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Introduction: The study aims to map and analyse the development of social vulnerability patterns in Greece through a perma-crisis context (economic crisis, austerity, covid-19, energy, and inflation crisis) over the period 2008-2022. Methods: The paper rests on the construction of a composite index of four key pillars of social vulnerability (employment, living conditions, health, and education) consisting of 15 selected variables obtained from the official Eurostat datasets and using PCA analysis. Results: Our findings show that social vulnerability patterns in Greece demonstrate a considerable shift during the stated period where certain social groups (i.e., NEETs and precarious workers) seem to suffer the most. The first pattern (2008-2016) is largely characterized by the intensity and severity of the economic crisis and austerity measures, which contributed to the exacerbation of social vulnerability. The second pattern (2017-2022) presents a gradual decline mainly due to the recovery of the economy and a decrease in unemployment rates featuring a strong tendency to reach the pre-crisis levels in the years to come. Discussion: The high levels of social vulnerability leading to social exclusion, poverty, and the widening of inequalities, impede the country's resilience and recovery efforts and undermine social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late developing states, labor markets are often segmented as a result of import substitution and political coalitions centered on the formally employed. Building on insider–outsider and moral economy frameworks from political economy, we theorize that in such contexts labor market insiders develop strong expectations about welfare provision and public transfers that make them more likely to riot against proposed austerity measures. We test our argument with the case of Egypt during the 1977 Bread Intifada, when the announcement of subsidy cuts sparked rioting across the country. To conduct our analysis, we match an original event catalog compiled from Arabic-language sources with disaggregated employment data. Spatial models, rich micro-level data, and the sudden and short-lived nature of the rioting help us to disentangle the importance of an area's labor force from its location and wider socio-economic context. As we show, despite the diffuse impact of the subsidy cuts, rioting was especially concentrated in areas with labor market insiders – and this is after accounting for a range of plausible alternative explanations. The results suggest that moral economies arising from labor market segmentation can powerfully structure violent opposition to austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies grassroots organizations that provide various forms of support to vulnerable local communities in the United Kingdom in a context of increasing austerity, public sector drawbacks, a lack of funding and extensive monitoring, and evaluative requirements. We focus on the COVID‐19 pandemic, which challenged traditional funding relationships. We analyze lived experiences of trust, emotion, and suffering to understand the politics of accountability across the diverse economy. We draw on Gibson‐Graham's post‐capitalist framework, which insists on the politics of language, the subject, and collective action. In the setting we study, the language of crisis reshaped funding, vulnerable subjectivities emerged to support vulnerable communities, and fragmenting accountabilities were met with attempts to promote collective action and solidarity. We, therefore, contribute to literature in critical accounting and literature focused on the voluntary and community sector by studying a landscape of diverse accountability practices to explore the possibilities that they offer in terms of accounting for non‐capitalist organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on how public service management copes in difficult times is needed. This paper theorizes how collective action frames are created to nurture new practices in challenging contexts. The case concerns an Irish local authority, the 2008 financial crash and subsequent severe austerity. We draw on institutional work to make sense of collective action created for reform, actors' reflexivity of their situated logics, and institutional embeddedness. This paper contributes by: (1) adding to knowledge of how public service management reform is implemented in difficult times, and (2) combining institutional work with framing concepts to understand how such reform processes unfold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the establishment of a task force inside the European Commission at the height of the Greek crisis, known as the ‘task force for Greece’. By adopting a perspective centred on the professionals employed in this ad hoc body, I investigate its symbolic and political significance within the broader framework of European emergency governance. Through a detailed analysis of the ethos and profiles of its personnel, the article argues that the task force represented a shift in crisis management, representing both a gesture of support and a counterbalance to the costs of austerity. The findings are grounded in extensive sociological fieldwork, including interviews, sociographic data and the analysis of documents, offering a comprehensive understanding of how EU staff shaped the task force’s mandate and operations under conditions of limited material resources and considerable political pressure. This research contributes to the study of crises and of European bureaucracy by elucidating the dynamic relationship between emergency politics and bureaucratic practices within the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Famed for its austerity, Jansenism nonetheless prompted a slew of salacious street‐songs throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. If historians have increasingly examined early modern urban singing practices, underlining the social porosity and intergenerational hold of many street‐songs, little research has been devoted to unpicking what songs offer to the study of religious history. The aims of this article are two‐fold. First, it seeks to assess the value (and sketch out some limits) to street‐songs as a source in recovering some of the more popular facets of religious controversies — here, the Jansenist movement. Second, and as a corollary of this, the article uses street‐songs to emphasise the political sophistication to popular interest in Jansenism. It suggests that this antedated and ran alongside the convulsionary movement, which has been typically viewed as the apogee of popular