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The scope of this research is that of revealing the interconnected nature of medieval Romance lyric by looking at musical imitations. In the Middle Ages, melodic imitation was an essential part of artistic creation as old melodies were constantly borrowed by new authors, a practice known as contrafaction. In this study, we propose to analyse the complex relations between medieval lyricists resulting from this practice using temporal networks. We construct networks by representing each author’s body of work as a single node and connecting a lyricist’ corpus to that of another lyricist via a directed link when the latter author borrowed a melody from the former. To each directed link, we associate the temporal information of when the imitation was composed. Such networks provide a convenient visualization tool to explore the dataset and its connections in an intuitive fashion and are available online at: https://medmus.warwick.ac.uk/networks. They also provide an analytical tool: we use the networks to show how ideas might have spread among lyricists along time-respecting paths, and obtain measures of the authors’ centrality and influence on the overall literary corpus. We compare the results obtained with the temporal networks with those obtained via more traditional centrality measures computed for corresponding static networks, and explain why the temporally informed measures may provide a more accurate depiction of authors’ influence.

A prosopographical study, this thesis traces the emergence of religious factions among the governors of the city of Norwich in the decades preceding the English Civil War. Although a celebrated puritan citadel, as established in Elizabeth I's reign, Norwich contained groups dissatisfied with the dominant forms of godly piety. Coinciding with Bishop Samuel Harsnett's efforts to subvert the city's native puritan tradition in the 1620s, prominent lay citizens became attached to a variety of 'avant garde conformity', which matured into a fully-fledged `Laudianism' during the episcopate of Bishop Matthew Wren. The impact of Laudian reform provoked a godly backlash, which rebounded on Wren's lay and clerical supporters during the Long Parliament. However, by examining lay worshippers aligned with the religious ideals of the Caroline church, the following investigation seeks to address current historiographical issues relating to England's unresolved 'Long Reformation' and the complex nature of religious conformity under the first two Stuarts. Finally, a case will be made for Laudianism as a potent force in borough politics during Charles I's Personal Rule. By converting specific laymen to their vision of the church, Caroline divines contributed towards the formation of a Royalist contingency in Norwich, of relevance to the taking of sides in England's localised 'wars of religion' in the 1640s

The purpose of this thesis is the presentation of the interaction between the successive inhabitants of Pontus in antiquity, indigenous Anatolians, Greeks, Persians and Romans. Limited archaeological evidence cannot determine the precise extent of interaction, although the available information substantiates the notion of a slow, but steady amalgamation. Initially, the intermingling was based on mutual trading links. Although the Hellenic cultural element tended to surface, Eastern factors remained visible. The Mithridatic dynasty was established around the vicinity of Pontus, creating the 'Kingdom of Pontus' which reached its height under Mithridates VI. His administrative and military policy appears to have placed the foundations for the later, Roman corresponding structures. His policies-propaganda reflected the GraecoEastern image of a king, which appealed to the Greek and Persian-Eastern inhabitants of his kingdom, Asia Minor and, to a lesser extent, mainland Greece. This GraecoEastern image might have nourished the concept of a shared history among the inhabitants of Pontus. Their interactions appear to have given rise to an unnamed, local culture, which was enriched with the relevant Roman practices. Around the third century A.D., the Roman administrative patterns might have established an externally defined appellation. During Roman times, Christianity started to be established in Pontus. Although it was not yet a socio-political factor, its non-racial nature prevailed in later centuries. The influence of the Roman-Christian elements can still be observed in the modern Ponti an identity. In antiquity, (lack of) evidence indicates that no group defined themselves as 'Pontics' or 'Pontians' and an internally defined Pontic identity is unlikely to have existed. However, people associated themselves with the geographical area of Pont us, cultural and religious concepts were frequently amalgamated, while the notion of a common descent and a shared history might have been unconsciously fostered. These factors can assist in the understanding of the 'Pontians' today.

Louise Penny’s Still Life (2005) and Johanne Seymour’s Le Cri du cerf (2005) are both murder-mysteries set in the Eastern Townships, in south-eastern and south-central Québec. Much of the region borders the United States. To varying degrees, the border makes its presence felt in the novels by Penny and Seymour, along with other landmarks familiar to domestic audiences. This article argues that the apparent situatedness of the texts is, however, challenged by their adherence to the formal conventions of the murder-mystery and associated subgenres. In so doing, it claims that Still Life and Le Cri du cerf foster multi-layered readings which, in bringing together the hyper-local and the international, prompt a reconsideration of understandings of regional fiction.

The Caribbean Artists Movement (CAM) was formed in London in late 1966 by practising writers, artists and critics from the former British West Indies. Their aims were to know each other and each others’ work, to develop a Caribbean aesthetic, and to make Caribbean arts accessible to a wide audience, in Britain and the Caribbean. The consequent CAM programme of monthly public sessions, interspersed with smaller, less formal, private sessions, of frequent art exhibitions, of annual conferences and newsletters, was sustained throughout 1967, 1966 and 1969. It became more spasmodic in 1970, and came to an end in 1972, despite attempts to revive CAM in 1971. CAM as such never took root in the Caribbean, but much of the new cultural activity of the period was evidently CAM-related, in \ud particular the journal Savacou. CAM was the first, indeed the only, arts movement amongst English-speaking Caribbean people, directed towards cultural work in both the Caribbean and Britain. This is the first history of CAM to be attempted. It draws on a wide range of contemporary sources, written and oral, and on \ud the recollections and views of many former CAM members and participants. In structure it is mainly chronological. Its concern is to provide a clear, accurate account of the formation and practice of CAM, including details of what was said and discussed at CAM sessions, public and private. Just as CAM was the product of a particular moment in history, so its history was influenced by contemporary events and pressures, in the Caribbean and in Britain; CAM is therefore shown in its contemporary context of events, thought and creativity. Finally, an attempt is made to place CAM in a historical sequence of comparable movements, and to assess its significance and influence.

