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While the relationship between Islam and democracy has received considerable attention in the social science literature, very few studies have explained the dynamics of support for democracy through a micro-level, socio-psychological lens. Applying a novel perspective, this study analyzes the empirical nexus among Islamic religiosity, being open to new ideas and creativity (ONIC), and pro-democratic attitudes to probe the following two questions: Are Muslims who are open to new ideas and think creatively more supportive of democracy than those who are not? Could ONIC be an intervening factor between religiosity and support for democracy? To this end, the paper systematically (1) examines the interrelationship between ONIC and Islamic religiosity; (2) estimates the effects thereof on support for democracy; (3) assesses the mediating potential of ONIC between devoutness and pro-democratic attitudes through an illustrative case of Turkey. The findings indicate that ONIC and Islamic religiosity are not mutually exclusive. The evidence also suggests that, ceteris paribus, while religiosity is positively associated with pro-democratic attitudes, the mediating potential of ONIC is inconclusive. Religiosity and ONIC appear to have an independent effect on support for democracy. Educational reforms or policies that cultivate and support creative thinking might be consequential for building and fostering democracy in Islamic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At long intestinal influence of vegetative gathering of food "Phytodiabetol" changes from the side of hematological and biochemical parameters, in particular indicators of alkaline phosphatase, transaminase enzymes (ALT, AST) in blood serum are not revealed. Absence of obvious deviations from the norm of such biochemical parameters indicates low toxicity of this drug. The studied preparation in doses of 6 and 60 mg/kg has no negative effect on blood glucose level. There is a decrease in the concentration of glucose in the blood from the upper limit of the norm to the lower limit of the norm and it may be associated with its sugar-reducing activity. The results of histomorphological studies of tissues of internal organs in the long intestinal tract of administration of dietary supplements to food "Fitodiabetol" confirm the absence of toxic effects on internal organs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the dynamics of contentious collective political action in post-Soviet Central Asia? How do post-Soviet Central Asian citizens negotiate the tensions between partaking in and abstaining from elite-challenging collective protests? By analysing cross-national attitudes in two Central Asian states, this article (1) systematically analyses the variation in collective protests by testing rival macro-, meso-, and micro-level theories; (2) reintroduces a conceptual and empirical distinction between low-risk and high-risk collective protests; and (3) examines the conditions under which individuals participate in two distinct types of elite-challenging collective actions. Three conclusions are reached. First, the evidence suggests that nuanced consideration of multi-level theoretical perspectives is necessary to explain contingencies of elite-challenging actions. Second, economic grievances and resource mobilization emerge as leading factors driving both low-risk and high-risk protests. Third, Islamic religiosity and social networking robustly predict participation in high-risk collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To what extent does Islam help explain the dynamics of a participatory civil society in the post-Soviet Muslim-majority Central Asia? More specifically, to what extent does the variation in Islam (personal religiosity) and political Islam (support for Islam's role in politics) help predict the propensity to engage in elite-challenging collective political actions, rooted in self-assertive social capital? Grounded in emancipative social capital theory, this article embarks on an individual-level quantitative analysis to systematically examine the variation in self-assertive collective action in four Central Asian republics. This study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the empirical nexus between general religiosity (Islam), Islamism (Political Islam), and elite-challenging collective actions and offers new clues on the empirical interactions between resurgent Islam and collective political participation in the post-Communist Muslim world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies two types of regulatory policies employed by secular states towards Islam in Central Asia, and examines their effects on religious radicalism. Conceptually, we develop two prevalent kinds of state regulation of religious practices, permissive and dismissive regulations. Empirically, we investigate their effects by analyzing state policies toward Islamic education and their cumulative effects on the religious dynamism with reference to what is termed as the religious extremism or "Islamic radicalism" in the post-Soviet Republics of Kazakhstan and Tajikistan. The findings indicate that permissive state regulations in Kazakhstan impedes the threat of radical extremism, whereas dismissive state regulations appears to exacerbate the level of the same threat in Tajikistan. The findings further suggest that Islamic education is in need of urgent and comprehensive reforms, and that permissive state policies seeking to supplement institutional infrastructures, are likely to help revive and revamp Islamic education at large. These policies can be an effective tool for retarding the recruitment lifeline of militant religious organizations in Central Asia. The author profiles the entire scenario of religious radicalism in Central Asia within two fundamental questions: 'To what extent does Islamic education matter in explaining the dynamics of Islamic radicalism?' and 'Does state regulation of religion promote or hinder religious radicalism?' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]