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East Asia’s Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) came into force in 2022 as the world’s largest free trade agreement. RCEP was concluded, signed and brought into force in the face of major international uncertainty and is a significant boost to the global trading system. RCEP brings Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand into the same agreement with the ten member ASEAN group at its centre. It keeps markets open and updates trade and investment rules in East Asia, a major centre of global economic activity, at a time of rising protectionism when the WTO itself is under threat. The agreement builds on ASEAN’s free trade agreements and strengthens ASEAN centrality. One of the pillars of RCEP is an economic cooperation agenda which has its antecedents in ASEAN’s approach to bringing along its least developed members and builds on the experience of capacity building in APEC and technical cooperation under the ASEAN Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. There is an opportunity to create a framework that facilitates deeper economic cooperation that involves experience-sharing, extending RCEP’s rules and membership at the same time as strengthening political cooperation. The paper suggests some areas that might be best suited to cooperation — that is confidence and trust building instead of or before negotiation — and discusses how non-members may be engaged and the membership expanded. Options such as multilateralising provisions and becoming a platform for policy convergence and coordinating unilateral reforms are canvassed.

Covering major Asian economic blocs and dialogues, this study comprehensively reviews the progress of "Asian" economic integration. The empirical results show that comprehensive, continent-wide economic integration in Asia is unlikely to happen soon since integration has been mainly confined to East and Southeast Asia, while other regions are much less integrated and globalised. However, the achievement of gradual integration would mutually benefit all members through capacity building, technological development, labour supply enlargement, and market expansion. With the forthcoming success of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' single market and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, this study also argues that the attributes proposed in the previous literature, e.g. historical reconciliation, common institution, and economic, politic, and social heterogeneity are irrelevant in the context of Asian economic integration. Instead, the scope, depth, and sequencing of the integration process, coupled with supporting geopolitical factors, largely explain the success of the Asia model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asia's Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) came into force in 2022 as the world's largest free trade agreement. RCEP was concluded, signed and brought into force in the face of major international uncertainty and is a significant boost to the global trading system. RCEP brings Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand into the same agreement with the ten member ASEAN group at its centre. It keeps markets open and updates trade and investment rules in East Asia, a major centre of global economic activity, at a time of rising protectionism when the WTO itself is under threat. The agreement builds on ASEAN's free trade agreements and strengthens ASEAN centrality. One of the pillars of RCEP is an economic cooperation agenda which has its antecedents in ASEAN's approach to bringing along its least developed members and builds on the experience of capacity building in APEC and technical cooperation under the ASEAN Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. There is an opportunity to create a framework that facilitates deeper economic cooperation that involves experience-sharing, extending RCEP's rules and membership at the same time as strengthening political cooperation. The paper suggests some areas that might be best suited to cooperation -- that is confidence and trust building instead of or before negotiation -- and discusses how non-members may be engaged and the membership expanded. Options such as multilateralising provisions and becoming a platform for policy convergence and coordinating unilateral reforms are canvassed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study develops a quadratic relationship between education and income inequality among Asian developing economies for the period from 1960 to 2015. Panel cointegration and fully modified OLS is applied for the estimation of long‐run coefficients. The results show that initial, primary, secondary, and tertiary enrollment increases inequality. However, the effect of education on income inequality becomes negative after a certain threshold level (i.e., 97.5% for primary, 43.5% for secondary, and 11% for tertiary). Thus, this result proves the Kuznets phenomenon of an inverted U‐shape relationship for primary, secondary, and tertiary enrollments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a controversial addition to both the global and Asian economic architectures. Western critics have alleged it is a vehicle designed to achieve China's geostrategic goals, while scholars have argued it marks China's adoption of a 'revisionist' foreign policy strategy. This article argues that such interpretations are incorrect, as they fail to account for the evolution of China's AIIB agenda. To secure a broad membership and international legitimacy for the AIIB, China compromised with partners during governance negotiations in 2015. Western country demands saw several controversial initial proposals dropped, the governance practices of existing multilateral development banks were adopted, and cooperative partnerships were developed with the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. This transition from a revisionist to status-seeking AIIB agenda reveals the flexibility of Chinese economic statecraft, and its willingness to compromise strategic goals to boost the