This study addresses a neglected area of early modern culture. It examines in context the characteristically Protestant understanding of the Devil which emerged out of the English Reformation. The reformers felt Satan powerfully as a proactive force both within the individual conscience, and as a subversive element within the commonwealth. As a result they emphasised his power of internal temptation as the central dynamic of his agency. This re-emphasis aimed to bring satanic power into the commonplace of people's lives, and removed the possibility of an outright victory over the Devil (promised by traditional intercessionary religious practices). But the reformers also aimed to provide an effective method by which Satan might be resisted, based on introspection, and an understanding of the place of temptation within the Protestant soteriological scheme. This re-emphasis was highly influential within early modern English culture. It focused the attention of the zealous godly on the intimate experience of diabolic power within their lives, whilst, more widely, it also provided a means by which Satan's presence might be felt vicariously through an identification with the experience of temptation. Moreover a concept of the temptation of the body politic emerged as a powerful political analogy which undermined the common notion of consensual politics, and would eventually be used as part of the justification for taking up arms against Charles I in 1642.\ud \ud Thus, whilst studies of witchcraft and theodicy have emphasised that the early modern concept of the Devil was essentially a left-over from the medieval world, unable to face the challenge of the Enlightenment, this contextualised study has identified a sophisticated demonism in early modern England, in which Satan was powerfully experienced as a proactive force rather than a functionalist symbol of evil.\ud \ud The study is organised thematically within a broad chronology. The first part deals with the emergence of a characteristically Protestant conception of the Devil from the midst of the English reformation to the theological and devotional literature of the first half of the seventeenth-century. Chapter 1 examines the Devil's place within the historiography of early modern Europe. Chapter 2 examines the recourse to the concept of diabolic subversion adopted by Protestant polemicists, who sought to demonstrate the hidden contrariety of the Catholic church, and who necessarily highlighted the unseen agency of the Devil as his most threatening power. Chapter 3 deals with the Reformation's changes of devotional emphasis, in which Satan's hidden threat was more precisely conceived as internal temptation by a literal invasion of the mind. Part 2 traces the influence of this shift of emphasis on demonological experience in the period. Chapter 4 looks at the self-conscious godly who left the most detailed accounts of suffering at Satan's hands, and who can be shown to have internalised the emphasis on temptation, but also to have shaped it into a personally meaningful experience. Chapter 5 examines the wider influence of temptation in literate culture. Examining the genre of pulp press murder and witchcraft narratives it argues that they relied for their meaning on the transmission of a vicarious experience to the audience, who\ud were to comprehend the danger of temptation by an empathic identification with the mind of the criminal. Part 3 provides a chronological history of the role of demonism in political discourse after the accession of Elizabeth I and challenges the prevalent historical view that demonology was a rhetoric of consensus. Chapter 6 examines the perception of active diabolic subversion of the body politic to the crisis of the 1640s. It argues that an understanding of the dynamic of temptation allowed for an analogous political conception that identified elements as de facto diabolic potentials within society. But these were heavily contested, and Catholics, Puritans, conformists and bishops might equally be characterised as devilish. Chapter 7 examines how demonism's potential for political expression was fully exploited during the Civil War, in which each side employed demonic images of the other which did not simply demonize, but in themselves encouraged an engagement with the politics of the conflict.

This work explores the development of the Anglo-Norman landed community in Essex and analyses the role of the Crown in the county's contemporary affairs. It covers a period of conquest, settlement, civil war and strengthening royal government.\ud \ud The assessment of the role of the Crown primarily focuses upon the relationship between the king and local landowners. It also concentrates on the maintenance and extension of royal rights, the exploitation of royal justice and forest law, the promotion and retention of peace in the county, and the development and use of royal demesne.\ud \ud Analysis of a community relies upon defining a local group, proving their interest in a locale and subsequently demonstrating community-linked behaviour. Such proof relies upon the use of a number of indices, some of which are drawn from later concepts of County Communities (such as participation in local government and collective identity). Other factors owe their origin to wider anthropological theories (e.g. local custom, familial ties and frequent contact between subjects).\ud \ud The thesis makes use of the principal primary sources for the period (Domesday, Cartae Baronum, monastic chronicles, the Pipe Rolls and extant royal, baronial and ecclesiastical acta). Owing to the greater number of surviving primary documents after 1135, it is easier to assess community ties after that date. A wide range of secondary sources also exists, many of which have been utilised and, in some cases, expanded upon.\ud \ud This research has demonstrated that a community was evident among both the tenants-in-chief and sub-tenants of Essex from the reign of William I and that it advanced during the century that followed his death. This was partially due to the immense tenurial stability of the county at that time. It also shows that royal influence in the county was at a consistently high level, where the Crown normally had more land in Essex than any other individual. This ensured that Essex was one of the most peaceful and prosperous English counties between the accession of William the Conqueror and the death of Henry II.

