentrated their South Sudanese peace-building recommendations on power-sharing mechanisms, this contribution emphasizes a long-term postviolence focus on the building of governance structures. The work recommends that while mediating in liberation struggles, it is critical for the intervening international community to consider the structures on ground, under which an envisaged independent state would thrive, as the prospects of enduring peace in the war-torn South Sudan are more dependent on the creation of such mechanisms than attempting to reconcile the defiant fighters.

This study examines the concept of human capital accounting as it relates to the public sector of developing countries. It interrogates the origin of the concept of human capital accounting. It studies what human capital accounting portends for the public sector in developing countries. It is a study of the relevance and the omens of human capital accounting in the public sector of developing countries. The public sector trajectory of human capital accounting is viewed in the study, as a peculiar tool of public (sector) administration in the developed societies and not a universally applicable tool of public administration at the current level of development in the developing states. Consequently, the study leads to a conclusion that in the public sector of developing states, human capital development or human capital formation may be the more relevant engagement for scholarship and practical purposes.

It is axiomatic to posit that there is a linkage between youth and national integration. This intercourse is not only symbiotically connected; but, one depends on the other for its sustenance. Therefore, the role of youth on national development cannot be over emphasised. The wheel of development of any country lies on the shoulder of how productive and creative the youthful populations are. The youth in any society are the engine of growth and development; because, they provide the labour force for production of goods and service to take effect. And also, are the critical masses of people, whose action and inaction can develop or destroy the hegemonies/fabrics of their society. For example according to the 2006 census, the youthful population constituted over 70% of the population. So, therefore, this quantum of population is a great asset for the Nigerian state if they are harnessed and utilized in the right direction. Interestingly, the transition of society from one generation to another is critical to the formative and developmental aspiration of such society. That, is why society that prepare their youth for the sake of future aspiration will not only secure her future development; but, will prepare her next set of leaders with the challenges of national reconciliation and development. So, therefore, the role of youth on national development is sacrosanct to the whole developmental aspiration of any society. The youth are the cornerstone to societal rejuvenation. Societies are not only recreated through the youthful population, but, youth are often referring to as leaders of tomorrow. As the most active segment of any society, youths are the major determiners of peace and stability of a nation (Ozohu-Sulaiman, 2006). Conversely, the degree of disorderliness and instability in society is also determined in part by youths. Peace is a precursor of development. The absence of peace means that no meaningful development can take place. The National Youths Policy affirms that the extent of the youth's “responsible conduct and roles in society is positively correlated with the development of their country”. (FGN, 2001:1)

Nigeria’s political history is replete with unresolved and unsettling ethno-religious fracas and largely impotent panels to determine their causes with a view of preventing future occurrence when conflicts have not occurred, or have somehow abated; associated tensions have remained high, with all the attendant negative consequences on the socio-political and economic development in the country. Under the current democratic epoch, competitive partisan political activities are being used as avenue through which groups are mobilized, identities rigidly reinforced, often infused with excessive religiosity, violent youth gangs and militants are formed and armed, and ethnic tensions and conflicts thereby facilitated. This is not to say that expressions of ethno-religious identities always results in violence. The paper conceptualizes ethno-religious identities and analyzes the causes, extent, magnitude and implications before narrowing down to specifies. The paper concludes by suggesting how to curb ethno-religious problems in Nigeria in order to promote good governance.

There exists observable complicity by law enforcement agents in illicit drug networks for financial gain and yet the problem remains under-researched. Thus, this study explored the connection between cannabis use/users and the connivance of narcotic agents in Afikpo North LGA of Ebonyi State, Nigeria. Purposive and snowballing sampling techniques were employed in selecting a sample of 21, comprising 18 regular ‘Igbo Bunks’ (specially designed marijuana-smoking joints) patronisers and three dealers (Bunk owners/managers). Qualitative thematic method was adopted in analysing the data generated from in-depth oral interviews. Findings revealed that three popular Bunks operate unhidden and were well-known to the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) and Nigeria Police Force (NPF), but little or no action has been taken to close them down. Although the outcome of the connivance has led to an increase in the price of cannabis due to illegal monetary compensation given to law enforcers to secure their approval, recurring use has also been recorded due to the ostensible comfort and protection these joints offer to customers. Organised marijuana smoking is a fast growing but underexplored ‘law-enforcement problem’ to watch and therefore further empirical studies on the phenomenon is suggested to further direct policy and action. There is urgent need for community responses and partnership with law enforcement agents. Since the most visible part of drug issue takes place in our neighbourhoods, this security synergy is necessary and timely for effective prevention and control of the phenomenon.

It has been highlighted in this study that Political apathy is a seemingly innocuous issue in the democratic process in Nigeria. But the political parties behave as if the problem of political apathy is non-existent in the political process. And the democratic process in this regard, trudges on as if all is well with the political and democratic systems in the country. The general objective of the study therefore is to examine the surrounding issues on political parties, political apathy and democracy in Nigeria. The specific objectives are to (i) study the extent to which the performance of Nigeria's current political parties have induced or encouraged political apathy in the Nigerian democratic process (ii) identify the contending issues on political parties, political apathy and democracy in Nigeria and (iii) make recommendations on the way forward. The study used as theoretical framework, the systems theory and adopted as methodology, logical argumentation. Indeed, findings of the study confirm that the performance of the current political parties in Nigeria have highly induced and encouraged political apathy in the democratic system. Central to the contending issues on political parties, political apathy and democracy in Nigeria is what has been identified in the study as the "we" versus "them" divide.