engagement with Jansenism. This article first considers how the hold of specific literary themes and popular tunes over generations impacted discussions on the Jansenist debate, before turning to examine the suitability of songs in capturing devotional and theological content, and finally discussing the complexity of the popular political and ecclesiological ideas on the Jansenist movement that the street‐songs conveyed. The article ultimately seeks to underline the value of street‐songs as a source on urban popular religious expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary resources available to social workers are themselves, with building and using effective relationships central to the social work task. More than a decade of austerity policies has impacted how social workers practice. The current barriers to relationship-based practice in work with adults are such that we are experiencing a relational recession – that is the inability to practice in a way that prioritises the relationship. The present article will evaluate two key barriers to relationship-based social work: 1) The current context of austerity and new care management, 2) The emotional demands of the role. Practice can emerge from the relational recession through a shift from case management supervision, towards a supervisory relationship which replicates the conditions required for relationship-based practice to flourish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, a group of people experiencing distress were largely viewed by health services as untreatable, because of a chronic sense of mistrust and difficulties in being cared for. This group of people have attracted labels such as ‘Emotionally Unstable Personality Disorder’ and ‘Complex Emotional Needs’. However, the recent developments in so-called evidenced-based psychological treatments offer hope that these patients can ‘recover’, or what one therapy has called ‘a life worth living’. It follows that these newer psychological treatments hold the promise of keeping hope alive, that even the most traumatised and disturbed people may be coached into functioning, and, perhaps more cynically, to reduce their burden on already-stretched health services. This cultural shift towards optimism is not the target of the paper. Instead, this paper offers an insider clinician’s perspective to outline how austerity has negatively affected the capacity to offer care and containment to patients presenting with life-threatening behaviours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is over 20 years since the publication of the Asymmetric Power Model (APM). In the ensuing period, Britain has faced multiple challenges: the increasing fragmentation of public services; austerity politics; devolution; and, most recently, coronavirus disease and Brexit. It is this backdrop which provides the context to this article. First, it addresses how the literature has subsequently evolved. It then examines what has changed over the last two decades while also emphasizing what remains the same. Here, we highlight issues regarding both increased inequality and instability, focusing particularly on tension emerging from a de-centralizing-recentralizing approach to governance. The article concludes by offering a revised APM as a means of understanding British politics moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the euro crisis, politicization patterns led the institutions of the European Union to gradually redirect the bloc's socioeconomic governance away from austerity. It is less clear whether the erosion of austerity was mirrored in national economic discourses. To fill this gap, this article provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis of parliamentary budget debates in four country cases: France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Portugal, from 2014 to 2020. The results show contrasting patterns of "fiscal discipline" frame resilience in national economic discourse in ways consistent with intergovernmental bargaining around the pandemic recovery agenda. Moreover, shared preoccupations relating to investment in the economy, social inequality, and climate change emerge as major threads shaping budget making. These findings suggest an increasingly integrated multi‐level system of economic governance and call for further investigation into the links between ideas shaping EU economic governance and economic discourses in member states. Related Articles: Pi Ferrer, Laia, and Pertti Alasuutari. 2019. "The Spread and Domestication of the Term 'Austerity:' Evidence from the Portuguese and Spanish Parliaments." Politics & Policy 47(6): 1039–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12331. Zamponi, Lorenzo, and Lorenzo Bosi. 2016. "Which Crisis? European Crisis and National Contexts in Public Discourse." Politics & Policy 44(3): 400–26. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12156. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do leftist forces accept, support and adopt free-market policies? To answer this question, we carry out a comparative study of left-wing groups (both parties and trade unions) in France, Italy and Spain during the late 1970s and the early 1980s. This period is widely acknowledged in international political economy to have represented a paradigm shift from post-war Keynesianism to neoliberal policy-making. We employ in-depth content analysis of memoirs, interviews to the press, opinion articles and policy-papers to explain actors' positions on landmark policies implemented during such transition. In alignment with a developing literature in political economy (e.g. Mudge 2018), we find a proactive role of progressives in developing the ideological justification for the resort to liberal policies. However, we emphasise that widespread consensus among so-called progressives, rather than a leading role of technocrats or party experts, best explains such shifts. In this way, the paper casts doubts on interpretations of the liberalisation process that place excessive emphasis on the role of external constraints as well as on elite power. Drawing on Hall (1993), we argue that left-wing forces in the early 1980s have enacted a 'second order change', whereby policymakers use new instruments to meet existing policy objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic raises the question of austerity's problematic social toll for health in the south of Europe. Has EU economic governance constrained health spending? If so, have these spending levels led to inequalities, which in turn shaped responses to the pandemic? EU economic governance is often dismissed as ineffective because of its poor track record