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This article traces the historical processes by which Brazil became a world leader in cesarean sections. It demonstrates that physicians changed their position toward and use of different obstetric surgeries, in particular embryotomies and cesarean sections, over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The authors demonstrate that Catholic obstetricians, building upon both advancements in cesarean section techniques and new civil legislation that gave some personhood to fetuses, began arguing that fetal life was on par with its maternal counterpart in the early twentieth century, a shift that had a lasting impact on obstetric practice for decades to come. In the second half of the twentieth century, cesarean sections proliferated in clinical practice, but abortions remained illegal. Most importantly, women remained patients to be worked on rather than active participants in their reproductive lives.

The Human Embryology Collection at the Centre of Anatomy Göttingen, created between 1942 and 1970, represents a unique interrelation of histological sectional series of human embryos and large-format physical models open to the public based on them. The collection was established long after the heyday of human embryology. It is also remarkable in another aspect: while usually models within the discipline are considered research objects, Göttingen embryologist Erich Blechschmidt (1904-1992) based his understanding on a pedagogical impetus. The article highlights the distinctive and unconventional features of Blechschmidt's undertaking against its disciplinary background. My focus lies on the two practices that are central to human embryology-collecting and modelling-, as well as the derived collection stocks. The special tension between individuality and universality that already characterized the process of their creation is also reflected in the later use of the collection. This tension allowed Blechschmidt to utilize the models in embryological research and anatomical teaching as well as in the broad social debate on abortion and the ethical status of human embryos.

During the "Third Reich," the majority of German gynecologists and obstetricians did not hesitate to put themselves at the service of those in power. In 1933, many gynecologists initially only focused on the fact that the biopolitical objectives of the National Socialists matched their own long-standing demands for population policy measures and the early detection and prevention of cancer. In addition, cooperating with the Nazis promised the political advancement of the profession, personal advantages, and the honorary title of Volksgesundheitsführer (national health leaders). As a result, gynecologists exchanged resources with the regime and thus contributed significantly to the implementation of the criminal racial policies of the Nazis. At the congresses of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Gynäkologie (German Society of Gynecology) "non-Aryan" members, mostly of Jewish descent, were excluded, the law on forced sterilization of 1933 (Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses/Law for the Prevention of Offspring with Hereditary Diseases) was scientifically legitimized, its implementation was propagated, and relevant surgical techniques were discussed with regard to their "certainty of success." In the course of these forced sterilizations, existing pregnancies were also terminated and the victims were misused for illegal scientific examinations or experiments. Drawing upon racial and utilitarian considerations, gynecologists did not even shy away from carrying out late abortions on forced laborers from the East during the Second World War, which were strictly prohibited even under the laws of the time. Some gynecologists carried out cruel experiments on humans in concentration camps, which primarily served their own careers and the biopolitical goals of those in power. The few times gynecologists did protest or resist was when the very interests of their profession seemed threatened, as in the dispute over home births and the rights of midwives. Social gynecological initiatives from the Weimar Republic, which were mainly supported and carried out by gynecologists persecuted for their Jewish descent since 1933, were either converted into National Socialist "education programs" or simply came to an end due to the exclusion of their initiators. German gynecologists had hoped for a large-scale promotion of the early detection of malignant diseases of the uterus and breasts, to which they had already made important contributions since the beginning of the 20th century. But even though the fight against cancer was allegedly one of the priorities of the Nazis, no comprehensive measures were taken. Still, a few locally limited initiatives to this end proved to be successful until well into the Second World War. In addition, German gynecologists established the modern concept of prenatal care and continued to advance endocrinological research and sterility therapy. After the end of the Nazi dictatorship, the historical guilt piled up during this period was suppressed and denied for decades. Its revision and processing only began in the 1990s., (© 2021 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

Comparative-historical research on medicalization is rare and, perhaps for that reason, largely ignores political institutions, which tend to vary more across countries than within them. This article proposes a political-institutional theory of medicalization in which health care policy legacies, political decentralization, and constitutionalism shape the preferences, discourses, strategies, and influence of actors that seek or resist medicalization. The theory helps explain why abortion has been more medicalized in Britain than the United States. The analysis finds that the American medical profession, unlike its British counterpart, focused on defending private medicine rather than protecting its power to "diagnose" the medical necessity of abortions; that American political decentralization aided the establishment of abortion on request by encouraging strategic innovation and learning that shaped social movement strategies, medical issue avoidance, and the growth of nonhospital clinics; and finally, that constitutionalism promoted rights discourses that partially crowded out medical ones.