legitimacy of its international leadership claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gradual shift of economic power towards Asia and in particular towards China is explored in this article using Immanuel Wallerstein's and Fernand Braudel's models of "world-economy" and of "historical capitalism ". Although some raw macro-economic data would suggest that economic power seems to have been gradually and inexorably shifting away from the Western economies and towards China, a more subtle analysis shows that a number of other factors, such as the difficulty to deal with the limits to growth in China as well as its limited institutional capacity seem to undermine the challenge to the current status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically examines the impact of economic integration on economic growth within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) from 1995-2015. A composite index was developed to measure the degree of ASEAN economic integration, based on the single market, economic homogeneity, and economic symmetry. According to the results, Singapore, Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, and Laos have a high degree of economic integration. The Philippines is consistently below the average degree of economic integration in this region as are Thailand, Indonesia, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Vietnam. Our results are consistent with the literature where economic integration has a positive impact on economic growth especially for Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. The results also suggest that changes in the degree of ASEAN economic integration make a greater contribution to economic growth than that of ASEAN economic integration degree. Finally, the paper suggests that policymakers take into account the activities of continuous economic integration. Policy formulation should involve the continuation of the ASEAN economic integration agreement and the implementation of agreements must be adopted in accordance with the development level of member countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-Indian relations, which have long been fraught, took an especially adverse turn this summer with a military-to-military confrontation on the Doklam Plateau near the India-Bhutan-Tibet trijunction. After several weeks, Indian and Chinese forces withdrew from the region. However, neither side resiled from their respective territorial claims. This episode exemplified the troubles that have come to characterize the Sino-Indian relationship, especially since Prime Minister Modi assumed office in 2014. His regime, which is more nationalistic and reposes greater faith in the utility of force in international politics, had initially sought to diplomatically court the PRC in the hopes of improving their bilateral relationship. However, these efforts did not prove successful. Instead, the People's Liberation Army, as in the past, continued to undertake limited probes along the Himalayan border, while the PRC continued to make diplomatic, commercial, and strategic inroads into India's neighbours, trying to reduce India's influence in those countries. The Modi regime, in turn, sought to counter these initiatives through various efforts of its own in the neighbourhood. Beyond South Asia, India has also sought to enhance its ties with Australia, Japan, the United States, and Vietnam in an attempt to hedge against the PRC's growing economic and military assertiveness in Asia. These endeavours, however, have elicited hostile reactions from Beijing, which sees New Delhi as the only significant potential hurdle to the expansion of its influence in Asia. Despite Beijing's adverse reactions it is unlikely that the current regime in New Delhi will scale back its efforts to cope with what it deems to be significant threats emanating from its behemoth northern neighbour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article examines the interactions of power politics and international economic law in the development of regionalism in Asia, particularly in the context of United States-China trade relations. It argues that the process of regional economic integration in Asia has been slow-moving because of the politicization of regionalism by power rivalries. China's initial regional integration initiatives apparently ignored the United States, a superpower which has always been a major player in Asia and an indispensable part of the region's economic process. The United States-led Trans-Pacific Partnership was allegedly designed to exclude China, Asia's largest economy. On the other hand, the Trans-Pacific Partnership also spurred the effects of competitive liberalization, pushing China to deepen its economic reform domestically and engage its trading partners on friendlier terms at regional and international levels. The demise of the Trans-Pacific Partnership does not amount to the death of its cutting-edge rules. Those rules have laid a solid foundation for developing high-standard template agreements for Free Trade Agreements of the next generation, and many of them are likely to be incorporated into an upgraded multilateral trading system. United States' withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership offers a golden opportunity for Asian countries to establish a real Pan-Asia free trade area through the negotiations for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, but in the long run, regional integration in Asia should look beyond Asia and include the economies of the American side of the Pacific for both economic and strategic reasons. The Article concludes with a few suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines internal labour migration in Thailand to study the stress level of workers who have to care of and look after their ageing parents. A cross-sectional survey was administered to 300 Thai migrant labourers who continuously have to attend to their ageing parents. Thai Job Content Questionnaire (Thai-JCQ) was used to gather information on job stress level using the Job Demand Control (JDC) model developed by Karasek. Findings show that distance, wages, and working conditions have a direct effect on job stress. Wages had the most direct relationship with job stress with a standardised regression weight of 0.400 (p-value<0.01). In conclusion, distance, wages, and working conditions, each directly impacts job stress. However, caring for ageing parents is a mediator and a moderator of job stress levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the findings of a research study investigating the barriers to Research and Innovation (R&I) in Disaster Resilience (DR) in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in Asia. The scope of the study is limited to three Asian countries, i.e. Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Thailand, due to their role in the international collaboration entitled ASCENT (Advancing Skills Creation to Enhance Transformation), which contributes to the development of research capacity building in disaster resilience ensuring sustainable and inclusive socio-economic growth in these Partner Country HEIs. Responses received from 213 semi-structured interviews and 530 survey questionnaires are used to examine and prioritize the aforementioned barriers in R&I in HEIs in Asia. Findings reveal, amongst others, that there is a crucial need for R&I skills enhancement through implementation of clear and adequate policies. Having a strong policy support, in turn, could play an important role in providing incentives to staff (academic and research staff), increasing awareness on R&I initiatives, and motivation to carry out R&I activities. Lack of training and development on R&I was surprisingly one of the lowest ranked barriers from the survey analysis, although it was the most frequently mentioned barrier during the interviews. Although this is a mixed result, training and development should be considered a priority for promoting and improving R&I in HEIs as such initiatives could help overcome many other barriers such as lack of staff R&I skills, motivation, awareness, and lack of research related performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 2008 global economic crisis, there has been an attention on decoupling conditions between emerging and advanced economies in the economic literature. There have been different conclusions about decoupling. In this study, we analyzed the conditions decoupling China and India from the United States. We used the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach for the period of 1960-2014. According to the results of the analysis, the U.S. gross domestic product (GDP), export, and import indicators have no long-term relationship with China's and India's GDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Launched as a political bloc and security pact in the aftermath of the Viet Nam War, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has evolved to embrace an ambitious economic agenda. Its latest project was the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) on 31 December 2015. Fulfilling these commitments would promote predictability in ASEAN, as well as strengthen its credibility. But to what extent has ASEAN met this deadline? The blueprint for achieving the goal envisages the AEC standing on four pillars and meeting the deadline depends on progress on each of them. Each pillar presents a demanding set of challenges to be met before the AEC can be fully realized. We find that although ASEAN has come a long way toward realizing its goal, considerable challenges remain. Accommodating AEC accords will not be easy when they require changes to domestic laws or even the national constitution. The flexibility that characterizes ASEAN cooperation, the celebrated 'ASEAN way', may hand member states a convenient pretext for non-compliance. How to enforce the accords remains an issue. If the AEC is to be more than a display of political solidarity, ASEAN must find a way to give the commitments more teeth. The real test for the community, therefore, will lie in the years ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the long-term challenges for economic integration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). The region has emerged as an important production base for global multinational corporations by joining East Asia's supply chains. While proceeding to establish the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by the end of 2015, ASEAN has also forged five major free trade agreements (FTAs) with its dialogue partners (China, India, Japan, Republic of Korea, and Australia-New Zealand) and is currently negotiating the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. In addition, four ASEAN member states have completed Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. Econometric evidence suggests that (i) trade flows and inward FDI mutually reinforce each other, i.e., an increase in trade flows stimulates inward FDI and vice versa; (ii) a larger market tends to attract more inward FDI; (iii) FTAs tend to help stimulate inward FDI; and (iv) strong institutions, good physical infrastructure, and low costs of doing business are critical in boosting inward FDI. The paper suggests that in the long run it is ASEAN's interest to further integrate itself with the rest of Asia and the world (through a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific and an Asia-Europe FTA), while substantially deepening its internal integration (by moving from the AEC to a customs and economic union) and thereby maintaining ASEAN centrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the extent and nature of Indonesia’s SMEs’ participation in ASEAN economic integration based on a survey of 200 SMEs in the manufacturing sector. The survey shows that 79 percent of respondents demonstrated awareness of the AEC. However, only 18 percent of them were aware of the ASEAN Blueprint for SMEs. We found that 39 percent of respondents think the AEC will increase domestic sales and the other 15 percent believed it will decrease them. In terms of exports, 39 percent of respondents expected their exports to increase in contrast to the 3 percent who believed