of compliance. Yet austerity is blamed for negative health outcomes. This article shows that the EU fiscal rule is a determinant of health because it affects fiscal policies of European countries. First, the analysis of EU member states during 1995–2018 shows that austerity policies affect health spending and health inequalities. Euro-area countries under the EU Excessive Deficit Procedure significantly consolidated their health spending. The contractionary effect was concentrated in southern countries, contributing to rising health inequalities across the core and periphery. Finally, the analysis shows the pandemic implications of health inequalities, as periphery countries with a track record of high consolidation display more stringent (and costly) COVID-19 response models. This analysis contributes to understanding the supranational determinants of health in the EU, showing the pervasive spillover effects of the fiscal framework on national health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article systematically reviews evidence evaluating whether macroeconomic austerity policies impact mortality, reviewing high-income country data compiled through systematic searches of nine databases and gray literature using pre-specified methods (PROSPERO registration: CRD42020226609). Eligible studies were quantitatively assessed to determine austerity's impact on mortality. Two reviewers independently assessed eligibility and risk of bias using ROBINS-I. Synthesis without meta-analysis was conducted due to heterogeneity. Certainty of evidence was assessed using the GRADE framework. Of 5,720 studies screened, seven were included, with harmful effects of austerity policies demonstrated in six, and no effect in one. Consistent harmful impacts of austerity were demonstrated for all-cause mortality, life expectancy, and cause-specific mortality across studies and different austerity measures. Excess mortality was higher in countries with greater exposure to austerity. Certainty of evidence was low. Risk of bias was moderate to critical. A typical austerity dose was associated with 74,090 [−40,632, 188,792] and 115,385 [26,324, 204,446] additional deaths per year. Austerity policies are consistently associated with adverse mortality outcomes, but the magnitude of this effect remains uncertain and may depend on how austerity is implemented (e.g., balance between public spending reductions or tax rises, and distributional consequences). Policymakers should be aware of potential harmful health effects of austerity policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers primarily focus on the formal practices used by event organizers to establish temporary spaces like Host Event Zones, characterized as a unilateral process that ignores community interests. Yet little research investigates both the formal and informal interactions between stakeholders. Interviews with London 2012 senior organizers after the "fog of organizing" has lifted–and without political pressure to toe‐the‐line–reveals how two‐way dialogue was facilitated through various communicative mechanisms, from "road shows" to more inclusive Olympic Organizing Committee meetings. This counters previous arguments and contributes new knowledge by revealing–and more accurately representing–how event zones are cocreated through negotiation between the event and community. Consequently, scholars should be wary of extrapolating from formal practices on paper and interrogate the more complex and messy informalities of planning to improve veracity of claim(s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper explores increasing emphasis on long-term investment in English devolution policy, as part of attempts to revitalise struggling communities through investment in infrastructure and public space. English councils seek to offset the financial difficulties they faced due to austerity cuts by establishing their own corporations, joint ventures, and investment partnerships, in order to generate needed income by creating economic flows from capital markets to public services. They have, consequently, envisaged a form of 'patient investment' in their communities, taking a long-term view of economic regeneration that aims to balance the risk of investment with the reward of local growth. The rollout of the Levelling Up agenda in February 2022 entrenches the narrative of patient investment as a conduit to regional regeneration, although it emphasises investment in infrastructure projects primarily for the purpose of attracting business and industry to deprived areas. Through a narrative policy analysis of Parliamentary debates about Levelling Up in England, I examine the turn towards long-term investment as an ethical shift in conceptions of welfare provision which prioritises private sector expansion for its potential to drive economic improvement. In this understanding, quality of life in communities is tied to growth and profit, rather than social support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past century, crises have enabled the construction of Australian foreign policy orders, or sets of ideas that reduce uncertainty and stabilise interests. However, such ideas have also engendered misplaced certainty and renewed crisis. Developing a constructivist framework, I stress the ways in which ideas can over time impede the use of information and fuel instability and crises. In a staged model, I trace the construction of ties with "great and powerful friends", their conversion in ways that fuel misplaced certainty, and the construction of crises which advance change. Empirically, I then trace the construction of an early Imperial order, misplaced certainty in UK‐backed austerity and appeasement, and crises in the Great Depression and fall of Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a growing interest in citizen-led initiatives, there is still no consensus on how to situate them, especially in relation to state institutions. On the one hand, citizen-led initiatives are seen as being co-opted by formal institutions in a context of austerity. On the other hand, these initiatives are often presented as "spaces of resistance" to neoliberalism, or as political acts of reclaiming the city. Mapping and tracing urban gardening and dumpster diving from their grassroots emergence to their inclusion in the institutional world through a two-level analysis, we show that individuals and loosely organized collectives involved in such initiatives are embedded in complex relationships with local institutions and third sector organizations that do, in turn, structure their practice and its consequences. The two-level analysis we propose follows