Between 1820 and 1848 French literature was permeated with the theme of the death penalty. Condemned characters, guillotines and execution scenes suddenly invaded novels, plays and poetry. This phenomenon was linked in the first instance with the historical context, contemporaries of the Restoration having had their memory and imagination filled with the images of the beheaded figures of the Revolution and the period that followed. Among these, one in particular captured their attention: Louis XVI. This obsession is indicative of an authentic psychological trauma that was both collective and intimate, the revolutionary regicide having been generally perceived as the worst of all imaginable crimes, that of parricide. It is naturally to art and more specifically to literature, then conceived as "the expression of society", that the task fell to rid society of this guilty conscience.\ud However the emergence of this theme in literature during the 1820's would not have been possible if it had not in the meantime corresponded to the rise of Romanticism. The literary topos of the death penalty indeed offered Romantic authors a challenge to meet, an artistic cause to defend, and brought about the invention of new means of expression suited to render all the violence and all the horror of the executions, an approach that itself implies an aesthetic liberation and a thematic and formal renewal.\ud Finally the death penalty offered romantic artists a historical cause to fight for, that of the abolition of a punishment they found barbaric and which completely contradicted their ideal of social progress. The omnipresence of this theme in romantic literature is also inseparable from the resurgence of the debate on the question of the abolition of the death penalty that grew from 1820 on, thereby adding to the discussion all of the emotional and suggestive power of artistic representation.

No abstract available.

In Classical Athens, as well as in our modern digital era, governance has been achieved through tokens. Tokens enabled voting on projects, representation, and belonging. The Distributed Autonomous Organisation (DAO) launched on the basis of cryptocurrency and blockchain technology was conceived as a form of algorithmic governance with applications in the organisation of companies. The visionaries of the DAO envisaged, among other things, a new form of sociality, which would be transparent and fair and based on a decentralised, unstoppable, public blockchain. These hopes were dashed when the DAO was exploited and drained of millions of dollars' worth of tokens within days after launching. The conversation published in the present article is conceived as an interdisciplinary discussion about the phenomenon of the Decentralised Autonomous Organisation and its impact on perceptions of sociality. Topics include the idea of the DAO as an algorithmic authority, the lessons learned when the project failed, the revolutionary beginnings of cryptocurrency technology and its potential in voting technologies, as well as the changing notions of cryptography in light of cryptocurrency technologies.

Landscape can refer to a particular, designated area of the environment, but it also expresses how such an environment is encountered, experienced, and perceived through cultural relationships.

In the early sixteenth century civic society in Augsburg was divided between an oligarchy of merchants, which dominated economic and political life, and the majority of townspeople who had lost their political rights and were experiencing declining standards of living. Support for the Reformation was soon voiced by the lower orders, but events demonstrated the mixed motives of the populace for pressing for religious reform. They saw in the Reformation a means of redressing their grievances and restricting the political power of the oligarchy. In the riots of 1524 and during the subsequent unrest the popular demands included religious and social reform. The oligarchs resisted change as they wished to protect their political dominance in Augsburg and their trading interests in Rabsburg lands. It was largely in response to this conflict that popular religious allegiance was given to the Zwinglians after 1525. The Zwinglian pastors demanded the establishment of a theocratic form of government which was responsive to the needs of the townspeople. This measure would force the Council to concede political influence to the pastors and to accept popular demands when formulating policy. It would not consent to this. As a result of unrest amongst the lower orders in 1533 the Council was forced to give the Zwinglian pastors a monopoly of preaching in the city but this concession was not an official Protestant Reformation. The Council, in return for its support of the pastors, forced them to accept a contract in which they acknowledged the sole authority of the Council over the political and religious life of the city. The Protestant Church therefore no longer constituted a political threat to the oligarchy, but rather encouraged obedience to the Council . It was against this new background that the Council enforced a Protestant religious settlement in 1537.

The Royal Agricultural Society was founded in 1838 by a group of landowners, agricultural journalists, and 'enthusiasts' who were much impressed with the potential of 'science' for raising the productivity of English agriculture. Although the economic foundations of their programme were uncertain, the adoption of improved agricultural, technique was seen by the. Society's founders as essential to maintain rural prosperity and to fulfil the agriculturist's obligation to provide the food requirements of an expanding industrial population. The Society was associated with most of the agricultural innovations, and problems, of Victorian 'high-farming'. The study reviews the development of agricultural information sources such as farming literature and national and local societies up to 1838 and the circumstances which led to the formation of the 'Royal' are outlined. Its membership, links with the agricultural community, and relation to other agricultural information sources and organisations are surveyed. Chapters are devoted to the major areas of the Society's activities - the publication of a Journal, the annual country-meetings, and consultancy and education. A number of controversies and problems such as the question of the Journal editorship, the prize system, fertiliser adulteration, and cattle disease policy are examined. Attention is focussed upon the wider impact and significance of the Society's work and on some of the agricultural personalities of the period. A short concluding chapter suggests that although the advanced methods promoted by the Society did lead to some worthwhile productivity increments the optimism of the 18L s over what 'science' could do for agriculture was not justified and some of the new techniques, such as deep drainage, were seriously flawed. Between 1838 and 1880 the agriculturist had to face a number of problems, such as animal, disease and the labour difficulty, and the conclusion suggests that J.C. Norton's assessment of early and mid-Victorian agricultural experience (of which the Royal was an integral part) as a period of 'rough education' for the farmer may be a more apposite description than of a golden age'.