it they will decrease. Concerning their profits, 45 percent of the respondents felt optimistic that their profits will increase, in contrast to the 13 percent who felt they will decline. A large proportion of respondents were of the opinion that the AEC will affect them through: lower import duties (42 percent of respondents); lower export tariffs (47 percent of respondents); better custom procedures (42 percent of respondents); better standard regulations (49.5 percent of respondents); and improved recognition of professional qualifications (46 percent of respondents). Our survey found a larger percentage of firms that did not utilize FTA forms (63 percent) even though they were actively exporting, predominantly because of the lack of knowledge regarding their use. The Probit model showed a significant correlation between FTA use and export activities. There is also a significant positive relationship between FTA use and the probability of import. Furthermore, larger firms are more likely to utilize FTA forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the extent and nature of Philippine SME participation in ASEAN economic integration. Based on a survey of 205 establishments, the results indicate that out of 205 firms, 41 percent are FTA users, of which 48 (or 40 percent) are SMEs while 33 (44 percent) are large enterprises. The survey shows that although most firms are aware of the AEC (ASEAN Economic Community), they still have limited knowledge about the more specific impact of AEC on their business operations. About 62 percent of SMEs are unaware of how the AEC would affect their business operations. Regarding the perceived effects of FTAs on SMEs, 53 percent of the respondents indicated that they do not know, have no opinion or have no response. The major reason cited by firms for not using FTAs is they do not know how to use them. The regression analysis on the determinants of FTA use shows that the coefficients on firm size, age, exporting, foreign ownership, engaging in innovation, membership in industry association, and awareness of the AEC are all positive and significant. In terms of government support and assistance, the survey results indicate that only a small proportion of the respondent firms are being reached by existing government programmes. The results reaffirm the need for more substantial awareness programmes especially on how to use FTAs and how firms can take advantage of the opportunities arising from AEC integration and other FTAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations declared the establishment of an ASEAN Community. The teaching of regional history is seen as indispensable to the attainment of this goal. Eight country reports commissioned by UNESCO Bangkok in 2013 serve as the basis of an inquiry into history education and the teaching of Southeast Asian history in primary and secondary schools. State control cf education has produced school systems that, despite their potential, hamper the imagining of a regional community. Under state directives, schools prioritize political socialization into the nation-state and sacrifice shared regional history in favour of national history. Yet promoting interest in national and Southeast Asian histories is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares patterns of outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) for Japan and China over similar periods of their integration into the global economy. From a statistical perspective, China's recent pattern of OFDI flows (2004-2010) differs from Japan's OFDI flows during a similar period of growth and emergence onto the world scene (1976- 1982). While acknowledging that the world economy is a much different place today than it was in 1982, we nevertheless argue that these differences in OFDI flows constitute an important component in any understanding of the nature of development followed by these two important Asian economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SEATIDE brought together fifty researchers from nine European and Southeast Asian institutions to research national and regional integration in Southeast Asia. Its conclusions examine the impact of the region’s past on its present, including the colonial and Cold War periods, and the persistence of pre-colonial principalities as cultural regions. Nation-building is analysed in the light of assimilation policies, while borders, transnationalism and connectivity are the focus of discussion of regional integration. Other themes include mobility, gender and work; development models and the environment; state centrality, human security and the “ASEAN integration conundrum”; and an “integration/exclusion nexus” showing that integration involves exclusions by its very nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades East Asia has become the center of global economic dynamism. Despite this, the region is home to a significant number of unresolved territorial disputes that threaten to undermine peace and stability. This article aims to synthesize the concepts of role-power gaps from Power Cycle Theory (PCT) and patterns of amity and enmity from Regional Security Complex Theory in an effort to increase their respective ability to determine the likelihood of peaceful transitions and stable relations in the region. The first section presents the main principles of PCT and how amenable the theory is to a synthesis with Regional Security Complex Theory. The second section assesses critical points in which the United States, Japan, China, and South Korea find themselves and how these can influence policymaking. The third section provides a brief overview of patterns of amity and enmity that characterize the relationship between these states. The fourth section synthesizes the critical points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional economic integration through highways, railways, pipelines and ports (dry and sea) leads towards interdependence which in turn develops stakes for regional states in each other stability and ultimately the goals of development, peace and prosperity are achieved. This particular paper