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Thirty-two editions of The Namibian Review (1976–87) were published by anti-apartheid revolutionaries in a decade of intensifying struggle for independence from the South African occupation of South West Africa. This teaching tool discusses the wider history of political orientations and networks surrounding The Namibian Review, presenting a creative approach to African history research and political education aimed at challenging the ongoing legacies of the colonial imposed borders of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South African history bears the painful legacy of apartheid and systemic oppression, destructively affecting Black South Africans, especially women and children of the lower class, who were, and still are, vastly sidelined. Various apartheid or silencing policies systemically dismissed the majority Black population and condemned their ancestral languages, depriving them of basic human rights. Forced community removals disrupted basic family structures and displaced individuals. Women and children not only faced racial segregation but also encountered gender-based discrimination, obstructing their access to key and strategic opportunities. In response to these violent challenges, South African music and songs emerged as powerful conduits to defy and reject imperialist mentalities, contributing to the struggle for transformation and liberation. Despite facing rejection from the state, anti-apartheid music and songs played a central role in contesting imperialist mentalities. In view of these indications, this article unmasks three anti-apartheid songs, applying post-colonial theory to uncover their interplaying meanings concerning historical consciousness and memory as they pertain to three selected anti-apartheid songs. Three notable findings emerge. First, South Africa's apartheid-era music and songs played an imperative role in dismounting oppressive or imperialist systems, despite continuous rejection from the colonial and apartheid governments. Second, the selected songs evoke socio-economic and political commentaries in the post-colonial and post-apartheid contexts, underscoring the enduring elements of imperialism even in contemporary settings. Third, while there may be a temptation to escape South Africa's bitter history, it remains crucial not to obliviate it as it offers critical lessons for contemporary contexts and beyond. Conclusively, this article underlines the necessity of recurrently examining South Africa's history to uncover significant historical meanings and lessons, contributing to a profound discernment of the country's rich past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including storytelling around reproductive rights to confront their contradictory position in teleological narrative; Irish anti-apartheid activism and direct connections or expressions of solidarity.

This article seeks to provide a broad overview of anti-apartheid activism in Ireland, in doing so, demonstrating that anti-apartheid activists in Ireland forged a distinct identity grounded in Ireland's anti-colonial history as well their alignment with the African National Congress (ANC) and South African Communist Party (SACP). Focusing on the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement (IAAM) it highlands the role played by its most prominent figure, the exiled South African academic and senior ANC/SACP member Kader Asmal. Securing a national profile through the mass protest campaign against the 1969–70 Springbok rugby tour, the IAAM portrayed itself as above domestic politics. Nonetheless, efforts to force the disaffiliation of the Provisional Sinn Féin in the early 1980s proved the impossibility of entirely avoiding entanglement in the domestic political climate. The IAAM was also criticised by the women who led the 1984–87 strike against South African goods at Dunnes' Stores, who saw it as dependent on middle-class support and reluctant to enter the industrial sphere. Drawing on engagement with the IAAM's internal archive, the article contributes towards filling a substantial gap in the scholarship of anti-apartheid activism globally, as well the study of left-wing activism and trade unionism in late 20th century Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to critics of globalization, it has ushered in a new era of economic inequality, with some of the biggest "losers" being the majority working classes in advanced capitalist democracies. Economically aggrieved, culturally threatened, and politically excluded, they have become the bedrock of right-wing political parties in much of Europe and the United States. Integral to this phenomenon is the heightened anti-immigrant prejudice espoused by both supporters and leaders of populist movements. The present study investigates a critical issue in this context, one that has been implicitly assumed but relatively understudied: the impact of globalization on xenophobic attitudes among natives. It also examines whether and to what extent globalization moderates the effect of ethnic nationalism on their preferences for restrictive immigration and immigrant assimilation. Findings from multilevel analysis indicate that globalization, as well as the nativist backlash, plays a significant role in directly and indirectly shaping how immigration and immigrants