Though resulting from a long-term process, the need to manage pregnancies both medically and bureaucratically became a state concern, especially from the 1920s onwards. A woman's official obligation to notify the state of her pregnancy (and therefore to know it on time) goes beyond a matter of biopolicies and poses a range of contradictions. 'Pregnant or not?' - as an issue of knowledge - is a powerful tool for apprehending the tensions between individual freedom, privacy, institutional requirements and professional powers.In order to better understand the historical meaning of pregnancy diagnostics in mid-twentieth-century France, this paper combines three dimensions: uncertainty and its management; the informational asymmetry between institutional agents and women; and the diachronic dimension of gestation. Writing this history sheds more light on an apparent paradox: while knowing and notifying one's own pregnancy became a duty, the tools that could help women eliminate some doubt right from the first months of their pregnancy - in particular the innovation of laboratory diagnosis - was seen as a danger. When, in 1938, private laboratories began publishing advertisements for the laboratory test in the most widely-read newspapers, tending to reframe it as a commercial service, the anti-abortion crusade was increasing its propaganda and its political pressure. This crusade's legal victory proved incomplete, but for a long time some of the most conservative physicians recommended great parsimony in prescribing testing. Combined with reducing the legal time limit for notification, this conflict shows how the state injunctions towards women could look like a 'double bind'.

In 1920 in France, a law was passed prohibiting abortion, the sale of contraceptives and 'anti-conception propaganda'. While contraception was legalised in 1967 and abortion in 1975, 'anti-natalist propaganda' remained forbidden. This article takes seriously the aim of the French state to prevent the circulation of information for demographic reasons. Drawing from government archives, social movement archives and media coverage, the article focuses on the way the propaganda ban contributed to shaping the public debate on contraception as well as lastingly impacting the ability of the state to communicate on the subject. It first shows how birth control activists challenged the legal interdiction against communicating about contraception (1956-67) without questioning the natalist obligation. It then shows how, after 1968, communication on contraception became a power struggle carried out by various actors (sexologists and feminist and leftist activists) and how the dissemination of information about contraception was thought of as a way to challenge moral and social values. Finally, the article describes the change of state communication policies in the mid-1970s, leading to the first national campaign on contraception launched in 1981, which defined information as a task that women should take on.

Bernard A. Nathanson (1926-2011), was a professionally well-recognized and successful New York obstetrician and gynecologist. An avowed atheist as a young man through his middle age, Nathanson was a co-founder of the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws, whose activities are credited with hastening the liberalization of abortion law in New York State. Intent on increasing the accessibility and promoting the acceptance of abortion on demand, Dr. Nathanson taught and published journal articles on the operative techniques and on the results from large numbers of these procures. During his tenure as director of the largest abortion clinic in the Western World, Nathanson presided over 60,000 abortions, and he performed more than 1,500 in his own practice. His studies of embryology and evidence from emerging technologies to monitor and examine intrauterine fetal development led Nathanson to question the morality of voluntarily interrupting pregnancy, thence to rejecting abortion procedures from his own clinical practice altogether, and eventually to become involved in anti-abortion, pro-life activities. An influential writer, speaker and film maker, these experiences and witnessing the love and prayer of other pro-life supporters turned Nathanson to notions of God, and finally reading and personal prayer guided him from secular atheism to Christianity., (Copyright © 2019 by the National Legal Center for the Medically Dependent and Disabled, Inc.)

Before elective abortion was legalized nationally in 1973 with the U.S. Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade, seventeen states and the District of Columbia liberalized their abortion statutes. While scholars have examined the history of physicians who had performed abortions before and after it was legal and of feminists' work to expand the range of healthcare choices available to women, we know relatively little about nurses' work with abortion. By focusing on the history of nursing in those states that liberalized their abortion laws before Roe, this article reveals how women who sought greater control over their lives by choosing abortion encountered medical professionals who were only just beginning to question the gendered conventions that framed labor roles in American hospitals. Nurses, whose workloads increased exponentially when abortion laws were liberalized, were rarely given sufficient training to care for abortion patients. Many nurses directed their frustrations to the women patients who sought the procedure. This essay considers how the expansion of women's right to abortion prompted nurses to question the gendered conventions that had shaped their work experiences.

