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This paper examines the long‐term causal impact of Abenomics, a comprehensive policy package aiming to revitalise the Japanese economy. Using the Synthetic Control Method (SCM), the study assesses the effects of Abenomics across a variety of economic indicators. The findings reveal mixed impacts, with no evidence of Abenomics reducing budget deficits or boosting exports, but a positive effect on real GDP per capita paired with a reduction in the unemployment rate. The evidence regarding the effect on labor force participation rates is weaker, with primarily statistically insignificant increases observed. These results offer insights into the effectiveness of comprehensive policy interventions and provide lessons for policymakers globally in the midst of a global economic slowdown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ORDO: Jahrbuch für die Ordnung von Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article addresses the experience of Fumio Kishida’s first year as Prime Minister of the Japanese government with respect to its economic policy vision and implementation. This policy is analyzed by comparing it to the policy pursued over the past ten years by PM Kishida’s predecessors in the office, on the one hand, and to the commitments he announced during the 2021 election campaign, on the other hand. The paper notes that, in its basic moments, the economic policy of the cabinet of the new leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party continues the course previously maintained by the team of then-PM Abe Shinzō, known as Abenomics. This is manifested in the specific use of basic instruments of macroeconomic policy, primarily in the monetary and tax areas, as well as in setting priorities for the policy to stimulate consumption and economic activity. Continuity of the course can be particularly illustrated by the soft monetary policy; a positive view of the depreciation of the Japanese national currency; the moderately expansionary fiscal policy relying on domestic borrowing; preference given to interests of the national corporate sector. Legacy inherited from the previous administrations also includes government measures to revitalize deferred private demand, promoting investment in R&D, venture, and innovative enterprises with a particular focus on regional economies. Kishida’s particular emphasis on invigorating redistributive mechanisms and increasing the share of wages in the total national income has not yet resulted in specific decisions and actions by the government. Kishida’s commitment to expand the number of beneficiaries of the capitalist market system as part of his idea of “new capitalism” is yet to be carried out. In recent months, the attention of the government and its economic team has largely been focused on overcoming the consequences of the disruption of transnational production, trade and logistics chains caused by the coronavirus pandemic and rising geopolitical tensions. In addressing this issue, the government prioritizes subsidizing businesses and households to partially offset energy and food price hikes, securing diversification or localization of critical links of trade and production chains, as well as the exclusion from them of politically undesirable or unstable locations. At this stage, however, the actions of the government are limited to setting relevant goals and plans to provide finance for programs with effectiveness yet to be proven.

En el contexto de la pandemia de la Covid-19, Japón ha visto afectado su consumo interno y sus exportaciones de servicios, lo que ha generado una caída en varios de sus principales indicadores macroeconómicos. Ante esta situación, el primer ministro Fumio Kishida ha impulsado la estrategia del "nuevo capitalismo", que busca sostener el desarrollo sostenible y los niveles de competitividad del país. Esta estrategia se basa en las características culturales, históricas y geopolíticas de Japón y busca desarrollar un capitalismo diferente al existente. En este sentido, el artículo analiza la implementación de esta estrategia durante el período 2019-2022, en el contexto de la pandemia de la Covid-19.

In March 2020, Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, the Tokyo Olympic Organising Committee, and the International Olympic Committee postponed the 2020 Tokyo Olympics for one year. The delay is the most prominent consequence of the COVID-19 crisis in Japan thus far. But the "Corona Calamity" (korona ka) is bigger than the Olympics. The totality of the disaster is impossible to capture. The very thing that makes it a calamity are the myriad rhythms of crisis that intersect at COVID-19. If there is a shared theme to be found in these rhythms, it is the question of recovery. When will it happen? What will it look like? And what, exactly, will we recover? In what follows, I share three rhythms of crisis and recovery: national history, the tourism industry, and the parcel delivery industry.