aims to discuss the prospective role of CPEC in regional and intra-regional integration and its potential to positively influence the regional peace and prosperity. The focus is on the pattern of integration's structure which the CPEC offers and which has not been adequately analyzed in the literature so far. The paper argues that CPEC offers an open model of regional integration, increases regional security through interdependence and facilitates regional and global trade in contrast to close and tight regionalism where protectionist measures are adopted for non-member or non-regional states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of 2015 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had ushered in a common market, the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). However, the groups most affected by it – small businesses – were bypassed in the decision-making process. They are the victims of a selectively inclusive state corporatism which member countries have transferred from their domestic political system to the regional level. In this article I argue that the decision to create the AEC was promoted by ASEAN governments together with foreign economic and local corporate interests. This coalition was able to frame the AEC in a way that small businesses perceived it as a win-win scheme. Empirically the article focuses on Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes detailed differences in patterns of financial development across the major Asian economies, including three of the region's largest economies (China, Japan and South Korea), to understand how these differences might affect possibilities for greater regional financial integration. In particular, the paper argues that heterogeneous patterns of financial development, and not just differences in levels of financial development, may present an economic challenge to regional financial integration efforts, aside from possible political challenges. The paper provides background on the case for financial openness, Asian experiences with financial integration, and regional economic responses to external shocks. It also discusses policy options, including regulatory reform and coordination, and possible risk management policies and institutions, in the context of heterogeneous patterns of financial development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Domestic terrorism, as a form of intrastate violence, has varied widely in South Asia along with the post-Cold War period of global economic integration and political openness. How are these two phenomena—economic integration and emergence of democracies—related to domestic terrorism in South Asia? I argue that resorting to terrorism is a rational choice when individuals'/groups' cost of heterogeneity—deprivation from public goods due to geographical and ideological distance—increases; opportunity is provided by democratization and integration into the global economy. The testable hypotheses derived from the theory are empirically tested on a dataset of five South Asian countries for the time period between 1990 and 2007. The results show that both minority discrimination and presence of unconsolidated democratic institutions increase terrorism in the highly heterogeneous South Asian countries. International trade in the presence of minority discrimination increases homegrown terrorism, but foreign direct investment neither increases nor decreases such incidents. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Asian region is considered as the most thriving region in terms of economic integration at present. Given the fact that most of the Asian countries’ commodity trade relies on maritime transport, its economic integration is expected to affect the shipping activities and consequently maritime CO 2 emissions. This study develops a novel and systematic analysis on the key driving factors through which trade liberalization can influence maritime CO 2 emissions. Our simulation results suggest that, depending on the level of Asian integration, global CO 2 emissions may slightly fall (ASEAN+3 FTA) or even rise (ASEAN+6 FTA). The reason for the latter is that the “trade scale effect” (higher emissions due to a significant increase in trade among participating countries) outweighs the “trade structure effect” and “shipment type effect” (lower emissions as a result of an increase in intra-Asia trade and a change in commodity composition). Finally, all countries involved in the Asian integration, except Japan, will experience an increase in maritime CO 2 emissions. In particular, a relatively significant increase in the maritime CO 2 emissions occurs in the developing Asian countries owing to substantial trade scale effect after removing their relatively high trade barriers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies challenges to cross-border cooperation in Asia in the area of bank resolution and potential measures to enhance cooperation. In line with the consensus-based approach that is common in Asia, these measures include strengthening regulatory harmonisation and promoting convergence in supervisory practices through the use of non-binding guidelines. Drawing on the experience in the EU and the Trans-Tasman cooperation between Australia and New Zealand, the paper proposes that convergence-promoting functions be incorporated within existing institutions and considers the use of resolution colleges. In addition, acknowledging the preference in Asia for bilateral arrangements over multilateral arrangements, the paper suggests ways in which informationsharing and recognition of foreign resolution action can be enhanced and draws on the experience of Singapore for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the text of the speech delivered by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang at the China-Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on November 21, 2015. Topics covered included the support for the integration and community-building efforts of ASEAN, strengthening political mutual trust, and deepening the practical cooperation in business and culture.