The huge mobilization seen in 2018 around the right to legal abortion in Argentina is the crowning point of a struggle that has been going on for many years, and that like any emancipatory movement has had different milestones as well as victories and setbacks, but that has never been abandoned. This article considers some of the actions that have marked that history, beginning with the pioneering women of the seventies, and continuing with the Commission for the Right to Abortion [Comisión por el Derecho al Aborto] after the restoration of democracy in the 1980s, followed by the experiences of Women Coming Together for the Right to Choose [Mujeres Autoconvocacadas por el Derecho a Decidir], the Assembly for the Right to Abortion [Asamblea por el Derecho al Aborto], and the present Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion [Campaña por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito], which succeeded in getting the bill that decriminalizes and legalizes abortion treated in the National Congress.

I examine the legacies of Soviet public health policy and the socialist health care system and trace how the Soviet past figures in contemporary Russian policymaking and debates about drug use, HIV, and abortion. Drug policies and mainstream views of HIV reflect continuities with key aspects of Soviet-era policies, although political leaders do not acknowledge these continuities in justifying their policies. In abortion policy, by contrast, which is highly debated in the public realm, advocates represent themselves as differing from Soviet-era policies to justify their positions. Yet abortion activists' views of the past differ tremendously, reminding us that the Soviet past is symbolically productive for arguments about Russia's present and future. I describe key aspects of the Soviet approach to health and compare how current drug policy (and the related management of HIV/AIDS) and abortion policies are discursively shaped in relation to the Soviet historical and cultural legacy.

In the mid-twentieth century film studios sent their screenplays to Hollywood's official censorship body, the Production Code Administration (PCA), and to the Catholic Church's Legion of Decency for approval and recommendations for revision. This article examines the negotiations between filmmakers and censorship groups in order to show the stories that censors did, and did not, want told about pregnancy, childbirth and abortion, as well as how studios fought to tell their own stories about human reproduction. I find that censors considered pregnancy to be a state of grace and a holy obligation that was restricted to married women. For censors, human reproduction was not only a private matter, it was also an unpleasant biological process whose entertainment value was questionable. They worried that realistic portrayals of pregnancy and childbirth would scare young women away from pursuing motherhood. In addition, I demonstrate how filmmakers overcame censors' strict prohibitions against abortion by utilizing ambiguity in their storytelling. Ultimately, I argue that censors believed that pregnancy and childbirth should be celebrated but not seen. But if pregnancy and childbirth were required then censors preferred mythic versions of motherhood instead of what they believed to be the sacred but horrific biological reality of human reproduction.

In the years following World War II, and increasingly during the 1960s and 1970s, professional scientific societies developed internal sub-committees to address the social implications of their scientific expertise (Moore, Disrupting Science: Social Movements, American Scientists, and the Politics of the Military, 1945-1975. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008). This article explores the early years of one such committee, the American Society of Human Genetics' "Social Issues Committee," founded in 1967. Although the committee's name might suggest it was founded to increase the ASHG's public and policy engagement, exploration of the committee's early years reveals a more complicated reality. Affronted by legislators' recent unwillingness to seek the expert advice of human geneticists before adopting widespread neonatal screening programs for phenylketonuria (PKU), and feeling pressed to establish their relevance in an increasingly resource-scarce funding environment, committee members sought to increase the discipline's expert authority. Painfully aware of controversy over abortion rights and haunted by the taint of the discipline's eugenic past, however, the committee proceeded with great caution. Seeking to harness interest in and assert professional control over emerging techniques of genetic diagnosis, the committee strove to protect the society's image by relegating ethical and policy questions about their use to the individual consciences of member scientists. It was not until 1973, after the committee's modest success in organizing support for a retrospective public health study of PKU screening and following the legalization of abortion on demand, that the committee decided to take a more publicly engaged stance.

The British Journal of Hospital Medicine is 50 years old. This article takes a look back at articles published during the year of its inception from the British Medical Journal, the Lancet and the Journal of the American Medical Association.