This study is an account of the life and career of Dr. Nicholas Wotton, a sixteenth-century cleric and diplomat. Primarily remembered for his work in the latter category, his career made him at the least a supporting figure in many of the significant events of his century. There are essentially three subdivisions within this biography; the first two chapters trace the rise of the Wotton family from relative obscurity to a position of national prominence. The middle segment reconstructs Dr. Wotton's critical years of service to his country, the 1540's and 1550's, re-examining from his unique perspective many well-rehearsed historical events. The final chapters address the questions of a character assessment, Wotton's achievements and his position within a study of the diplomatic history of sixteenth-century England. The sixteenth century witnessed increased implementation of modern concepts of international diplomacy; thus, a review of the diplomatic papers of the time is relevant not only to this century but also creates a foundation from which to study later diplomatic developments. Nicholas Wotton, though only one of many sixteenth-century English diplomats on whom little previous research has been done, is a good example with which to begin, for in his life and career is reflected the sense of transformation from the Medieval to the modern which equally describes his century.

The aim of this thesis is to give an account of the development of the Margate Bank of Cobb & Son in the years up to 1840, setting it within the context of the Cobb family's other business interests, and national and local economic developments. Wherever possible, the practices and experiences of the Margate Bank have been compared with those of other banks. Chapter 1 commences with general introductory material, describing, in general terms, the economic development of Margate and the Isle of Thanet during the period, and setting out basic biographical details of the Cobb family. It continues by showing how the bank emerged from the Cobbs other activities, and attempts to analyse the position of the Margate Bank in relation to the Margate Brewery and Cobb & Son's shipping agency. Chapter 2 outlines changes in the level of the note issue, interest bearing deposits and deposits without interest, and seeks to analyse the reasons for the decline of the note issue and deposits with interest in the years following the Napoleonic Wars, and the growth of deposits without interest. The second part of this chapter gives an occupational breakdown of the Margate Bank's depositors, supplemented by material relating to banks at Ramsgate and Deal. The third part of the chapter examines the impact of economic fluctuations on the Margate Bank and seeks to explain its changes in fortune. The following three chapters deal with Cobbs and the London money market Chapter 3 begins with a digression and looks at the growth of Cobbs' London agent, Sir James Esdaile & Co., and looks at the reasons for its collapse in 1837, and rescue by the Bank of England and leading London bankers. The rest of the chapter analyses the role of the London agent as a channel of remittance, a reserve, a source of advice and control, and as an outlet for investments. Chapters 4 and 5 look at Cobb & Son's links with the London discount market and the stock exchange respectively, and seek to explain why bills of exchange were such a popular investment among bankers, and why some bankers saw Government securities as speculative and only suitable for short-term investments. Chapters 6 to 9 explore Cobb & Son's advances and discounts in the country. Chapter 6 is a general introduction, looking at the different securities for advances, the length of loans, and the occupations of borrowers. It continues by looking at some important examples of local borrowers before three principal groups of borrowers, agriculturalists, millers and agricultural middlemen, and those in the transport sector, are examined in more detail in the following three chapters.

The first part of this study concentrates on too development of conventicling and attempts to analyse the line dividing those private assemblies of a non-separatist nature from their separatist counterparts. It is argued that although there were signs of nascent separatism in the Diocese of Canterbury prior to the reign of Charles I, the port of Sandwich being notable within this context, rapid growth of separatism was very much a feature of the late 1620s and 1630s. Much of the evidence for this part of the study is taken from an exhaustive examination of the Ecclesiastical Records in the form of Visitation Comperta and entries in the Acta Curiae Books. Two definite areas of separatist activity emerge as a result of this investigation; the Weald and East Kent. In the case of the former, the process by which Puritan nonconformity developed into outright covenanted separatism is analysed with reference to the experience of the conventiclers of the parishes of Sutton Valence and Egerton, and the role of the Sutton Valence chandler, John Turner, is shown to be of especial importance. The methodology that has been employed has been consciously restrictive; no attempt has been made to analyse the socio-economic determinants that might lie behind provincial dissent, nor, largely as a result of lack of manuscript evidence, has any microscopic examination of a dissenting community been attempted. The aim of the study has been to concentrate closely on the developmental aspect of separatism over a given period of time. Consequently, the second part of the thesis looks in some depth at the growth of the radical sects and of the Congregationalists, Baptists, and Quakers in the Diocese during the Interregnum, demonstrating, where possible, the links of these various groups and denominations with their earlier separatist roots.

During the 18th and early 19th centuries there was a vast change in the primary social function and in the meaning of the legal norm of bankruptcy law. With the growth of a depersonalised trading comity whose members increasingly required an efficient means of clearing bad debts, bankruptcy changed from being a means of policing trade to being a process for debt-collection. The objectives are to explain how it was possible for judiciary and merchants to hold conflicting views of the proper end of bankruptcy law; and to explain how and why the legislature and the judiciary eventually proved responsive to the expectations and requirements of merchants over this vital aspect of the law relating to trade. To these ends, Kuhn's theory of 'paradigm shift through crisis' is employed to explain the development of legal, as opposed to scientific knowledge. A 'relative autonomy' is established for 18th century bankruptcy law, judges being more concerned with maintaining the law's 'internal consistency' than with satisfying merchants' needs. By the late 18th century, the distance between what judges could offer, and what merchants required of bankruptcy, had become intolerable to the new impersonal trading community. The merchants' praxis for reform, the 'moral panics' of swindling and sham (friendly bankruptcies, and the accelerating bankruptcy rate, led to a crisis in the judicial paradigm of bankruptcy as crime that was only resolved by legislation in 1824/5. Thus, the emerging possibility of self-declaration of bankruptcy established the new paradigm of bankruptcy as process. The legal changes required and fought for by business accompanying the shift from personalised and honour-bound trading communities to a political economy based upon economic efficiency, and characterised by transactions between strangers, were achieved despite rather than because of judicial activity. Judges were motivated predominantly by the need to maintain the structural integrity of fields of legal discourse.