This study focuses on the level of market integration between ASEAN-5 stock markets with the world market. Kalman Filter methodology is used on the International CAPM and we postulates the pricing errors estimated within the framework of International CAPM as a measure of market integration. The result shows that Singapore is highly integrated while the Philippines is fairly integrated with the world throughout the sample period. Meanwhile, Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia demonstrate fluctuations in the level of integration. This study reveals that the current global crisis has less impact on the level of integration than that in 97/98 Asian financial crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a computable general equilibrium model, this paper estimates the potential gains from deepening integration across South Asia and Southeast Asia. If the two regions succeed in dropping inter-regional tariffs, reducing non-tariff barriers by 50 percent, and decreasing inter-regional trade costs by 15 percent-which the paper suggests are ambitious but nevertheless attainable-welfare in South Asia and Southeast Asia would rise by 8.9 percent and 6.4 percent of GDP, respectively, by 2030. Hence, we conclude that deepening South Asian regional cooperation together with building links to Southeast Asia would pay off rich dividends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For several years now, China has implemented policies to promote the international use of its national currency, the Renminbi ( RMB). As part of these efforts, the People's Bank of China ( PBC) has negotiated 25 bilateral currency swap agreements ( BSAs) with foreign central banks. These make it easier for firms in both China and its partner countries to settle cross-border trade and direct investment in RMB. We seek to explain why China and these countries cooperate via BSAs. We theorize that trade and direct investment interdependence relate to dyadic BSA cooperation via two mechanisms: financing insulation from international liquidity shocks and reduced transaction costs of cross-border exchange for local firms. Additionally, we expect the presence of preferential trade agreements ( PTAs) and bilateral investment treaties ( BITs) will increase the probability of dyadic BSA cooperation. BSAs are natural extensions of these existing agreements. They represent an additional layer of state-level formal cooperation that further reduces barriers to cross-border trade and direct investment. Our empirical analysis finds that both de facto trade interdependence and de jure economic integration via PTAs and BITs increase the probability of BSA cooperation between China and partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the debate on globalization and the great divergence with a comprehensive analysis of the integration of Asia in the world market from 1800 to the eve of World War II. We examine the patterns of convergence in prices for a wide range of commodities between Europe and the main Asian countries (India, Indonesia, Japan and China) and we compare them with convergence between Europe and the East Coast of the United States, hitherto the yardstick for the 19th century. Most price convergence occurred before 1870, mainly as a consequence of the abolition of the European trading monopolies with Asia, and, to a lesser extent, the repeal of duties on Atlantic trade. After 1870, price differentials continued to decline thanks to falling freights and to better communication after the lay-out of telegraph cables. There was only little disintegration in the inter-war years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The palm oil industry exemplifies the ‘regionalisation without regionalism’ pattern seen in other industries in Asia: extensive, regionally concentrated transnational economic integration accompanied by a low level of formal regional institution-building. Production is concentrated in Malaysia and Indonesia, and Asian countries account for a major share of the market for intermediate products. The ownership structure of palm oil production reflects the dominance of transnational Malaysian and Singaporean firms. There is no authoritative regional institution governing production, investment standards or labour in the industry. A patchwork of both enabling and regulatory governance institutions supports the industry. These are formal and informal, public and private, and are situated at multiple levels: within, below and across the nation state. Although the governance structure surrounding the palm oil industry has supported it well in terms of production volumes and profits, large externalities—environmental and social costs—persist. This article argues that the governance failures associated with the industry stem from different stakeholders' competing interests in contexts of highly unequal wealth and power distribution. Misgovernance is not an unintended consequence of institutions failing to keep up with markets in scale and scope, but is embedded in the multilevel governance regime that supports, and partially regulates, the industry. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an analysis of the New Silk Road initiative of the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama, which promotes the economic integration of South and Central Asia. The aims and objectives of the initiative are discussed, which is centered on integrating Afghanistan into neighboring regions by renewing traditional trading routes and reconstructing infrastructure. The implications of the initiative and the need of the Obama administration to renew it are discussed.