In the society of the ancient Greece sacred laws on the abortion are a typical example of a mixture between the temple wisdom tradition and the medical tugvr. The epigraphic discoveries made between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century in Cos and Cyrene offered meaningfid evidences of the cooperation between priests and physicians to evaluate each single case of abortion and impose the right atonement. This contribution aims at showing how firm the line of continuity between medicine as wisdom and medicine as T Xvn was in the ancient Greece, focusing on the hot topic of the abortion. The question will be analyzed from a multidisciplinary approach which includes history of language, history of medicine and history of religion as the nature of the topic and of the evidences reauires.

The so called "Blechschmidt-Collection" in Goettingen is internationally presented as a masterpiece of German anatomical and embryological research after 1945. Compiled by anatomist Erich Blechschmidt (1904–1992), the collection's pieces are supposed to be ethically unobjectable. However, the embryos used for the collection have an obscure and dubious history. Blechschmidt is also well known for his infamous role in the Thalidomide/Contergan-trial, during which he claimed, Thalidomide would not have any negative effect on embryos. Later in his life, he became a vehement opponent of Evolution theory and disputed the right for abortion. His example may serve as one of many university professors in his generation who were appointed during the later years of the nazi regime, quickly regained their position after 1945 and continued their former research. Until now, this group did not receive appropriate scrutiny from critically minded historians.

After an analysis of the history of the introduction of the so called "abortion pill" in various countries included Italy, it is analyzed the substantial differences between the two procedures of medical abortion comparing with surgical abortion.

This article analyzes the comparative history of the law and practice of abortion and assisted reproduction in the United States to consider the interplay between medical paternalism and legal paternalism. It supplements existing critiques of paternalism as harmful to women's equality with the medical perspective, as revealed through the writings of Alan F. Guttmacher, to consider when legal regulation might be warranted., (© 2015 American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics, Inc.)

This article quantifies the frequency of infanticide and abortion in one region of Japan by comparing observed fertility in a sample of 4.9 million person-years (1660-1872) with a Monte Carlo simulation of how many conceptions and births that population should have experienced. The simulation uses empirical values for the determinants of fertility from Eastern Japan itself as well as the best available studies of comparable populations. This procedure reveals that in several decades of the eighteenth century, at least 40% of pregnancies must have ended in either an induced abortion or an infanticide. In addition, the simulation results imply a rapid decline in the incidence of infanticide and abortion during the nineteenth century, when in a reverse fertility transition, this premodern family-planning regime gave way to a new age of large families.

The complicated intra-professional rivalries that have contributed to the current contours of abortion law and service provision have been subject to limited academic engagement. In this article, we address this gap. We examine how the competing interests of different specialisms played out in abortion law reform from the early twentieth-century, through to the enactment of the Abortion Act 1967, and the formation of the structures of abortion provision in the early 1970s. We demonstrate how professional interests significantly shaped the landscape of abortion law in England, Scotland, and Wales. Our analysis addresses two distinct and yet related fields where professional interests were negotiated or asserted in the journey to law reform. Both debates align with earlier analysis that has linked abortion law reform with the market development of the medical profession. We argue that these two axes of debate, both dominated by professional interests, interacted to help shape law's treatment of abortion, and continue to influence the provision of abortion services today., (© The Author [2015]. Published by Oxford University Press; all rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

U.S. medical scholarship and education regarding religion and spirituality has been growing rapidly in recent years. This rising interest, however, is not new; it is a renewal of significant interweavings that date back to the mid-20th century. In this Perspective, the authors draw attention to the little-known history of organized medicine's engagement with religion from 1961 to 1974. Relying on primary source documents, they recount the dramatic rise and fall of the Committee on Medicine and Religion (CMR) at the American Medical Association (AMA). At its height, there were state-level committees on medicine and religion in 49 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico, and there were county-level committees in over 800 county medical societies. Thousands of physicians attended annual conferences for clinicians and clergy, and direct outreach to patients included a film viewed by millions. The CMR arose in the context of rapid medical advances, the growth of professional chaplaincy, and concern for declining "humanism" in medicine-conditions with parallels in medicine today. The CMR was brought to a puzzling end in 1972 by the AMA's Board of Trustees. The authors argue that this termination was linked to the AMA's long and contentious debate on abortion. They conclude with the story's significance for today's explorations of the intersection of spirituality, religion, and medicine, focusing on the need for mutual respect, transparency, and dialogue around the needs of patients and physicians.