The aim of this study is to examine the British policy toward the United Arab Emirates from 1820 until 1956. The relationship between Britain and the Emirates\ud began in 1820 with the signing of "a general treaty between Britain and the Arab Tribes of the Persian Gulf". From that time until 1900, Britain set about consolidating its position in the region with the signing of a number of other treaties with the tribes of the region. British policy towards the Trucial States from 1820 to 1956 can be divided into two stages. The first stag~lasted from 1820 to 1945. During that period Britain concentrated on maintaining her interests, and refrained from interfering in the internal affairs of the Emirates except when her interests were threatened. The second stage lasted from 1945 to 1956. That period which is the most important period in the history of the Emirates has, in my view, not been adequately studied. During that period Britain adopted a new pol icy aimed at developing the social, economic and political conditions in the Emirates. In 1952, Britain managed for the first time in the history of the Trucial States to unify the Sheikhs under a "Trucial States Council" to help Britain carry out its development programme. Such policy resulted in the establishment of formal education, a legal system, an administrative system as well as new stable economic resources. In this way the Trucial Coast Sheikhdoms moved from being a tribal society into a nation-state, albeit not a fully developed one. This is what this study hopes to describe on the basis of relevant documents.

Exclusive coastal watering-places, successors to the inland spas, attracted a similar clientele, fashionable, well-heeled and fickle. Many such places were developed in the nineteenth century; few held the truly fashionable for long, for fashion is always fleeting. Jealously guarding their reputations, they concentrated on survival in a highly volatile market and had no interest in competing for the favours of the short-stay visitor or excursionist. Westgate on Sea, on the north coast of the Isle of Thanet in Kent, was one such watering-place, attracting, in its early years, titled visitors and royalty, the fashionable and the artistic. Now part of Thanet District, Westgate can be passed by unnoticed by the stranger travelling on the A28 to Margate. Yet for seventy years, despite the proximity of that truly plebian resort, Westgate remained independent and exclusive, bolstered by the presence of a uniquely large number of private schools, which became its lifeblood. True child of the railway, created from a virgin site with metropolitan capital, Westgate had features which, when seeking to place it in the context of other exclusive developments, made it necessary to look for parallels beyond similar-sized resorts such as Grange-over Sands, Seaton and Frinton to suburbs such as Edgbaston and Hampstead, for Westgate was, to all intents and purposes, a London satellite. Using evidence from many sources, both public and private, I have sought in this eight-part thesis to prove the uniqueness of Westgate's development and to see how, by determination and manipulation, Westgatonians were able to maintain a high 'social tone' for so long. By examining other such places, I hope to contribute something towards the story of the small 'exclusive' development, part of the rich urban scene and so important in the lifestyle of the Victorians and Edwardians and so far not fully researched.

The former slave owning class in The Bahamas fought a rearguard action to defendits political, economic and social hegemony. It shaped the local Abolition Act of1834 to meet its own requirements, particularly to ensure apprentices would remainin a position of subservience and obedience.The initial period of concern for the welfare and rights of the freedmen onthe part of the Imperial Government soon waned and the white oligarchy was leftto govern the newly emancipated without much interference from London.Imperial Government policy also aided the elite in preventing the formation of aclass of independent, peasant freeholders. On the Out Islands labour orsharecropping tenancies, squatting and the working of commonage were the norm.Coercive labour systems procured a stable and dependent workforce in a number ofindustries. The cash economy was limited outside of Nassau and themerchant/landowners were in possession of the little available capital.Tough laws, designed to keep the lower classes in awe and fear ofauthorities, were passed by a Legislature dominated by the white elite. Much morewas spent on law and order than education or social reforms. The Bahamascontinued to be governed under the seventeenth century Old Representative systemand the ruling class stubbornly protected its rights and privileges. But theconstitutional system was not a responsible one and hardly representative. Openvoting, inequitable constituencies, a franchise weighted in favour of the propertiedclasses, non-payment of representatives and plural voting ensured the return of thewhite Nassau merchants. The agro-commercial elite had a limited vision beyondits own interests, particularly in regard to financial policy. There were manystruggles between the Legislature and the Governors over control of finance andexpenditure, reaching its climax in the 1930s when the Governor insisted onReserve Powers. The Colonial Office investigated the possibilities but realisedthat, barring a crisis, the initiative had to come from the Assembly, which wouldnever have arisen in The Bahamas.The ruling whites experienced little challenge from the coloured and blackmiddle classes. They sought to assimilate themselves into white society anddistanced themselves from the black lower classes. They were generallyconservative in their views. The non-whites did not attempt to form a politicalparty, despite the fact Bahamian society became more polarised in the 1920s and1930s. No leaders emerged to take advantage of the discontent. After the 1942Riot, the ruling whites made a few limited concessions that safeguarded theirdominance

This thesis relocates the individual within the processes of representation in order to compensate for the relative neglect the subject has received in recent treatments of medieval urban studies. It reassesses the behaviour of urban communities not in terms of the demographic and economic, by aligning the particular community along the growth/decline debate; but by viewing social process in terms of the interpersonal relationships of the town's inhabitants. This has been pursued by examining the construction and representation of personal and communal identity within defined urban contexts, and by suggesting a method by which these subjects might provide a useful critical tool for approaching traditional urban historical concerns from a new perspective. Sociological conceptualisations of self, person and community have been invoked to provide a vocabulary for discussing the issues involved, and methods for reconsidering approaches to evidence using a combination of qualitative and quantitative techniques. Using Bury St Edmunds, a relatively sophisticated and somewhat distinctive urban community, an examination of the ways in which identity and self representation are enacted by its inhabitants is undertaken to establish the role of the individual within the social processes at work within urban communities. it is shown that identity can be seen as a mechanism by which communities order and regulate their participants. Specific case studies of individual identity are presented alongside a model of communal identity in the town, with the intention of situating the individual constructions of identity within the contextual discourses of identity produced by the community. The location of the individual within the communal constructions of identity enables the observation of the effects that individuals had upon their late medieval urban communities, with the result that the nature of social change can be seen to originate from the activities and perceptions of individuals, rather than communities.