Purpose - This paper focuses on Abenomics by showing the measures undertaken by Japan's administration and by exploring to what extent new trade policy contributes to stimulating FTAs/EPAs. The goal of this paper is to evaluate the potential EU-Japan EPA effects from the perspective of the EU and Poland's economies. Research background - In early 2013, Shinzō Abe announced a plan of economic reforms known as Abenomics, within which trade policy would be focused on regional FTAs/EPAs and strategic partnerships (SPAs) that then became a government priority. The Abe administration presented a "proactive contribution to peace", which has had a crucial influence on Japan's new trade policy and its engagement in economic regionalism. After six years of negotiations, the EU-Japan EPA and the Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA) were signed on July 17, 2018. These agreements confirm that economic relations have entered a new, higher phase of development and open new prospects for deeper cooperation. Methods - Text analysis of governmental documents, institutional reports, companies' websites, and articles in the specialized press. Originality / value / implications / recommendations - This assessment of the potential impact of the EU-Japan EPA reveals that the agreement will contribute to the mutual GDP growth and will promote trade in goods and services by eliminating tariffs and reducing non-tariff barriers between the parties. Furthermore, the EU-Japan EPA is important for the Polish economy. Liberalization of imports from Japan, which mainly include modern technologies as well as machinery and equipment for various sectors of the economy, will significantly contribute to accelerating the economic development of Poland. In turn, the liberalization of exports will be an opportunity to increase food exports from Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the main tasks of the smart power of Abenomics as the basis of the anti-crisis economic policy of modern Japan. The idea is argued that the Abe government proposed a program known as the “Three Arrows of Abenomics”, the implementation of which helped Japan get out of deflation, but the economic growth potential remained extremely low. This economic policy was unique in that the whole range of its measures was adapted to the specifics of the Japanese economy or Japanization. The experience of modern Japan in the fight against economic stagnation is undoubtedly very valuable for many countries. Having studied the main stages of economic policy, as well as the difficulties faced by Japan during its implementation, each country will develop its own strategy to combat the economic crisis and stagnation, adapted to the characteristics of each of the states. This article analyzes key aspects of the Abenomics economic reform package. In addition to characterizing individual measures, it focuses on the analysis of outcomes such as deflation, weak economic growth or labor market rigidity. The characteristic features of the so-called new arrows of Abenomics are identified and described, which respond to the successes achieved, as well as to the new challenges of the Japanese economy.

On July 8, 2022, former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, who remained one of Japan’s most influential political leaders, was shot dead while participating in an election event. A month and a half before Abe's assassination, a round table was held on the legacy of Abe's cabinets with the participation of Russian Japanese studies scholars from several universities and research institutions in Russia and Japan. During the discussion, a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy of Abe's cabinets and, above all, his diplomacy vis-à-vis Russia was given. Japan's military security policy underwent radical changes under Abe, with the concept of proactive pacifism being its ideological formalization. Among Abe's achievements in the domestic political sphere, the participants of the round table especially noted his ability to control the bureaucracy and use the slightest miscalculations of his political opponents, as well as skillful image-making and the use of slogans for propaganda purposes. It was stated that the policy of ‘Abenomics’, proclaimed by Abe, remains relevant today, although some of its intermediate goals have already been achieved. The set of measures carried out by Abe's cabinets and aimed at creating conditions for expanding women's participation in the economy, called ‘Womenomics’, was analyzed. In conclusion, the data of a survey of Japanese students focusing on the transformation of their views on the outcome of World War II under the influence of Abe's ideas are presented.

After taking office for the second time, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe continued the policy of the Liberal Democratic Party based on the government-official cooperation with dominance of Prime Minister’s office, and tried to break through the restrictions and shackles of the post-war pacifist constitution on Japan’s development, seeking to release political and military strength. Among them, security and economic development are the two main axes of the Abe regime. The specific measures are as follows: first, to reform Japan’s post-war security policy and exercise the right of collective self-defense by consolidating the Japan-US alliance; second, implement “Abenomics”, by which to provide strong economic guarantee for development, and use diplomacy as an auxiliary means by joining the TPP negotiations. The Abe cabinet has continuously strengthened the dominance of the Prime Minister’s office, greatly reducing the resistance of the party’s parliamentarians and bureaucratic groups in the policy decision process, and the policies and measures have been successfully implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan is a developed country which, however, is facing an acute problem of population aging and demographic decline, including that of the number of working-age population, due to a combination of low fertility and high life expectancy. Most countries solve the problem of labor shortage by actively attracting labor migrants to the country. However, Japan - one of the most mono-ethnic countries in the world - is known for its strict migration legislation. The migration balance in 2018 amounted to a little more than 160,000 people, despite the fact that, in order to stabilize the population, the influx of people into the country should be about 500,000 annually. This situation is largely caused by limited migration attractiveness of Japan, where migrants still often face violations of their rights, difficulties in renting housing, employment and in everyday life due to the language barrier, complexity of administrative procedures, and socio-cultural characteristics of Japanese society. Given the demographic trends, the use of labor migration to fill the shortage of labor in Japan seems to be not only reasonable, but also an uncontested option. That is why the migration policy of Japan became one of the most important issues with regard to the well-being of the Land of the Rising Sun during the premiership of S. Abe, who decided to gradually move to liberalize migration legislation. Since 2012, initiatives and goals of Abe Cabinet in the field of immigration control, in fact, affected all categories of migrants - highly qualified specialists, students, low-skilled workers, medium-skilled workers, and illegal immigrants. The article will examine what measures were taken during Abe’s premiership to attract foreigners and how the liberalization of migration legislation correlated with the growth strategy of Japan, Abenomics.