are perceived in host societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apartheid had been enduring before the United Nations (UN), since its adoption as a state policy in South Africa. But in the early years of the global organisation, the UN's members responded to apartheid in very different ways from one another. The UN anti-Apartheid regimes arose and then evolved with particulars that had an impact on South Africa's race relations. The impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations is obscured and creates a gap that has yet to be scrutinised in the country's relations with the world. To learn about this impact, it is proper that the paper examine UN resolutions with a special focus on adopted decisions of the General Assembly (GA) about racial conflict in South Africa during the period between 1952 and 1974. An analysis of GA decisions is critical because it reveals the persistence and intensifying international unacceptability of racial discrimination and the desirability of applying sanctions to South Africa, and it makes the UN a focus for anti-apartheid lobbying. It is also critical because they provided a conduit for the UN to disseminate information about apartheid, monitor member state actions related to the matter, and address South Africa's denial of the UN's authority to address the issue. The period under study is important because it exposed the contradiction with which white South Africans lived and had lived over the centuries, that their sense of right and justice had driven them to give with one hand; and that their fears had made them take away with the other, and it marked the beginning of increased international opposition to South Africa's apartheid policy action, which led to an eventual suspension of the country from participating in the work of the GA. This paper concerns the impact of the UN's anti-apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. It reveals that the UN body has, over the years, sought solutions rather than merely engaging in rhetoric in a setting in which South Africa's policy of apartheid provided a concrete precedent. The paper used qualitative research methods to analyse the impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. Sources used for analysis included published books, journals, and internet sources. The article sheds light on international policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an age where hyperconnectivity and misunderstanding coexist, thus begetting multiple crises, the need for a language bridging difference is palpable. Cross-cultural religious literacy (CCRL) has proof of concept in apartheid South Africa where, from danger, a multi-faith praxis navigated the anti-apartheid struggle and infused post-apartheid society with inclusion and dignity. In a Muslim world beset by its own demons—from within and without—can the equivalent emerge to rediscover Islam's soft power? It will start necessarily as an informal and experiential pedagogy in a global cauldron requiring Muslims to be in covenantal pluralism—true to themselves, at peace with others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global campaign against apartheid South Africa has been viewed as one of the most successful examples of international solidarity activism in the 20th century. Scholars examining how anti-apartheid emerged and developed as a salient global issue have primarily focused on transnational and national considerations, particularly the role and influence of southern African exiles and expatriates, as well as the way that anti-apartheid intersected with national domestic political concerns. There has, however, been limited attention paid to the distinctly local dimensions of the international anti-apartheid movement. Using the British Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) as a case study, this article seeks to add to our understanding of how the politics of anti-apartheid at the grassroots level was shaped by its interactions with the local economic, political, social and cultural environment. The existing historiography on anti-apartheid in Britain has been characterised by an overwhelming focus on the London-based national AAM and a widespread perception that the movement was highly centralised. Through an exploration of the role of local activist structures, the issue of grassroots autonomy, and examples of anti-apartheid activism beyond London, the article asserts that while there was an element of centralisation linked to the national AAM, this point has been overemphasised. In adopting a grassroots analytical approach, this article will reveal the distinctive local dimensions of anti-apartheid activism in Britain and demonstrate that there was greater diversity than the existing scholarship acknowledges. It is argued that such heterogeneity within the movement was shaped by the levels of grassroots autonomy that existed, as well as the influence of divergent local conditions. Finally, a focus on local anti-apartheid activism can provide greater nuance to established historiographical narratives of the national AAM, such as tensions with the far left and engagement with domestic anti-racist struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The struggle against apartheid was fought on many fronts. Internationally, the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) across