This study attempts to analyse the internal dynamics of the most recent Kurdish resistance movement in Turkey. The main focus of analysis is the PKK's organisational existence - its ideational and material structure. As the leading entity of the Kurdish movement, the research focuses on the PKK's recent growth - asking how it became capable of revitalising the "buried" body of Kurdishness in Anatolia that has been incorporated (in both demographic and geographical terms) into the Turkicized Republic. Within the framework of the case study method, much of the research is devoted to answering an indirect question: why wasn't it the other Kurdish "national" configurations that came to prominence? To this end, the study tries to appraise the extent of national and non-national ingredients in the make-up of the movement - the leadership, the grassroots and the masses that give their support. The conclusion reached is that the successes and failures of the PKK in bringing about Kurdish opposition in Turkey are fundamentally related to its philosophy of recruitment and organisational diligence, rather than to its scrupulous use of arms or other contextual factors. The form, content and intensity of educational activities give the organisation its strength. This "education war" - concomitant with the contextual tension of Turkey's Kurdish question - produced a "sparking" Apo charisma. In its originating period, the "pure form" of this charisma contributed much to the PKK's ability to mobilise the Kurds. The later "routinised" form of the very charisma has become one of the principal determinants in what is known as the movement's "shrinkage process". It was also found that the substance of the party education - mainly involving ��calan's talks - embodies a philosophy of human nature (rather than a strictly nationalistic content) in search of the re-appropriation of "human naturalness". In the party leadership's view, this human naturalness has to be extricated from the plague of civilisation's property mechanisms, which apparently have degenerated the humane faculties of man's spiritual structure. However, it ought not to be understood that the intensively worded philosophy depicts the extent of such extrication in the personalities of the cadre body of the Organisation. And the field research indicates that this is the Party's greatest internal contradiction.

The ten years after 1914 saw the departure from the Liberal ~arty and the entry into the Labour party of a significant number of prominent Radicals. Nor was it through secessions to Labour alone that the Liberals lost Radical support during this period: a number of Radicals retired prematurely from political life. There were, of course, many other Radicals who served out their political careers as Liberals. The main aim of this study is to explain how and why it was that the early twentieth-century Liberal party was deserted by some Radicals but retained the allegiance of others. An attempt is also made to explain why it was that those Radicals who did make the transition from Liberalism to Labour did so, in most cases, after prolonged hesitation and with some misgivings. It should be made clear, however, that this is not a study of Radical politics at all levels. It focuses on those individuals who formed the Radical wing of the parliamentary Liberal party between 1906 and 1918. Some consideration is given, though, to the attitudes and activities of those Radical intellectuals and publicists who were an important part of the environment in which Radical parliamentarians moved. It has often been suggested that the Radicals who made the transition from Liberalism to Labour did so chiefly because they despaired of the Liberal party giving a hearing to their vievls on peace and foreign policy and because they became exasperated by the wartime failure of the Liberal leadership to unhold such Liberal ideals as voluntary military service. It is argued here that this is not an altogether satisfactory explanation. It is maintained that there were numerous Radicals who remained within the Liberal fold who V'.'ere as strongly committed to the ideals of peace and internationalism - and as exasperated by the wartime conduct of the Liberal leadership - as any of the defectors. It is also pointed out that there were Radicals who defected to Labour who, before doing so, had been supporters of the all-out war policies of the Lloyd George coalition. The central contention of this study is that a full understanding of what induced some Radicals to join the Labour party and others to remain within the Liberal fold cannot be reached unless it is borne in mind that there were fundamental differences in economic outlook within the Radical camp. It is argued that a broad distinction can be drawn between progressive' or social reform Radicals and those who may be described as 'traditional' Radicals. It is further argued that there were two distinct types of 'traditional' Radical: Cobdenite Radicals and single-taxers. All but a handful of the Radicals who made the transition from Liberalism to Labour or who were strongly tempted to do so were, it is suggested, progressive Radicals. It is argued that the attraction of the Labour party for progressive Radicals was not only its foreign policy but also its social and economic policies. Cobdenite Radicals, it is maintained, no matter how great their wartime disenchantment with the Liberal party, exhibited no interest in the possibility of entering the Labour ranks. A number of single-taxers did become members of the Labour party: it is suggested that they did so for reasons which differed from those of their progressive Radical counterparts. It should be made clear that this study contains no attempt to assess the extent to which Radical secessions contributed to the downfall of the Liberal party. What is claimed, however, is that it does make some contribution to an understanding of the pre- war and wartime divisions within the parliamentary Liberal party.