this process: it is through interactions and relationships with other "practitioners" and with their social and institutional environment that these urban social practices gradually institutionalize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study how welfare states regimes influence the effect of episodes of fiscal consolidations on the four main components of the welfare state: social investment, pensions, healthcare and labour market insurance. Welfare state regimes are associated with distinct social policy legacies that feedback into political competition by shaping the size and influence of different coalitions of constituents. Using data from 1980 to 2014 in 16 OECD countries, we find that labour market insurance is more vulnerable to consolidations in Liberal regimes, while social investments are more resistant to consolidations in Nordic regimes. In the Continental regime, which overlaps with Social Health Insurance systems, healthcare is more resistant to consolidations. Finally, pensions are more resistant to consolidations in the Southern regime. These findings contribute to the study of the comparative political economy of welfare state retrenchment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectional politics has been widely associated with progressive Millennial activists. Accordingly, most social movement research focuses on progressive movements that adopt intersectionality as a guiding framework for organisation and mobilisation, mainly feminist, reproductive justice, LGBTQ and other movements spearheaded by university-educated Millennials. In contrast to most studies, we conduct a qualitative digital ethnography of Las Kellys, a Spanish grassroots movement with no explicit intersectional approach, but located at the intersection of the labour and feminist movements, and consisting of middle-aged, working-class (immigrant) women with no university background who fit their activism into their spare time. Our findings suggest that (1) Las Kellys deploys intersectional practices and disputes despite lacking an explicit intersectional approach, and (2) the development of intersectional practices and disputes in Las Kellys is the result of inter-movement diffusion processes from the anti-austerity protest cycle and the current wave of feminist protest. Moreover, we argue that the case of Las Kellys is part of a larger diffusion of intersectionality across contemporary Spanish activism as an outcome of the anti-austerity and feminist protest cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twinning model has been used to develop a wide array of political, economic and cultural relationships that connect communities and institutions in the United Kingdom with counterparts overseas. However, where local governments were once among the most ardent promoters of twinning, years of austerity coupled with changing processes of financial rationalisation, have led many councils to question the value of these relationships. Today, fewer British local authorities are taking up new twinnings and some have even been involved in a process of quiet 'untwinning'. This paper takes pause to examine what might be lost with this set of changes—it asks: just what is of value of twinning? Taking a cue from ongoing debates in the field of cultural policy studies, it advocates for a broadening and deepening of the operational concept of 'public value' to better account for the manifold ways that twinning can deliver pro-social benefits to British communities and their partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many high‐debt countries are adopting tax austerity, whereby governments raise the tax rate as their debt levels rise with the hope to dispel future solvency crises. This paper investigates the impact of tax austerity on government debt solvency. A solvency crisis occurs once adverse shocks push the debt above its effective debt limit, the maximum level of debt that the government can repay. I show that the position of the effective debt limit depends on tax austerity. I find that high‐debt countries like Italy that undergo tax austerity could lower their effective debt limit and induce a solvency crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we discuss the evolution of inequality in Greece from 2004 to 2021 in light of the Greek debt crisis that led to a sharp drop in gross domestic product per capita between 2008 and 2013. While aggregate measures of income inequality, such as the Gini coefficient, suggest a marginal improvement, domestic perceptions of social fairness remain bleak. To delve deeper into this paradox, we explore additional aggregate and distributional aspects of Greece's social landscape during this period. Our analysis reveals several contributing factors: a compression of earnings, benefits and pensions; a sharp increase in social exclusion; and high inequality in access to basic public services and housing. These factors go beyond what headline inequality indices indicate, illustrating how the sovereign debt crisis and subsequent austerity measures have affected individuals differently based on their socio‐economic background, while also reducing overall welfare across the Greek population. Moreover, chronic institutional inefficiencies and widening disparities in access to services and housing significantly influence perceptions of inequality and contribute negatively to the country's social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, economic policies in Europe and elsewhere, have been based on the theoretical and practical ideas embedded in the Maastricht Treaty: public debt and deficit must be reduced, even if this implies severe austerity. The main goal of this policy, growth with a decrease in public debt, did not work. Although the Maastricht Treaty framework received a wide consensus in the academic world as well in European politics, a few brave scholars stood up since the beginning to show its fallacies. In this article, we will discuss the critiques that Pasinetti made to the set-up of the EU economic policy, then we will connect the fate of public and private debt and finally we will explain why continuing with austerity will condemn Europe to anemic growth and political irrelevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British born between 1925 and 1934 experienced exceptional improvements in their annual mortality; earning them the title 'the Golden Cohort'. They were the goldilocks generation; almost all too young to fight in WWII, but the right age to benefit from food rationing; too old to be hit by 1980s youth unemployment, and the right age to benefit from increased health and social care spending of