Shrinking population, including working age population is one of the most acute problems for Japan. Most countries solve the problem of labor shortage by actively attracting labor migrants to the country. However, Japan - one of the most mono-ethnic countries in the world - is known for its strict migration law. The migration balance in 2018 amounted to a little more than 160 thousand people, despite the fact that in order to stabilize the population, the influx of people into the country should be about 500 thousand annually. This situation is largely caused by limited migration attractiveness of Japan, where migrants still often face violations of their rights, difficulties in renting housing, employment and in everyday life due to the language barrier, complexity of administrative procedures and socio-cultural characteristics of Japanese society. Given the demographic trends, the use of labor migration to fill the shortage of labor in Japan seems to be not only reasonable, but also an uncontested option. That is why the migration policy of Japan has become one of the most important issues with regard to the well-being of the Land of the Rising Sun during the premiership of Shinzō Abe, who decided to gradually move to liberalize the migration legislation. Since 2012, initiatives and goals of the Abe administration in the field of immigration control have, in fact, affected all categories of migrants - highly qualified specialists, students, low-skilled workers, middle-skilled workers, and illegal immigrants. The article will examine what measures are being taken to attract foreigners and how liberalization of migration legislation correlates with the growth strategy of Japan - Abenomics.

The article addresses recent changes in the views of the Japanese government, headed by Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, regarding the content and desired effect of its economic policy, which is presented to the public under the brand of Abenomics. The article highlights the major points of the economic credo proclaimed by the Japanese cabinet set up by the current leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic party after the Diet Lower House elections of late 2012. It presents the mid-term goals set by the new cabinet, as well as the principal macroeconomic tools that were meant to be mobilized by the cabinet in order to secure the achievement of these goals by means of modifying the tendencies which had solidified during the previous two decades, and bringing fresh stimulus and dynamism to the Japanese economy. The author briefly reviews the results of economic performance following several years of practicing Abenomics by the government and monetary authorities and possible explanations of the lack of significant progress in achieving the goals that had been initially set. The author traces the evolution of the priorities in the economic tasks formulated by the Abe cabinets, which have been shifting from stimulating demand and reflation to promoting growth of productivity through dissemination of new technologies and ensuring an adequate supply of labor resources. The article notes the reassessment in 2015-2016 of potential effectiveness of monetary policy instruments as a means of supporting and accelerating economic growth, as well as the awareness of limited potential of additional input of public funds through government efforts as a tool for invigorating investment activity in the economy. A change in priorities is pointed out, both in the public presentation of the government’s economic and social policies and, to a lesser extent, in their practical implementation, which was the logical consequence of the reevaluation of effectiveness of former tools. Recent government documents setting larger goals, in particular the annual Future Investment Strategy, are analyzed as a reflection of the new vision of the economic role of the state. This vision includes less concern for current short-term macroeconomic indicators and more responsibility of the government for the fundamental characteristics and quality of the resources laying the foundation for national economic activities. The article concludes that the Japanese government’s policy regarding social and business activities has been seriously adjusted to raise Japan’s global competitiveness and ensure conditions for long-term sustainable growth of its economy. The said adjustment includes the abandonment of the traditional “industrial policy” concept.