a number of countries engaged in a range of activities that highlighted the atrocities of the Pretoria regime and the plight of the majority in South Africa. An important site of struggle against apartheid was in the sports sphere. Ireland and the Irish AAM played a significant role in this regard. The AAMs in Australia, Britain, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United States, among others, recorded victories against apartheid through demonstrations, boycotts, and the ban on participation of South African teams in international tours, tournaments, and events. A number of scholars have highlighted the role of the international AAM and its campaigns against apartheid sport. To date, historical studies of the anti-apartheid struggle and South African sport have primarily focused on Britain and New Zealand and, to a lesser extent, the United States. Irish sporting contacts with South Africa extend back over a century. Thus, focusing on the case study of Irish AAM activism against segregated sport further adds to the literature on the sports boycott and the struggle against apartheid. This article draws on Jacob Dlamini's notion of "moral agents" in understanding players', teams', and sports associations' decisions to continue to play with apartheid, despite international opposition. Drawing from archives in Ireland and South Africa, this article adds new details to the struggle against apartheid rugby in South African sport between 1964 and 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The struggle against apartheid was fought on many fronts. Internationally, the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) across a number of countries engaged in a range of activities that highlighted the atrocities of the Pretoria regime and the plight of the majority in South Africa. An important site of struggle against apartheid was in the sports sphere. Ireland and the Irish AAM played a significant role in this regard. The AAMs in Australia, Britain, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United States, among others, recorded victories against apartheid through demonstrations, boycotts, and the ban on participation of South African teams in international tours, tournaments, and events. A number of scholars have highlighted the role of the international AAM and its campaigns against apartheid sport. To date, historical studies of the anti-apartheid struggle and South African sport have primarily focused on Britain and New Zealand and, to a lesser extent, the United States. Irish sporting contacts with South Africa extend back over a century. Thus, focusing on the case study of Irish AAM activism against segregated sport further adds to the literature on the sports boycott and the struggle against apartheid. This article draws on Jacob Dlamini's notion of "moral agents" in understanding players', teams', and sports associations' decisions to continue to play with apartheid, despite international opposition. Drawing from archives in Ireland and South Africa, this article adds new details to the struggle against apartheid rugby in South African sport between 1964 and 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that Péri Archôn by Damascius simultaneously represents, beyond the intention of the author, the implosion of neoplatonic metaphysics and the most thorough and wrenching attempt to keep it alive and to assert the systematic explanation of reality. In this line, the text is driven by a double movement: on the one hand, postulating the uncoordinated Absolute (the Ineffable) and, on the other hand, postulating some kind of coordination with the whole of reality. Based on a comparison with some of E. Lévinas’ theses, I will argue that Damascius, endowed with a consciousness surpassing that of his predecessors, perceived the danger of postulating the Ineffable as absolutely uncoordinated and unrelated: it leads to the radical unfoundation of reality. To avoid this, Damascius had to retrace his steps and relate the Ineffable in some way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author shares insight on terror attacks and the ethics of resistance to an oppressive authority. He cites the political speech delivered by South African anti-apartheid activist Nelson Mandela as a defendant in the Rivonia Trial in 1964, detailing the changing strategies and tactics of the African National Congress (ANC) in defiance of apartheid laws and resistance to oppressive authority, that included rejection of terrorism and a campaign of assaults against military personnel without violating their ideals. He notes the struggle of the ANC to create a South Africa in which black and white people lived together without hatred. In the case of the Middle East, he finds Israel's treatment as horrific to keep the Palestinian people under a brutal and humiliating military occupation.

The author reflects on how she came to write a doctoral thesis in 1985 with a perspective different from that of mainstream South African Jewish historiography. She recalls the rise of anti-apartheid activity and activist academic work and her immersion into history writing that was anti-elite and anti-elitism. She discusses her examination of Jewish migration to Johannesburg, formation of a community, women's history and concepts of middle-class domestic feminism, philanthropy and motherhood.