of Ph D. thesis. University of Kent at Canterbury Contents / Acknowledgements / General introduction to the work 1. 1951 and Before: the Establishment of the ICA (British art c.1935-51; the concept and development of the ICA; early ICA exhibitions; the Institute's Dover street premises) 2. 1952: the Genesis of the Independent Group (Some dissatisfaction amongst the ICA's YOlli1ger members; early organised meetings of the Independent Group; members of the Independent Group) 3. 1953: the Independent Group Develops - Contributions at the ICA (Early Independent Group concerns and their manifestation in the ICA programme; the social and cultural background of Independent Group members; the exhibition Parallel of Life and Art) 4. 1954: Focusing Interests - the 'Fine Art/Pop Art Continuum' (Independent Group activities inside and outside the ICA; the emergence of Lawrence Alloway and John McHale as important members of the Group; the concept of the 'Fine Art/Pop Art Continuum') 5. 1955: Formal Meetings and the Concept of ' Multiple Connectivity' (Organised meetings of the Group; the exhibition Man, Machine and Motion; the 'investigations' into expendability, mass communication and popular culture, and the institutionalisation of 20th century art, using the method of 'multiple connectivity') 6. 1956: Theory into Practice - This is Tomorrow (Events at the ICA involving Independent Group members; the House of the Future; the organisation of This is Tomorrow ('l'IT ); the exhibits of 'l'IT, with special reference to the role of e:x-member;-of the Independent Group) 7. 1957-58: Outlets f or Independent Group Ideas - Ark and the Paintings of Richard Hamilton -- (The role of Ark in the dissemination of Group ideas; the influence upon painters a t the RCA; the 'pop' paintings of Richard Hamilton and their relation to Group discussions ; exhibitions and events of 1957-58) 8. 1959-61: Further Limits of Independent Group Influence - Architectural Design, the Cambridge Connection and Pop Art (The role of Architectural Design in the dissemination of Group ideas; rCA events which involved ex-members of the Group; Cambridge Opinion and the Scroope Group; the relation of the Independent Group to Archigram and the RCA's 1961 Young Contemporaries) 9. 1962 and Beyond: Myths Created and Myths Modified (The waning of Independent Group influence at the ICA; the Group's challenge to existing interpretations of 20th century art and especially to pre-war Modernism; the Group's influence upon the post-1960 pop aesthetic.

This thesis takes issue with many of the claims and assumptions of much of the existing historiography on joint stock enterprise in nineteenth-century Britain. Historians have presented the conferral by the state of automatic rights of incorporation on companies in a Whiggish light, as a natural and inevitable step towards a modern economy. Such accounts denigrate opponents of this intervention as ignorant, prejudiced, or self-interested and suggest that opposition was restricted largely to the Conservative Party. The first part of the thesis presents an alternative picture which stresses the coherence, breadth, and depth of antipathy towards joint stock enterprise. This interpretation is based on an extensive reading of popular sources including novels, plays, newspapers, and cartoons, alongside parliamentary papers, law reports, and pamphlets. Part two of the thesis traces changing attitudes towards corporate enterprise, and considers why joint stock companies were accorded legislative sanction between 1844 and 1862. It rejects simplistic accounts which describe this process in terms of the rising tide of free trade and laissez faire, and argues that a significant reconceptualisation of the joint stock company occurred in these years, by which the boundaries between public and private spheres were redrawn. Corporate privileges became viewed as private rights which the state could not justly withhold from joint stock enterprise. The legislative framework constructed between 1844 and 1862 was severely tested by the commercial crisis of 1866, but ultimately the crisis served to entrench rather than to undermine the position of joint stock companies. Despite continued criticism of joint stock enterprise after 1866, it is argued that this was harmless, partly owing to the redefinition of companies as private entities, partly because those concerned by standards of commercial morality thought that the only way to purify commerce was to reform personal behaviour rather than impose legislative solutions.

It is often argued by historians that members of the cultivated Elite after 1918 rejected the pre-war past. or at least subjected it to severe denigration. This thesis sets out to challenge such a view. Above all, it argues that inter-war critics of the Victorian and Edwardian past were unable to reject it even if that was what they felt inclined to do. This was because they were tied to those periods by the affective links of memory, family, and the continually unfolding consequences of the past in the present. Even the severest critics of the pre-war world, such as Lytton Strachey, were less frequently dismissive of history than ambivalent towards it. This ambivalence, it is argued, helped to keep the past alive and often to humanise it. The thesis also explores more positive estimation of Victorian and Edwardian history between the wars. It examines nostalgia for the past, as well as instances of continuity of practice and attitude. It explores the way in which inter-war society drew upon aspects of Victorian and Edwardian history both as illuminating parallels to contemporary affairs and to understand directly why the present was shaped as it was. Again, this testifies to the enduring power of the past after 1918. There are three parts to this thesis. Part One outlines the cultural context in which writers contemplated the Victorian and Edwardian past. Part Two explores some of the ways in which history was written about and used by inter-war society. Part Three examines the ways in which biographical depictions of eminent Victorians after 1918 encouraged emotional negotiation with the past

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the nature and function of the English diplomatic service in the early 16th century. The first chapter will explore the gradual adoption by the Henry Viii'sgovernment of resident diplomacy and the impact its use had on those employed as permanent ambassadors. The three central chapters will look at the three main groups from which Henrydrew his ambassadors: the clergy, the titled aristocracy and gently, and merchants. Each section will examine the background, education and training, and specific skills which each group contributed to the king's diplomacy. The final chapter will evaluate the pros and cons of diplomatic service and consider what part it played in the overall development of the careers of those chosen to perform it. In order to place the Tudor diplomatic service in context, periodic comparisons will be made with its Habsburg and Valois rivals.:1.