This study examines the (anti-) herding behaviors of stock price forecasters, focusing on whether their behaviors are time-varying. It studies stock price forecasts for the Nikkei 225 price index from the ESP Forecast in Japan based on nonparametric methods. Empirical results show that stock price forecasters are likely to anti-herd, and the uncertainty caused by financial crises and market shocks is related to the prevalence of (anti-) herding. This study finds that an increase in forecast uncertainty works in both directions, toward herding and anti-herding. Unprecedented shocks, including the financial crises, European sovereign debt crisis, and newly introduced policy packages by Abenomics, increase incentives to differentiate forecasts from others, possibly due to reputation or superstar effects. However, some market shocks, including the BNP Paribas shock and the China shock, intensified herding or lessened anti-herding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the first two arrows of Abenomics. The first arrow, aggressive monetary policy, was successful in lifting the Japanese economy out of deflation, although the 2% inflation target was not achieved. The real economy and financial markets recovered strongly. Unconventional monetary policy was successful through the channels of the yen and stock prices. The second arrow, "flexible" fiscal policy, can be interpreted as an enhanced counter‐cyclical policy, that is, to stimulate when needed, but tighten when possible. The first fiscal supplementary budget of February 2013 was a powerful boost to the economy. For fiscal consolidation, the consumption tax rate was hiked from 5% to 10% in two installments in April 2014 and October 2019. This helped to shrink the deficits. With strong macroeconomic performances, Shinzo Abe established a record as the longest‐serving prime minister in Japanese history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper documents the change in employment and wages between 2012 and 2020 when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe implemented his economic policy popularly known as Abenomics. Despite population aging that by itself would have decreased the employment rate by 2.8 percentage points, the aggregate employment rate increased from 56.5% in 2012 to 60.7% in 2019, largely because of a substantial increase in the 25–64‐year‐old female employment rate, which was especially profound in the health and welfare industry. The real wage declined by 1.8% from 2012 to 2017, of which 1.4% is explained by changes in worker composition, particularly the increase in female workers. We also assess the impact of COVID‐19 on the labor market in 2020 and discuss its impact on the long term labor market trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Japan's longest serving Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe brought political stability to Japan and regional and global leadership on trade and economic diplomacy at a time of great uncertainty. Japan navigated a more assertive China and a USA in retreat from global leadership. Abe led the conclusion of the Trans‐Pacific Partnership agreement after US withdrawal and a more strategic approach to international economic diplomacy for Japan. Repair of the China relationship culminated in a state visit to Beijing in 2018 and agreement to cooperate on joint infrastructure investment projects. The trade and political dispute with South Korea and new economic security policies now erode Japan's openness and are a challenge going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: this article includes the review of the Japanese policy on the national economy Digital Transformation, using the case of implementation of artificial intelligence for production and services, description and analysis of the current results, as well as identification of obstacles to achieve the expected results. Methods: the article is based on the analysis of scientific and analytical materials to the problem of research. The factual basis is the framework documents of the Cabinet of Japan, media, reports on research conducted by Japanese research institutes. Results: the article provides a brief review and analysis of the Japanese public policy of the development of AI technology, summarizes the interim results of the measures taken, identifies problematic factors that prevent the achievement of the expected results. The hypothesis is put forward about the insufficiency of government efforts to monitor and analyze the activities already implemented, the lack of practice of taking into account failures in the formation of new programs and projects. Recently, significant attention to the development of AI technology is paid in Russia. In 2019, Russian President Vladimir Putin approved the "National strategy for the development of AI until 2030". It is expected that the using of digital technologies, will increase the competitiveness of the national economy, improve the welfare of society. In this regard, the study of Japan's experience as one of the technological leaders in the development and using of digital transformation, is especially important. Conclusions and Relevance: To solve the current socio-economic problems, Japan government relies on the development of the advanced technologies. At the same time, the government continues to develop measures to stimulate the cooperation of the academic and industrial sectors to conduct joint R&D on priority technologies. However, due to the "closed" nature of Japanese corporations and the relative independence of government plans in determining the technological priorities development, the corporate sector is reluctant to follow government recommendations on the using new technologies in management and production processes, as well as joint projects with the academic sector are not large-scale and are rather formal. This situation indicates the continuing unpreparedness of key NIS participants for the perception of the advanced technologies and digital transformation.

This article addresses Japan’s economy, its new economic policy package, which is known as Abenomics. The centerpiece of Abenomics has been the three “economic arrows” targeted at aggressive monetary policy, flexible fiscal policy, and growth strategy. This article focuses on Abenomics and shows the measures undertaken by the administration. The research question is: to what extent the policy package contributes to stimulating the economy? This question relates to the main problem of the effectiveness of Abenomics. The main purpose of this article is an attempt to evaluate Abenomics from the perspective of 5 years since the time of its announcement.