the late 1990s and early 2000s. This group has befuddled demographers for many years, and as recently as 2014 it was predicted that their golden luck would continue. However, using the latest data from the Human Mortality Database, we show how the Golden Cohort's luck changed in 2012 when their outstanding health record was reversed, cutting short most of their remarkable lives. This change coincides with the introduction of austerity in 2010, consistent with the evidence on the harms of austerity in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the severity of the European economic crisis, its relation to key aspects of material deprivation remains understudied. In this paper, I use the Statistics on Income and Living Conditions dataset to analyze household food insecurity in austerity-ridden Greece between 2009 and 2014. First, I show that low-income, low-asset and non-EU citizens, as well as households in Athens and island regions, are more likely to experience higher rates of food insecurity. Second, low-income and immigrant households experience disproportionate increases in food insecurity during the crisis; low-income and single-mother households experience higher increases in child food insecurity during the same period. Third, I examine the hypothesis that households turned to the land during the crisis. I show evidence of a negative association between food self-provisioning and food insecurity; however, the share of households that produce food decreases during the crisis, casting doubt on self-provisioning as a widespread coping strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first spatial analysis of racial disparities in the UK welfare sanction regime. As part of their austerity programme, the UK government tightened the conditionality of welfare programmes and intensified the use of financial penalties against welfare claimants who failed to demonstrate compliance with these conditions. Analysing Jobseeker's Allowance (JSA) data from the Department of Work and Pensions (DWP) and the Office for National Statistics between 2012 and 2019 we draw attention to the spatially uneven and highly racialised geography of welfare sanctions in England. Claimants from racially minoritised backgrounds are consistently more likely to be referred for a sanction by Jobcentre caseworkers and receive an adverse decision at the hands of institutional decision‐makers. Within this, however, there are important scalar and spatial differences that warrant critical attention. In rural England, the risk of being sanctioned is substantially higher for all groups, but especially for Mixed heritage and Black/Black British claimants who in some areas are over twice as likely to be sanctioned as their White counterparts. Since ethnicity data have not been published for Universal Credit sanction decisions, the presented evidence offers critical insight into the potential persistence of racial injustice in applying welfare sanctions. We identify 'hotspots' of racism in the sanction regime, most of which are in rural areas, before offering three interpretative frameworks through which spatial and racial disparities might be explained. Any suggestion that such disparities simply derive from the behaviour of DWP staff fails to adequately account for deeply entrenched histories of welfare racism, rural racism and the role of welfare sanctioning in dynamics of racial capitalism: that is, disciplining and impoverishing racialised populations in ways that generate conditions for capital accumulation. By contributing new empirical and theoretical insights to the often neglected study of rural austerity and welfare, the paper calls for scholarship to investigate the variegations of welfare, austerity and racial capitalism in diverse rural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The death of urban entrepreneurialism is proclaimed surprisingly by opposite conceptualisations of austerity urbanism and radical municipalism. This paper argues that rather than seeing them as contrasting types, post-pandemic statecraft reflects the increasing tension and entanglement between capitalistic and territorial logic. From the ground of Chinese urban governance, we illustrate how Chinese statecraft maintains state strategic and extra-economic intention through deploying and mobilising market and society – to create its own agents and to co-opt those that are already existent or emerging. This statecraft is illustrated through community building, urban development, and regional formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to provide new insights into the relationship between fiscal policy and total factor productivity (TFP) while accounting for several economic and econometric issues of the phenomenon like non-stationarity, fiscal feedback effects, persistence in productivity, country heterogeneity and unobserved global shocks and local spillovers affecting heterogeneously the countries in the sample. Design/methodology/approach: The paper is empirical. It builds an Error Correction Model (ECM) specification within a dynamic heterogeneous framework with common correlated effects and models both reverse causality and feedback effects. Findings: The results of this study highlight some new findings relative to the existing related literature. The outcomes suggest some relevant evidence at both the academic and policy levels: (1) the causal effects going from fiscal deficit/surplus to TFP are heterogeneous across countries; (2) the effects depend on the time horizon considered; (3) the long-run dynamics of TFP are positively impacted by improvements in fiscal budget, but only if the austerity measures do not exert slowdowns in aggregate growth. Originality/value: The main originality of this study is methodological, with possible extensions to related phenomena. Relative to the existing literature, the gains of this study rely on the way econometric techniques, recently proposed in the literature, are adapted to the economic relationship of interest. The endogeneity due to the existence of reverse causality is modelled without implying relevant performance losses of the models. Moreover, this is the first article that questions whether the effects of fiscal budget on productivity depend on the impact of the former on aggregate output growth, thus emphasising the importance of the quality of fiscal adjustments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interest in allotments is growing across the country, yet relatively little is known about them. Who are the current plot‐holders; what do they grow and the volumes of crops harvested; what are the wider health and social benefits gained from being a