This paper is built on the premise that there is a leadership lacuna in Africa, accentuated by the exit of the legendary Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. The paper uses the performance of political leadership in Nigeria, to examine the scorecard of political leadership in Africa. The specific objectives of the paper were to: (i) examine how the performance of political leadership in Nigeria has created a leadership lacuna in Africa and (ii) make recommendations on how the performance of political leadership in Nigeria can lead to the closing of the leadership lacuna. The methodology for the study is logical argumentation. The theoretical framework is the elite theoretical framework. Findings of the study indicate that the substandard performance of political leadership in Nigeria has negatively impacted on political leadership in Africa. The most populous country in Africa (Nigeria), the paper recommends, must see the emergence of the needed new class of African leaders as a challenge. The Nigerian elite must see this as a national challenge. The paper further recommends in this regard that Nigeria’s government should reform and reequip Nigeria’s educational system. In addition, Nigerians must make democracy work. Democracy in Nigeria, the paper concludes, must crystallize into leadership for results.

It has been variously contended and profoundly demonstrated that democracy is at the crossroads in Nigeria. However, despite the vicissitudes of democracy in the Nigerian State, the horrendous setbacks brought about by the State’s recent encounter with authoritarianism make it imperative for Nigerians to fully embrace democracy. But democracy in its current tendencies in Nigeria is also not so attractive for such full embrace. It is contemplated in this study that what needs to be done necessitates the reinforcement of the existing pillars of the democratic foundation in Nigeria. Thus, this paper is centrally a contribution to the debates surrounding democratization in Nigeria. The specific objectives of the study therefore, are (i) to identify the central deficient element of Nigeria’s democracy and (ii) make recommendations on the modalities of reinforcing democracy in Nigeria. The theoretical framework of the study is the elite theoretical framework. The methodology of the study is the critical mode of research. Findings of the study finally indicate that the central deficient element of Nigeria’s democracy is locatable in its elite dependence. Reinforcing democracy in Nigeria, the study therefore concludes, principally entails the making of the democratic culture, fully participatory and undeniably inclusive.

This paper looked at the performance of the African Union (AU), in the resolution of intrastate conflicts in Africa. The study necessitated a revisit to the Libyan crisis. It is acknowledged in the study that conflicts pervade human relations. In the case of Africa, the study further shows that Africa has never experienced a lasting peace. The theoretical framework of games theory has been adopted in the study, to describe the character of African conflicts and to proffer solutions for the minimization of the level and number of such intrastate conflicts. The Libyan conflict typified the character of intrastate conflicts in Africa and was used for illustration in the study. The study concluded that the AU has made significant contributions toward the resolution of intrastate conflicts in Africa but there are still shortcomings of the AU and impediments to the efforts of the African Union, toward the resolution of such crises.

This study raises some fundamental issues in the relationship between public debt and sustainable national development in Nigeria. The work is significant in highlighting the position of public debt in the subject area of public administration. The study finds a very weak linkage between public debt and sustainable national development in the Nigerian state. The theoretical framework of the investigation is the bureaucratic theory. The work finds that the bureaucracy is as guilty as the politician in the country, in the transmutation of public debt into a brand of national bazaar. It is finally recommended in the paper that taxation-increases be adopted as alternative to public debt, in ensuring that the current generation of the country’s citizens, in meeting their immediate needs do not invariably endanger the capacity of future generations in the same regards.

This study essentially considered the relevance of governance networks in election administration in Nigerian. It was acknowledged in the study that governance involves a new process of governing; or a changed condition of ordered rule, or the new method by which society is governed. Governance networks were seen in the study as instruments of public policy-making, in which policy-processes take place. Meta-governance was accepted to be the governance of governance, a tool for steering processes in self-regulating governance networks; and also accepted to be about both facilitating and constraining policy processes. It was upheld in the study that the most critical element of network governance is coordination. But in meta-governance, the most critical requirement goes beyond coordination. In this dimension, in election administration in Nigeria for instance, the meta-governor must be a repository of national interest. And indeed, Nigeria’s election administration requires a mainstream interest of governance networks. The consummation of the interests of the governance networks would be the dilution of the influence of political leadership on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). A meta-governing electoral commission is not in any way an absurdity under Nigeria’s democratic evolution. However, this meta-governing electoral administrator will not be a creation of a partisan political leadership but a natural fruition of the actions of the governance networks. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n9p177

Voters’ apathy has become increasingly serious globally indicative of the need to build a sustainable society with minimal voters apathy. The study investigates the causes of voters’ apathy .Questionnaires were distributed to 1,120 respondents. The mean age was 24.89, SD=1.70. The gender mean was 1.46 and occupation mean was 1.80. Result revealed that there exist a relationship between voter’s age, occupation and gender and voting in general (P=0.000).The age of voters, the occupation and gender are all significantly related to voters apathy. What could be done to revive genuine political participation was therefore discussed. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n3p439

This article aims at determining the impact of various components of fiscal policy on the Nigerian economy. We simply used descriptive statistics to show contribution of government fiscal policy to economic growth, and to ascertain and explain growth rates, and an ordinary least square (OLS) in a multiple form to ascertain the relationship between economic growth and government expenditure components after ensuring data stationarity. Findings revealed that total government expenditures have tended to increase with government revenue, with expenditures peaking faster than revenue. Investment expenditures were much lower than recurrent expenditures evidencing the poor growth in the country’s economy. Hence, there is some evidence of positive correlation between government expenditure on economic services and economic growth. Therefore, in public spending, it is important to note that the effectiveness of the private sector depends on the stability and predictability of the public incentive framework, which promotes or crowds out private investment.