The aim of this article is to highlight the main changes in the Japanese FDI strategy in 2000– 2016. The beginning of the 21st century appeared to be a period when the Japanese foreign economic policy was changed and adapted to new conditions of international market in the context of globalization and growing level of international competition. Japanese companies started to enter and develop in the new markets while ensuring their economic involvement in traditional partner nations. In the beginning of 2000s, the Japanese outward FDI grew signifcantly, especially in the South-East and East Asia. Despite the drastic decline in the Japanese FDI after the fnancial crisis of 2008, it started to increase again in 2010 reaching the previous levels. The Fukushima-1 accident forced Japanese government to revise its energy security strategy and initiated diversifcation of energy suppliers. Among the main recipients of Japanese investment there are the USA, China and ASEAN nations. The recent new foreign economic strategy that is supposed to take the country out of stagnation has resulted in diversifcation of its FDI flow to non-traditional developing markets such as Latin America countries, India, ASEAN including Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, CIS countries, and Russia. Russia is a strategic supplier of energy resources for Japan and an important consumer market as well. In addition to the energy sector, the investments are growing into the Russian fnancial sectors, retail markets, vehicle manufacturing and pharmaceutical industry. The Russian Far East is the most attractive Russian region due to its territorial proximity and diverse natural and bio resources. Moreover, for Japanese investors Russia may be seen as a growing market with high level of consumption. However, current international political situation and sanctions have slowed down bilateral collaboration and had a negative effect on the Japanese investment activity in the Russian market. Despite that both sides show high interest in strengthening their economic and political relations.

Purpose: the main purpose of this article is to review the Japanese policy to promote cooperation between the academic and large corporate sectors in the field of science and technology, and to analyze its role in the formation of the innovation system in Japan.Methods: this article is based on the analysis of scientific and analytical materials on the problem of research. The factual basis is the framework documents of the Cabinet of Japan.Results: the article provides a brief retrospective review on the support policy for universities and large corporate sector cooperation, identifies the key factors for the establishment of intersectoral cooperation; identifies the problem areas of the implemented policy that hinder the achievement of the set goals. The relative failure of the applied measures in the sphere of venture business support, commercialization of technologies and other instruments was noted. The hypothesis is put forward about the insufficiency of government efforts to monitor and analyze the activities already implemented, the lack of practice of taking into account failures in the formation of new programs and projects. Also revealed contradictions between the support programs implemented through various government agencies, which also leads to the inefficiency of scientific and technological projects and the establishment of dialogue with the corporate sector, including the need to resolve bureaucratic disagreements. It is also necessary to emphasize, that Japanese experience in implementing of science and technology and innovation policy is very important for Russian economic development. In particular, special attention is paid to study foreign experience in creating an effective mechanism of academic and private sectors interaction, where the key-supporting role is played by government in case of Japan. No doubt, it is not justified to try to copy any foreign institutional system, but the analysis of the negative and positive effects of foreign economic system cases is very valuable for self-institutional mechanisms development.Conclusions and Relevance: the analysis leads to the conclusion that Japan has not yet completed the transformation to a modern model of the national innovation system, the current problem is the weakness of relations between the academic and corporate sectors. At the same time, there is an excessive, "paternalistic" role of the state in the organization of intersectoral interactions, in the absence of attention to the optimization of conditions and incentives for this kind of dialogue. The Japanese government actively supports and tries to develop the practice of "open innovation" business model, but due to the obsolescence of existing institutional structures, as well as their unpreparedness to the development and perception of radically new business models, has not yet been able to achieve concrete sustainable results.

This article describes a problem regarding abenomics made by Shinzo Abe as the basis of Japan's domestic political economy and foreign policy which began in 2012. However, after Shinzo Abe's emergence as PM of Japan and replaced by Yoshihide Suga, Suga continued abenomics with the aim of improving and stabilization of both Japan Domestic and Asia Pacific region, stimulaneously with RCEP which was signed in November 2020. The author takes the concept of Foreign Policy in which Japan improves its leadership strategy in balancing China's influence on the East Asian Region and ASEAN. The assumption of the leadership strategy is that the state has the capability of power but does not engage in conflictualism with other countries, so that it cooperates with a sense of competitiveness of a country. The result of the analysis shows that Japan sees an opportunity with the RCEP. Previously Japan did not focus on RCEP as part of Abenomics but rather on the CPTPP. However, because RCEP can encourage the export of Japanese products or commodities, RCEP is the most important part for Japan in the economy on free economy in Asia Pacific region. However, the challenge from Japan is that China still has a strong influence on ASEAN and RCEP has low trade liberalization. So that India left RCEP because of concerns that India's local products could not compete with other countries, especially China, with products that were cheap and accessible to the public. In addition, ASEAN sees China as no longer a threat because it sees China as a potential market for ASEAN. The impact for Indonesia is to get the maximum benefit from the Sino-Japanese competition, one of which is the joint project of the Jakarta-Bandung Fast Train as an interest of Indonesia which implements a Free Active Foreign Policy.