plot‐holder; how are allotments responding to an era of local government austerity?To explore these issues, we undertook a survey of allotment tenants and site secretaries across Birmingham's 113 sites in the most substantial study of plot‐holders undertaken in recent years. This article highlights the key findings and the potential implications for policy makers, local councillors and national politicians. It also indicates the need for similar studies elsewhere in the country to confirm or modify the picture suggested from this initial study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coal mining in the UK, once central to its political economy, has been in terminal decline for decades for both political and more recently environmental reasons. Against the grain of this decline, the proposal of a new metallurgical coal mine near Whitehaven (on the north west coast of England) has caused significant controversy. Those supporting the mines development say it is necessary to 'level up' from the previous decade of austerity, whereas opponents argue that new coal mining would severely undermine the transition to low carbon energy sources. Through a discourse analysis and open-ended interviews, this paper analyses the contestation of the mine through the environmental planning process, identifying how both the discursive contestation and decision-making practices are shaped by political logics (austerity/levelling up) and ecological logics (climate change). The paper finds that, as states turn towards greater levels of public subsidies as a new form of crisis management, the environmental decision-making processes which can determine the shape of investments have been severely undermined through a decade or more of reduced public investment, policy streamlining and a lack of public expertise. The paper argues that even though states may be turning towards policies subsidising energy projects, they are doing so in a context where there is a lack of state capacity due to a 'political ecology of austerity', limiting public capacity to plan for a better future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how four Finnish media outlets, Helsingin Sanomat, YLE, Iltalehti and STT, framed the discussions about austerity policies and their impacts on Finland's national identity from 1998 to 2019. Using historical discourse analysis, the article shows the arc of austerity reporting and how Finland's position and role in the Euro crisis changed during the years. The analysis reveals something about the national self-understanding of Finland, as presented in the media in relation to other European countries. The article addresses three research questions. (1) How did the journalistic treatment of austerity change over time and what were the key turning points? (2) What kinds of perspectives and narratives did journalism construct in the coverage of austerity? (3) How was Finland as a nation represented and compared to other nations in the context of the Euro crisis and austerity? The article shows that the journalistic coverage of austerity evolved from a local issue affecting municipal economies to a global issue linked to the Euro crisis, and that Finland's national identity was constructed through a contrastive comparison with other Northern and Southern European countries. The article contributes to the discussion on media coverage of austerity by providing a longitudinal comparative analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding how charities have survived, and sometimes thrived, in the face of crisis has given rise to an increased interest in the resilience of these organizations. Research on dealing with uncertainty and crisis situations notes the ability to adapt as a critical resilience component (Siders, 2019). However, resilience and adaptive capacity in the charity sector are under‐researched areas. This paper contributes to filling this gap by investigating two midsized Scottish charitable organizations that have weathered two significant crises: austerity as a result of the financial crisis of 2008 and the COVID‐19 pandemic. The study findings enhance resilience research by shedding light on the processes, actions and collaborations that facilitate resilience, and the importance of adaptive capacity in response to crisis. Two distinct approaches to resilience were identified: (1) a strategic approach to resilience, where the charity thrived in the face of crisis and demonstrated high levels of adaptive capacity, and (2) a pragmatic approach, where resilience equated to survival, adaptive capacity was low and, as a result, growth was limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decline of the power of organised labour, which is a central feature of neoliberalism, was compounded during the 'age of austerity'. Yet, the potentially disruptive agency of workers remains. This article presents a qualitative process-tracing exercise for over 150 prominent episodes of worker-led dissent in the period 2010–2019 in the UK, the results of which are also made available in a website accompanying the article: ' Contesting the UK's neoliberal model of capitalism: worker-led dissent (2010–2019). The article identifies seven configurations of causal conditions that proved sufficient for workers to successfully pursue their stated aims during this period. While 'standard' national disputes led by mainstream trade unions were on the whole not sufficient to achieve success during this period, nevertheless a number of alternative combinations of conditions did prove to be sufficient, especially locally-focused campaigns, those undertaken by grassroots 'indie' unions and those in the transport sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores water politics, neoliberal austerity measures, and racial capitalism in contemporary Detroit. I detail how a city campaign of mass residential water shutoffs, begun in 2014 and effecting tens of thousands of Detroit households, has served as a weapon against poor communities of color to produce economic outcomes favorable to corporate creditors and political elites. I argue that an analysis of water politics in contemporary Detroit allows for a more nuanced understanding of how neoliberal urbanism produces its own distinctive structures of racial and gendered oppression—not class domination alone. Drawing on fieldwork with city activists and other residents impacted by water terminations, this article analyzes how capitalism has relied on race to validate myriad expressions of violence, capital accumulation, and dispossession. I submit that water is a resource whose provision and denial provides a lens through which to ascertain who is and