To the detriment of women's health, the abortion work of nurses in Canada has gone largely unexamined and is not well understood. This historical discourse analysis examines discursive constructions of nurses' abortion work and ongoing renegotiations of professional identity in The Canadian Nurse from 1950 to 1965. By investigating what has shaped and continues to inform nurses' understandings and enactment of abortion work over time, I hope to contribute to a foundation from which to evaluate contemporary abortion services and to foster conditions that support nurses in providing safe abortion care.

Prenatal diagnosis was developed in the 1970s, a result of a partly contingent coming together of three medical innovations-amniocentesis, the study of human chromosomes and obstetrical ultrasound-with a social innovation, the decriminalization of abortion. Initially this diagnostic approach was proposed only to women at high risk of fetal malformations. Later, however, the supervision of the fetus was extended to all pregnant women. The latter step was strongly favoured by professionals' aspiration to prevent the birth of children with Down syndrome, an inborn condition perceived as a source of suffering for families and a burden on public purse. Experts who promoted screening for 'Down risk' assumed that the majority of women who carry a Down fetus will decide to terminate the pregnancy, and will provide a private solution to a public health problem. The generalization of screening for Down risk increased in turn the frequency of diagnoses of other, confirmed or potential fetal pathologies, and of dilemmas linked with such diagnoses. Debates on such dilemmas are usually limited to professionals. The transformation of prenatal diagnosis into a routine medical technology was, to a great extent, an invisible revolution., (Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

This paper explores the close links in medical understandings of miscarriage and abortion in the first half of the twentieth century in Britain. In the absence of a clear legal framework for abortion, and the secrecy surrounding the practice, medical literature suggests contradictory and confused views about women presenting with clinical signs of pregnancy loss. On one hand, there was a lack of clarity as to whether pregnancy loss was natural or induced, with a clear tendency to assume that symptoms of miscarriage were the result of criminal interference gone wrong. On the other hand, women who did not present for treatment when miscarriage was underway were accused of neglecting their unborn children. The paper suggests that discourses around pregnancy loss were class-based, distrustful of female patients, and shaped by the wider context of fertility decline and concerns about infant mortality. The close historical connection between miscarriage and abortion offers some insight into why both the pro-life movement and miscarriage support advocates today draw on similar imagery and rhetoric about early fetal loss., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

In 2012 the Italian Court of Cassation recognized a young woman the right not to be born and a compensation for her Down's syndrome. Before her birth, her parents asked their gynaecologist for abortion in case he had found any patology affecting the baby. The clinical tests didn't reveal the syndrome, so, after the baby's birth, the doctor was sued for damages. A similar case had occurred in France, where the High Court affirmed that constitution is based on the right to live, not to die. A debate was opened, in which the hippocratic oath has been used to support the pro vita position. This article focuses on whether, when and why the hippocratic tradition allows abortion; when and by whom the embryo was considered to be a human being; if, according to the few sources we have, a charter for the embryo existed in ancient times.

Modern scientific achievements in the field of contraception are clearly indebted to past studies. Al-Akhawayni Bukhari was a Persian physician in the 10th century. He lived during the 'Golden Age of Islamic Medicine' (9th to 12th century AD). This scientist recorded his knowledge on various medical matters, including contraception, in the book 'Hidayat al-Muta`allemin Fi al-Tibb' (Learner's Guide to Medicine). These 10th century views on contraception are explored in this paper through a discussion of Al-Akhawayni Bukhari's surviving book, the 'Hidayat' (Guide).

Since the dawn of medicine, medical rights and ethics have always been one of mankind's concerns. In any civilisation, attention paid to medical laws and ethics depends on the progress of human values and the advancement of medical science. The history of various civilisations teaches that each had its own views on medical ethics, but most had something in common. Ancient civilisations such as Greece, Rome, or Assyria did not consider the foetus to be alive and therefore to have human rights. In contrast, ancient Persians valued the foetus as a living person equal to others. Accordingly, they brought laws against abortion, even in cases of sexual abuse. Furthermore, abortion was considered to be a murder and punishments were meted out to the mother, father, and the person performing it.