This article compares the public perceptions of various types of migrants in Japan and examines whether Japanese view them equally. Using an original survey, which presented six types of migrants that Japanese people most commonly face in their daily lives, I show several interesting results. First, respondents express the most negative views toward labor migrants. Second, respondents who have migrant friends tend to have more positive feelings for all types of migrants. In contrast, simple coexistence with migrants fails to enhance public sentiment toward labor migrants, particularly those whose stay is temporary. Overall, my statistical results suggest that Japanese people are not pessimistic about every kind of migrant, and their openness increases as migrants acculturate into Japanese society and interact with Japanese people. These findings provide evidence to influence policy discussions on whether Japan should recruit labor migrants in its current form in order to fight its aging population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Law & Economics / Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Topic. Japan has excess financial resources and since the late 2000s is the second largest direct foreign investor in the world after the United States (except in 2014 and 2016, when Japan was down to 4th place). At the same time, Japan is not included in the 20 largest recipients of foreign direct investment (FDI). This imbalance is due to a combination of the expansion of Japanese multinational corporations (MNCs) in foreign markets with the traditional protection of domestic market from foreign competition, what differentiates Japan from other major players in Asia, primarily China, Hong Kong and Singapore. Such a synthesis of openness to the outside and closing from the inside largely allowed Japan to create and save your own unique self-contained culture of management and to introduce Western institutions without fear of the loss of a special national character.Purpose. Analysis of modern tendencies of economic development and investment processes of Japan with special emphasis on reviewing problems and prospects for Russian-Japanese investment cooperation.Methodology. There were used methods of scientific abstraction, statistical analysis, and logical generalization.Results. Large-scale stimulation of domestic demand through monetary, credit, and budgetary policies have not led to the expected recovery of the Japanese economy. The reason for the stagnation lies in a conservative approach to innovation while maintaining adherence to traditional production methods. The experience of Japan is of interest to Russia. Pursuing a strategy of advanced development of foreign trade sector in conditions of financial globalization, Japan attaches high priority to boosting domestic demand, to the development of the national financial market, and to the establishment of regional production networks. As the largest net investor in the world, Japan constantly diversifies sphere of foreign investments.Conclusions. The direction of Russian-Japanese cooperation in the sphere of joint implementation of significant innovative projects can have a long-term multiplier effect for the return of both economies to a trajectory of sustainable growth.

The Purpose of the article is to determine the directions of the optimization of national efforts to overcome the structural problems of Russia to transit to the Industry 4.0 economic order taking into consideration the Japanese experience accumulated in the last decades and the information of indexes international competitiveness. The relevance of the theme is due to the universal character of such a structural problem and thus to the opportunities for Russia to apply to the attempts of Japan to resolve them being the country one of world leaders as well as to make use of the international competitiveness indexes for the same purpose. These were analyzed with the respective dynamics of their values for Japan compared with the national policy to overcome the structural problems. It proved these problems and the policy to overcome them to be poorly reflected by the indexes pretending the latter to show a positive situation of the national economy of the last decades. The indexes did not reflect the hidden contradictions of the economic structure fraught finally for the national competitiveness. Under such circumstances, the State was to seek the ways to form a new economic structure ignoring the index instruments. This conclusion resulted valuable to resolve the similar problems in Russia. The unfinished search of Japan for a structural problem solutions made one to consider the difficulties to implement such a policy not to repeat its mistakes. Meanwhile the positive evaluation of the economic situation in Japan presented by the international competitiveness indexes proved it necessary to treat them cautiously since these didn’t reflect the risks to conserve the elder production structure with the consequent loss of leadership.