is not regarded as fully human in the context of the neoliberalization of racial capitalism. This piece also details innovative ways in which water rights activists and other Detroit residents have resisted authoritarian water policies and crafted survival strategies to persevere in the face of abiding threats to their health and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising levels of hardship since the introduction of austerity have rendered essential items unaffordable for many on low incomes with young children. Baby Banks—organisations freely providing essential items and equipment to those with, or expecting, a baby or young infant—have grown. These organisations have received little academic attention and much of what is known about them comes from news media coverage. News media plays a critical role in raising public awareness, shaping public attitudes, and influencing policy formation. Drawing on 384 news articles, this paper explores the scale and nature of news article coverage of Baby Banks between 2009 and 2022 using sentiment analysis and topic modelling. Through employing these approaches, our research adds quantitative evidence to extant work on news media coverage under austerity. Our results show that the number of articles written about Baby Banks has grown since 2009, with peaks in coverage during the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2020, potentially reflecting the growing need for these organisations. While sentiment towards Baby Banks within news articles has predominantly been positive, since 2019 there has been a rise in negative coverage due to an increase in articles critical of the growing number of people requiring Baby Banks. Alongside discussions of political changes driving rising hardship, prominent underpinning narratives in articles have included charitable appeals for donations, praise for community work, the royal family, and mothers. By focusing on the sentiment and key discussions around Baby Banks, our research extends understandings of media coverage under austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community organizing can play a critical role as a grassroots form of democratic activism which challenges austerity politics sweeping the globe. What is required is not only a democratization of the state through counter-hegemonic political victories, but in the US as well as the UK politicized social movements and grassroots community organizing tied to progressive and radical praxis. The Community Organisers Programme (COP) in England, which trained and hired more than 500 community organizers between 2011 and 2015, can serve as a contradictory example of manipulating the austerity state to include funding community organizing. Without connection to political victories and effective grassroots organizing, the COP remained, like the most prevalent types of training in the US in and outside of social work, a moderated form of democratization and an extension of the neoliberal austerity state, intentionally or not. The voices heard here working in the field demanded a more politicized form of training. This contribution emphasizes voices from the field regarding three aspects: the limited and problematic training content in the COP, the moderated community organizing education which fit with contemporary trends in community organizing in the US, and the surprising political sophistication of those interviewed who understood the highly critical need of more effective training to help address our extraordinary contemporary challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has highlighted the connection between commoning processes and the creation of new infrastructures of care in the areas of Southern Europe which were most affected by austerity policies and by the connected crisis of social reproduction. The objective of this paper is to shed new light on the caring practices organised through and within urban commons by using the theoretical lenses provided by Subaltern Studies, which also explored processes of collective self-organisation, the development of solidarity ties and reclamation of social welfare. The main theoretical reference is provided by the work of Partha Chatterjee on 'The politics of the governed'. The discussion is conducted through the analysis of the caring practices organised within the Scugnizzo Liberato, one of the urban commons of the city of Naples, located in Southern Italy, investigated through a prolonged process of co-research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Francisco Dornelles' term at the Ministry of Finance in 1985. In addition to filling the existing gap in historiography, it reconstructs the thinking and economic actions of Dornelles and Tancredo Neves. Both were conservatives, endorsing a "monetarist" diagnosis of the Brazilian crisis. This conservatism translated into a relative continuation of the austerity policy implemented by Delfim Netto. It is argued that Dornelles' departure from the Ministry of Finance marks an important turning point in Brazil's economic history. FGV-RJ and the "delfinist" faction of FEA-USP lose their hegemony over economic policy, creating space for other schools, such as Unicamp and PUC-Rio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's asylum and social welfare systems have both been transformed by major organisational changes, funding cuts, and privatisations through a decade of austerity. With this, asylum‐seeker accommodation and the impacts of welfare reform have become increasingly concentrated in already‐impoverished, peripheral urban areas such as Rochdale, Greater Manchester. Despite these parallels, scholarship and commentary in the UK has tended to consider welfare and border regimes in relative isolation. Based on ethnographic work conducted in two charity drop‐centres in the town, this article addresses this gap by exploring how the UK's converging politics and geographies of asylum and welfare governance shape everyday negotiations of deservingness and social in/exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst there are many advocates of the notion that a fluid school-neighborhood relationship can improve education, there are gaps in the conceptual and empirical study of school and community governance models. This article analyses how two schools and social actors in two disadvantaged neighborhoods relate, collaborate, and organize to encourage school success for all students. The results make visible the origin and organizational dynamics of the school-community alliances in each community. Partnerships, based on a bottom-linked governance system at the school and community level, are a strategic