This thesis is concerned with the debates and the problems bound within the concept of 'film noir', one of the most persistently 'mythologised' areas of Hollywood cinema. As I shall show 1 'film noir' was a tern generated within film criticism in order to identify and to account for a complex series of transformations within the Hollywood cinema of the 1940's, particularly around the area of the crime thriller. As I shall suggest, because it functioned as a blanket categorisation, the term has suffered from a mystification which has problematised many of the attempts to come to terms with the historical processes it initially described a problem only exacerbated by its extension to films produced since the early l9O's). This thesis will seek here to re-locate the phenomenon described by the term 'film noir' within Its cinematic and historical contexts. After a general introduction to the debates surrounding 'classical' Hollywood cinema, the genre system of production and the problems represented by the 'film noir', Section Two comprises an examination of the complex determination of the 'noir. phenomenon', suggesting how this resulted from a confluence of intermeshing 'aesthetic', social-cultural, institutional and industrial transformt1ons, Following this explication of the diversity of the determination of film noir, Section Three proposes that a large proportion of the crime thrillers so termed - j . the 'tough' thriller, a cinematic development of the recent 'hard-boiled' trend in American crime fiction - manifests a particularly obsessional representation of problems besetting masculine psychic and sexual identity, and masculine cultural/social authority. Working through the narrative logic of both some of the more famous and some of the more obscure of the 1940's 'film noir' thrillers - such films as 'THE STRANGER ON THE THIRD FLOOR, AMONG THE LIVING, THE MALTESE FALCON, THE WOMAN LN THE WINDOW, WHEN STRANGERS 1ARRY, DOUBLE INDE'UTITY, BLACK ANGEL, MILDRED PIERCE, DETOUR, THE KILLERS, THE BLUE DAHLIA, DEAD RECKONING, OUT OF THE PAST, LADY FROT SHANGHAI, and PITFALL - I will suggest that, despite the confusion which has accreted to the term in the past forty-five years, film noir can prove a valuable means of exploring both (a) the relationships between films and the multiple contexts for which and in which they are produced; and (b) the problems which beset any project of 'masculine consolidation' (with the 'tough' thrillers representing an extreme and much problematised form of hero-centred fiction). By bringing together debates on film history, industry, 'ideology', genre, and gender, it is hoped that this study may offer some suggestions for a much-- needed reorientation of this vital but perplexing 'genre'/period.

Miners' militancy and close-knit community have become synonymous terms in many people's minds. Miners displayed solidaristic tendencies above ground in their union activities as a mirror image of their relationships below ground. The toughness of their job translated into toughness in their political and industrial attitudes. Living in traditionally isolated communities miners could rely only upon each other for support and understanding. The women living precarious existences in these settlements were likewise. Children were socialised into their respective male/female, dominant/submissive roles. Such was the reputation of coalminers - the vanguard of the labour movement. It permeated media images and informed the general public's opinion of miners, their womenfolk and their communities. Miners themselves fell victim to their own mythologising. The literature on the subject, fictional and non-fictional, has often been semi-hagiographic, adding to the myth. Recent historiography, however, has done much to deconstruct this, largely sentimental, notion of miners and their communities. Close examination of miners' history shows a tradition of splits and rivalries rather than solidarity - federalism rather than national unity. Isolated mass and occupational community have been shown to be concepts applicable to some coalmining settlements, not all. As an attempt at universality they fall far short. Indeed, the whole ideal of community has been so seriously questioned as a useful or workable construct that it remains stuck at the level of abstract. That, however, has not stopped the term being increasingly used and abused by politicians, sociologists, historians and journalists. We are all communitarians now. The 1984-85 miners' strike served to inform traditional and radical opinion of the nature of miners and their militant, solidaristic tendencies. Miners on strike for a whole year, supported by their communities was the traditional image. Milers who worked and crossed picket lines was the radical. Historically aware observers understood, however, that what was radical was in fact traditional and that the solidarity displayed by striking miners throughout twelve months was a radical break with the past. Ivfilitancy/moderacy levels and the nature of community maybe linked, but generalisations about specific miners and their penchant for industrial action are inappropriate. All miners are capable of extreme militancy and moderacy. Individual areas must be examined in the context of their whole history rather than that of specific events. And as more case studies, written from a national as well as regional viewpoint, are added to the historiography of mining, the whole picture of miners, their communities and their (un)willingness to take industrial action starts to become complete. With the rundown of the mining industry virtually completed, writing about miners and their lives has an air of finality - a genuine sense of history rather than journalism.

This thesis has two intimately related aims. It investigates socially-distinct perceptions of domestic life in a provincial society closely linked to London in the second half of the sixteenth century. It then demonstrates the difference which those perceptions make to individuals' responses to representations, specifically of households in the genre of domestic tragedy. The method is interdisciplinary: close analysis of testamentary and judicial sources is used to imaginatively construct the perceptions of theatre audiences. Wills and inventories are used in Chapter 2 to analyse the material composition of domestic space, and these sources make possible an understanding of domestic process, of the formation of identity, and of the expression of social distinction through the objects which were kept in each room of the house. Chapter 3 uses ecclesiastical court depositions to show how space was moralised in contemporary life, and how it formed a part of the strategic discourses of public morality through which individuals understood their actions. The coherence of this evidence, for the provincial centres of Kent, makes it possible to understand the relative meanings of objects and spaces, and therefore the internal logic of provincial society. Chapter 4 investigates the consumption of representations of domestic life, using the evidence for socially-distinct perceptions to construct different responses to the plays. It explores the mechanics of such representations, focusing on the meanings of stage properties, and upon audience members' conceptions of the moralised relationship between house and community. This analysis prioritises contemporary perceptions of dramatic productions, and insists upon a consideration of the divergent responses of heterogeneous audiences. It challenges less carefully historicised approaches to representations by demonstrating that it is only through an examination of the evidential context of historical sources that an understanding of the internal logic of societies (and therefore their perceptions and representations) can be reached.