The present article aims at conducting an analysis regarding the constituent aspects of the process of regional integration in Asia from the late 1960. This means that any economic integration in today's world is a slow, gradual, that is underway and that the integration of the economies in a particular region if shows how daughter of globalization, a fact which generates reflection in international relations of the countries of the Asian continent. Seeks to further conceptualize the various types of regionalism, identifying the regionalism in the Asian continent. To this end, use is made of a bibliographical methodology, focused on Asian studies, economics and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recognition of the paucity of compelling theories of Asian integration, this article focuses on ASEAN and revisits the two major theories of European integration (i.e. neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism) in order to assess their relevance for ASEAN integration. The main research finding is that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism do offer important insights for developing a compelling theory of ASEAN integration. This finding suggests that scholars of ASEAN integration should be more open to the experience of European integration and consider how to take advantage of the insights of neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for the theory-building of ASEAN integration, instead of discarding them as completely irrelevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on stakeholder management theory, this article examines the salience of Asian stakes in three key areas of Arctic governance: management and use of natural resources; shipping; and environmental protection. The Asian states that are now permanent observers in the Arctic Council have significant stakes in Arctic governance, but their salience varies considerably across these issue areas. Viewing stakeholder patterns in relation to the differentiated roles that the Arctic Council plays in Arctic governance makes it possible to derive some policy implications regarding the depth of Asian state involvement in that body. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For almost a decade, Beijing has pursued a "soft" approach toward Taiwan, cultivating economic ties and political exchanges in its pursuit of reunification. Following the end of President Chen Shui-bian's term in office, which was marked by constant tensions and several crises with China, Beijing has colluded with his successor, Ma Ying-jeou to pursue a policy of economic integration with the mainland. Beijing's strategy toward Taiwan under Chairman Xi Jinping and his predecessor Hu Jintao has yielded positive results. The approach not only avoids possible military conflict with the United States, but receives support from Washington. Beijing's economic means, such as the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), have enhanced Taiwan's economic integration with China and greatly increased the PRC's control over Taiwan's economy and society, helping to lock Taiwan into the mainland's orbit. Likewise, Beijing has developed tools that allow it to intervene directly in Taiwanese domestic politics. However, efforts to use ties with President Ma to bring Taiwan farther into the PRC orbit have backfired, resulting in a weakened presidency that cannot deliver Beijing's goals. Thus, Beijing appears to be looking ahead to the next two elections, trying to make as much progress as possible before Ma leaves office, while simultaneously trying to establish ties with possible successors and the opposition DPP. In 2012. Beijing's intervention assisted the reelection of President Ma. It is sure to try again in Taipei's mayoral election in 2014 and the presidential/parliamentary elections in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regionalisation and integration processes are an integral part of the process of globalisation in the early 21st Century. Of particular relevance this issue is in the region of Central Asia, which emerged after the disintegration of the USSR. Faced with a variety of common problems in the process of co-existence for over 20 years, the countries of the region have not yet found effective ways to address it and have not developed the mechanisms of integration. Migration processes in the region, along with security issues, environmental and energy problems are an important component of the sustainable development of the countries in question. These processes have a significant impact on the socio-economic, political and demographic landscape of the region and cause the need to develop new approaches, based on cooperation and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economically, Northeast Asia is the most dynamic place in the world, but the security situation in the region is dire and precarious. Even though cooperation and rivalry have long coexisted there, recently the latter has been overshadowing the former as three sets of rivalries have come to haunt this region collectively. In addition to the decades-old inter-Korean rivalry, the old Sino-Japanese rivalry has been revived, and the rivalry between China and the U.S., a perennial phenomenon, has also come to take center stage in Northeast Asia. Although the three sets of rivalries have their own unique causes and ramifications, they have close connections. Among all the conflicts and confrontations, the Sino-U.S. rivalry is now playing a defining role. Given the lack of mutual trust, absence of inclusive regional security institutions, unaddressed historical grievances, and unfulfilled leadership aspirations, the three set of rivalries will not go away in the foreseeable future and might reinforce each other to make the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia the most volatile and dangerous place on earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to explore the economic relationship between China and the surrounding dynamic Asian economies. It delves into China's influence over the Asian economies and whether this relationship has evolved in a market- and institution-led symbiotic manner. The three principal channels of regional integration analyzed in this article are trade, FDI and vertically integrated production networks. Another issue that this article explores is the so-called China ‘threat’ or ‘fear’ in Asia. The China threat implied that China was crowding out exports from the other Asian economies in the world market place. Also, as China became the most attractive FDI destination among developing countries, it was understood that China was receiving FDI at the expense of the Asian economies. These concerns were examined by several empirical studies and the inference was that they were exaggerated. The article concludes that China methodically expanded and deepened its economic ties with its regional neighbors. At the present juncture, China's integration with the surrounding Asian nations is deep. Both China and its dynamic Asian neighbors have benefited from this synergy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses Russia's energy strategy in the Asia-Pacific (AP) Region, arguing that energy could provide an opportunity for Russia to become involved in Asia-Pacific economic integration. It comments on Russia's exports of coal, crude oil, and natural gas, also considering the Russian supply of electricity to China and the development of Asian nuclear power plants. The author also examines issues including efforts to introduce renewable energy sources and the extraction of shale gas. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, which works for economic cooperation, is considered.

The article discusses Asian countries' growing economic and political strength. It comments on forms of economic development, the phenomenon of reverse brain drain, and internal and external conflicts, including territorial disputes. The author reflects on the development of railways, highways, and pipelines in Asia. Asian regional integration and organizations are examined, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Ramifications for the West and impacts on American power are explored. Asian religions and cultural identities are also addressed.