There are still too many unsafe abortions performed worldwide. Together with the efforts to reduce the abortion by choice, we note a rise in the need for mid trimester pregnancy termination for medical reasons. The article looks at the past present and future perspective of the abortion as a procedure in Bulgaria. States the fact that medical abortion is officially not widely performed. We reckon that with the existing guidelines by WHO and with Mifepriston and Misoprostol recently registered in Bulgaria, it is time for the medical abortion to become part of the clinical practice in Bulgaria. We believe that early medical abortion as well as mid trimester induced abortion is and adequate if not better alternative to the existing in Bulgaria procedures.

This article focuses on cesarean section carried out after the mother's death to rescue the living infant and on embryotomy, a medical procedure to save the mother described as early as the Hippocratic writings (5th to 4th century B.C.) and practiced until the times of Paul of Aegina (7th century A.D). The available sources do not mention cesarean section on a living mother to save the infant. On the other side, writings on embryotomy state clearly that Greek and Roman physicians strove hard to save women's lives. Written in ancient, male-centered societies, these texts convey an unequivocal positive attitude towards women, despite current misogynist assessments by philosophers and physicians who considered women inferior, based on their organic and biological features.

Of 881 Chinese handwritten volumes with medical texts of the 17th through mid-20th century held by Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin and Ethnologisches Museum Berlin-Dahlem, 48 volumes include prescriptions for induced abortion. A comparison shows that these records are significantly different from references to abortion in Chinese printed medical texts of pre-modern times. For example, the percentage of recipes recommended for artificial abortions in handwritten texts is significantly higher than those in printed medical books. Authors of handwritten texts used 25 terms to designate artificial abortion, with the term da tai [see text], lit.: "to strike the fetus", occurring most frequently. Its meaning is well defined, in contrast to other terms used, such as duo tai [see text], lit: "to make a fetus fall", xia tai [see text], lit. "to bring a fetus down", und duan chan [see text], lit., to interrupt birthing", which is mostly used to indicate a temporary or permanent sterilization. Pre-modern Chinese medicine has not generally abstained from inducing abortions; physicians showed a differentiating attitude. While abortions were descibed as "things a [physician with an attitude of] humaneness will not do", in case a pregnancy was seen as too risky for a woman she was offered medication to terminate this pregnancy. The commercial application of abortifacients has been recorded in China since ancient times. A request for such services has continued over time for various reasons, including so-called illegitimate pregnancies, and those by nuns, widows and prostitutes. In general, recipes to induce abortions documented in printed medical literature have mild effects and are to be ingested orally. In comparison, those recommended in handwritten texts are rather toxic. Possibly to minimize the negative side-effects of such medication, practitioners of folk medicine developed mechanical devices to perform "external", i.e., vaginal approaches.

Background: With changing patterns and increasing use of medical abortion in the United States, it is important to have accurate statistics on the use of this method regularly available. This study assesses the accuracy of medical abortion data reported annually to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and describes trends over time in the use of medical abortion relative to other methods., Study Design: This analysis included data reported to CDC for 2001-2008. Year-specific analyses included all states that monitored medical abortion for a given year, while trend analyses were restricted to states that monitored medical abortion continuously from 2001 to 2008. Data quality and completeness were assessed by (a) examining abortions reported with an unspecified method type within the gestational age limit for medical abortion (med-eligible abortions) and (b) comparing the percentage of all abortions and med-eligible abortions reported to CDC as medical abortions with estimates based on published mifepristone sales data for the United States from 2001 to 2007., Results: During 2001-2008, the percentage of med-eligible abortions reported to CDC with an unspecified method type remained low (1.0%-2.2%); CDC data and mifepristone sales estimates for 2001-2007 demonstrated strong agreement [all abortions: intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC)=0.983; med-eligible abortions: ICC=0.988]. During 2001-2008, the percentage of abortions reported to CDC as medical abortions increased (p<.001 for all abortions and for med-eligible abortions). Among states that reported medical abortions for 2008, 15% of all abortions and 23% of med-eligible abortions were reported as medical abortions., Conclusion: CDC's Abortion Surveillance System provides an important annual data source that accurately describes the use of medical abortion relative to other methods in the United States., (Published by Elsevier Inc.)

Throughout the 1960s, the public abortion debate was dominated by men. While women's voices were not absent, they are harder to locate. This article highlights one forum in which women eloquently expressed their feelings about abortion. In submissions to the Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada, women demonstrated their "right" to speak on the issue in many ways, including by sharing their experiences as mothers or with unplanned and unwanted pregnancies; referencing their professional lives, especially in care giving fields; and drawing moral authority from or opposing religious beliefs. This article analyzes women's efforts to convey their authority to speak to the legality of abortion, highlighting a component of the 1960s abortion law reform discussion often overlooked.