approach for working together in developing a citizenry that can address both present and future challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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There is a strong resonance between events of the inter-war years and today. These include a questioning of laissez-faire capitalism and austerity, and the rise of so-called 'populist' parties on both the left and right. Clara Mattei's (2022) The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism thus makes an interesting contribution, by locating the key argument of her book in the febrile period of European history between the wars. According to Mattei, the First World War disrupted the pre-war capitalist system to such an extent that it created a crisis of capitalism, itself. As a result, following the end of hostilities, there was a conscious effort to restore the pre-war 'capital order' by means of a technocratic 'austerity strategy', and this was strongly linked to the rise of fascism. We argue that the inter-relationship between capitalism, austerity, and fascism during the 1920s and 1930s was rather more complex, and that to make sense of this, it is necessary to broaden the focus beyond Italy and Great Britain and the international financial conferences at Brussels (1920) and Genoa (1922). Otherwise, we risk misunderstanding and mis-diagnosing our own times, as those inter-war politicians, financiers, and economists discovered to their cost. We therefore also include Germany and the USA and base our analysis on the events of the entire inter-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the conventional but unproven wisdom that voters penalize governments for adopting fiscal austerity in a sample of advanced economies. We consider the composition of the austerity package and the economic manifesto of the implementing government, and find that austerity packages consisting mostly of tax hikes have a significant electoral cost, which is larger for government parties that campaigned on a free‐market manifesto. Conversely, expenditure‐based austerity is costlier for government parties that did not run on a small‐government platform, but may be beneficial for those that did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of "left behind places" and the need for policies to address regional inequalities and promote economic growth. It discusses the challenges faced by these places and the impact of global shocks like the financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The article examines the policies implemented in the UK, the USA, and the European Union to reduce regional disparities, highlighting varying degrees of success and the need for more comprehensive approaches. It emphasizes the importance of place-based policies, economic security, reduced inequality, and a democracy that works for everyone. The article concludes by discussing the need for customized policy interventions that consider local needs and focus on social and environmental aspects of regional decline. [Extracted from the article]

This article concentrates on the funding of green transition policies implemented in France during the 2010s. Instead of examining the emerging European Investor State through its "new" public investment policies, such as loans, equity, investment banks, and funds, this article examines the transformations of "older" public investment policies, specifically investment subsidies. We contend that the European Investor State is currently marked by a paradox: while public resources for investment, particularly for green transition investments, are increasing, the means to distribute these resources are diminishing. Austerity measures and new public management policies are undermining territorial administrations, thereby limiting their ability to accurately identify and support beneficiaries. This bureaucratic weakness within the European Investor State significantly affects the effective distribution of subsidies, because they tend to be increasingly concentrated among larger communities and companies, as well as a broad spectrum of private intermediaries. Consequently, the European Investor State appears multifaceted and occasionally contradictory, lacking long-term continuity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the paradoxical nature of post-2008 fiscal policies, where there is a simultaneous emphasis on valuing public investment on the one hand, and maintaining austerity on the other. It sheds light on this paradox through the concept of "Investor State," which refers to contemporary states' ambition to redefine their role in the economy by no longer limiting themselves to a regulatory role but rather seeking an active role as "investor." We argue that this redefinition of the state's role is of piece with the elevation of investment as a new standard for legitimizing state actions. On the flipside, by making investment the main criteria of public policy legitimacy, it simultaneously delegitimizes spending that is not deemed an investment. Because the adopted economic definition of investment is limited to traditional "productive investment" related to industrial policy, other policy sectors—that is the majority of state intervention—are subject to spending cuts. Thus the Investor State suggests an evolution of the fiscal order that Streeck described as the "consolidation state": the primary goal is no longer to reduce public debt and deficits. But the neoliberal objective to reduce the "size" of the public sector in the economy absolutely remains. Drawing on the case of France, the article shows how the right-wing government started placing investment at the core of its fiscal policy after 2008. The article then highlights the continuation of this dual fiscal policy discourse to date despite changes in government leadership and the pandemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text explores the history and development of feminist movements in Argentina. It highlights the solidarity and mutual support among different groups of women, such as the piqueteras (women involved in protests and blockades) and the Mothers and Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo. The text also discusses the emergence of the Ni Una Menos movement, which aims to combat violence against women, and the fight for the legalization of abortion. It emphasizes the diverse and inclusive nature of these movements, which have brought together feminists, travesti and trans groups, and movements for sexual diversity. The text concludes by acknowledging the ongoing struggle for women's rights in the face of new political challenges. [Extracted from the article]