Copyright of Studies in Law & Economics / Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While certain elements laid the foundations of the Japanese middle class in the postwar period, its consolidation and the changes undergone in society since the 1990s gave way to a thinned and precarious middle class, which has suffered from economic inequality, alterations in the labor pattern and the tendencies marked by structural reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan, the largest net exporter of investment plays one of key roles in the in-ternational capital flows and has a serious impact on the global trends in this important dimension of international economic relations. Vast amounts of for-eign direct investment (FDI) outflow are important for the Japanese national economy as well, since Japanese overseas production in some areas reaches 40% and is an important part of its industrial potential. However, FDI inflow remains low, indicating an unbalanced participation of Japan in the international capital flows. Japan in international capital flows presents a field for complex numerous research. This article concentrates on analysis of dynamics and geographical structure of capital flows, reveal the trends, and estimate the effect of Abenomics.

Japan, the largest net exporter of investment plays one of key roles in the in-ternational capital flows and has a serious impact on the global trends in this important dimension of international economic relations. Vast amounts of for-eign direct investment (FDI) outflow are important for the Japanese national economy as well, since Japanese overseas production in some areas reaches 40% and is an important part of its industrial potential. However, FDI inflow remains low, indicating an unbalanced participation of Japan in the international capital flows. Japan in international capital flows presents a field for complex numerous research. This article concentrates on analysis of dynamics and geographical structure of capital flows, reveal the trends, and estimate the effect of Abenomics.

Since the 2008 global financial crisis and resulting recession, many countries have been following unconventional monetary policies. Little information is known on how these policies may influence tourism demand. This study starts to fill this gap by investigating the impact of the Japanese economic policy known as Abenomics on South Koreans’ travel to Japan, the largest inbound market for Japan. Per capita gross domestic product, relative prices, and exchange rates are significant determinants of Japanese inbound tourism. As these variables have been influenced by Abenomics, one can infer that Abenomics is associated with a significant increase in tourist arrivals from South Korea. Findings highlight the importance of government economic policy in stimulating international tourism demand through its impact on the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what we call Abenergynomics, Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzō has used energy policy to support the growth objectives of Abenomics, even when the associated policies are publicly unpopular, opposed by utility companies, or harmful to the environment. We show how Abenergynomics has shaped Japanese policy on nuclear power, electricity deregulation, renewable energy, and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we compare and analyze the differences in the effects of fiscal and monetary policy using time-varying parameter structural vector auto-regression (TVP-VAR). Specifically, we estimate a 5-variable TVP-VAR model using monthly data from March 2001 to August 2017. The estimation results indicated the following four points. First, expansionary fiscal policy can impact GDP faster than an expansionary monetary policy. Second, expansionary fiscal policy has lowered prices. Third, an expansionary monetary policy can increase GDP more persistently than an expansionary fiscal policy during unconventional monetary policy periods. Finally, expansionary monetary policy has raised prices. These estimation results reveal that if the Japanese government wants to strongly boost GDP alone, it should use fiscal policy alongside monetary policy because fiscal policy can immediately raise GDP. If the Japanese government seeks moderate increases in both GDP and prices, it is more effective to use monetary policy alone without increasing fiscal expenditure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese domestic politics grew more volatile and complex in 2017, as LDP electoral reversals were followed by opposition fragmentation and then conservative consolidation. Foreign policy was dominated by the security challenge of North Korea, but also involved deepened relations with the US and Europe, as well as unanticipated improvement with China and South Korea. Macroeconomic trends were positive, but structural reform proceeded only slowly. Japanese society remained slow to change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade policy, in particular, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP), has been a centerpiece of the Abe administration's economic strategy. The TPP's contributions to Japan's growth strategy include: (i) creating trade and investment opportunities abroad for Japanese companies through ambitious liberalization targets; (ii) advancing domestic reforms - with the largest service and agricultural liberalization commitments to date; and (iii) increasing bargaining leverage in other trade negotiations. But the domestic reform goals of Abenomics in agriculture have come up short due to opposition from domestic lobbies. American trade politics - which culminated in the US withdrawal from the TPP - have upended the goals of trade policy under Abenomics. Japan's best option in this new environment is to deliver on high quality, multi-party trade agreements: concluding negotiations with Europe; scaling up the ambition of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership; and salvaging a TPP 11. The merits of a bilateral free trade agreement with the USA will depend on how the Trump administration operationalizes its America First policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]