Objectives: This project aims to answer a critically important question of public policy: Does effective child support enforcement lead to a change in the incidence of abortion across the United States?, Methods: Using state-level data collected from 1978–2003 from a variety of sources, we employ fixed effects regression analysis to examine whether financial security as measured by five types of child support enforcement effectiveness impacts abortion outcomes., Results: We find that child support enforcement effectiveness decreases the incidence of abortion as measured by the abortion rate, but not the abortion ratio., Conclusions: Income transfer policies such as child support enforcement can affect certain fertility outcomes such as abortion rates across the states.

This paper aimed to examine the debate over the fertility decline in the German Empire, focusing on the role of the SPD. During the German Empire, the fertility rate dramatically declined and the growing awareness of a continuous decline in the birth rate prompted a massive debate among politicians, doctors, sociologists, and feminist activists. The fertility decline was negatively evaluated and generated consciousness of crisis. However, it was not the only way to face this new phenomenon. Indeed, the use of birth control among the upper class was interpreted as a part of a modernizing process. As the same phenomenon reached the working class, it suddenly became a social problem and was attributed to the SPD. The debate over the fertility decline in imperial German society ridden with a fierce class conflict was developed into a weapon against the SPD. Contrary to the assumption of conservative politicians, the SPD had no clear-cut position on this issue. Except for a few politicians like Kautsky and the doctors who came into frequent contact with the workers, the "birth strike" was not listed as the main interest of the SPD. Even Clara Zetkin, the leader of the Social Democratic women's organization viewed it as a concern of the individual person which could not be incorporated in the party program. The women's organization of the SPD put priority on class conflict rather than issues specific to women. As a result, the debate over the birth rate decline within the SPD was not led by the women themselves. There could have been various means to stimulate the birth rate. Improvement in the welfare system, such as tax relief for large families, better housing conditions, and substantial maternity protection, could have been feasible solutions to the demographic crisis. However, Germany chose to respond to this crisis by imposing legal sanctions against birth control. In addition to paragraphs 218-220 of the German criminal law enacted in 1872 which prescribed penal servitude for anyone who had an abortion or people who helped to practice it, Paragraph 184.3 of the civil code was enacted in order to outlaw the advertising, display, and publicizing of contraceptives with an 'indecent' intention, although selling or manufacturing contraceptives was not forbidden. Such a punitive approach was especially preferred by the government and conservative parties because it was easy to implement and "cheap" in comparison with the comprehensive social welfare program. What made the SPD different from other conservative parties was the fact that the SPD opposed the government's attempt to prohibit contraception by means of strengthening a penal code. According to the SPD, it was not only morally unacceptable, but also technically impossible for the government to intervene in family limitation. Moreover, politicians from the SPD criticized that such a punitive policy targeted the working class because the upper echelon of the society could easily evade the ban on contraceptives. However, the SPD did not proceed to draft comprehensive social welfare measures in order to fight the fertility decline. The miserable condition of working class women remained as an invisible social phenomenon even within the SPD. The German women who could not find the proper means to practice contraception were driven to have abortions. Annually, hundreds of the women were accused of practicing abortion and imprisoned. In sum, German society ran about in confusion and did not know how to properly respond to the unprecedented decline in fertility. By defining the fertility decline just as a social disease due to moral decay and influence of socialism, German society lost a chance to rationalize itself. Given that women, the main actors, had no way to take part in the debate over this issue, it is not surprising that German society fought against the symptom of the disease, not against its root.

This article analyses two instances of abortion law reform in Latin America. In 2006, after a decades-long impasse, the highly controversial issue of abortion came to dominate the political agenda when Colombia liberalized its abortion law and Nicaragua adopted a total ban on abortion. The article analyses the central actors in the reform processes, their strategies and the opportunity contexts. Drawing on Htun's (2003) framework, it examines why these processes concluded with opposing legislative outcomes. The authors argue for the need to understand the state as a non-unitary site of politics and policy, and for judicial processes to be seen as a key variable in facilitating gender policy reforms in Latin America. In addition, they argue that ‘windows of opportunity’ such as the timing of elections can be critically important in legislative change processes.