This afterword considers Cedric J. Robinson's theory of racial capitalism in relation to the South African tradition as advanced in this special issue. Both formulations of racial capitalism developed in the same global conjuncture. And much like the South African tradition, Robinson's theory of racial capitalism was always fundamentally a strategic one. As in the South African context, this meant transcending the stale impasse between Black nationalists and Marxists and developing novel theories to inform revolutionary strategy. Ultimately then, racial capitalism is "a concept forged and developed in struggle", as the editors put it – and it cannot be considered otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the special issue on "The South African Tradition of Racial Capitalism" situates the South African tradition of racial capitalism (SAT) against the organizational backdrop of the anti-apartheid movement, outlines the key theses of the SAT, and presents the contributions of the special issue. We argue that the SAT rests upon four key theses: 1) class struggle from above – the pursuit of profit – generates racism; 2) the capitalist state is the primary agent of racialization; 3) racial ideology can divide, enabling capitalism, but it can also unify, facilitating resistance; and 4) racial capitalism is a strategic concept that emphasizes the inseparability of anti-racist and anti-capitalist struggle. The SAT underscores the centrality of struggle and the importance of conjunctural analysis in the study of racial capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa has been an important case in both scholarship and the public eye for decades. The anti-apartheid struggle saw mass international participation, and there was significant international optimism about the South African transition to multiracial democracy in 1994. Yet in the years since the advent of the new democratic dispensation in South Africa, a kind of pessimism has set in about the prospects for the country and for its democracy. Into this conversation Evan Lieberman's book, Until We Have Won Our Liberty, inserts a new perspective, arguing that South African democracy has been remarkably successful. Relying on a largely descriptive analysis of progress in infrastructure, rights guarantees, and dignified development, Lieberman argues that democratic performance in the country, especially given the starting point for democracy, has exceeded reasonable expectations. Lieberman's focus on what has gone right in South African democracy bucks many disciplinary and scholarly norms but presents a compelling argument for introspection on the part of the field. Political science often uses a deficit model to understand governmental performance, focusing on what is missing, what has gone wrong, what needs to be improved. Evan Lieberman's book, Until We Have Won Our Liberty, presents a new question: what has gone right? Using a descriptive analysis of South African democratic performance since the advent of multiracial elections, Lieberman argues that South African democracy has performed remarkably well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Advances in Women's Studies is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the discussion on Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social (MALCS) has gained visibility in academia and in our comunidades. Topics include liberation by linking and connecting with other movements across various geographies and by building feminist solidarities within a broader anti-imperialist, anti-racist, anti-capitalist feminist framework; and fight the race, class, and gender oppression we have experienced in the universities.

The article focuses on the inaugural Henry J. Richardson III Lecture at Temple University, featuring Dean Jaya Ramji-Nogales and Dean Rachel Rebouché's introductions and a tribute to Richardson's contributions to international law. It highlights Professor Gay McDougall's achievements in advancing human rights and her influential role in the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa.

Under art 3 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination ('ICERD'), states parties particularly condemn racial segregation and apartheid and undertake to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction. The provision is central to Palestine's inter-state communication against Israel under arts 11-13 of ICERD, in which it is argued that Israel's policies and practices in the occupied Palestinian territories constitute apartheid. Importantly, Palestine invokes two obligations inherent in art 3 -- the individual obligation of Israel to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all practices of this nature, and the collective obligation of all states parties to ICERD to condemn such practices by not recognising as lawful the illegal situation, or rendering aid or assistance in its maintenance. This article examines the origin, meaning and implications of the collective obligation to condemn apartheid under art 3 of ICERD. It traces its emergence in the text of art 3 through the drafting history of the provision. It outlines its implementation by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination ('CERD') in relation to apartheid South Africa from 1970--94, a period in which South Africa remained outside the treaty and the obligation of all states parties to condemn apartheid was the focus of the Committee's work. Finally, it considers its potential implications in Palestine v Israel, underlining that a finding of apartheid would render the obligation opposable in relation to the other 180 states parties to ICERD under all of its mechanisms. It could be monitored in state reports, individual communications or inter-state communications before CERD, or litigated in inter-state proceedings before the International Court of Justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the twentieth century, systems of racial segregation flourished in both the United States and South Africa. Crusades for racial equality aimed at dismantling racial boundaries emerged in both nations. Sport played a key role in these endeavours. Drawing colour lines in athletic competitions reinforced ideologies of white supremacy while demanding racial equality in sporting contests fuelled campaigns challenging segregation. In an American culture that used athletes as globetrotting ambassadors to promote mythologies of exceptionalism, in particular aspirational but unrealized visions of racial equity, interchanges with South Africa highlighted the complex historical intersections between politics, race, and sport. From all-white US track and field tours of South Africa that began in the 1930s, to the key role that the leading American symbol of conquering colour lines, Jack Robinson, played in athletic affairs with South Africa, to American rebellions against anti-apartheid boycotts in the 1980s, this essay introduces a special issue on 'Excavating the Ancestry of "Globetrotting": New Perspectives on the Intersection of Racial Politics, Civil Rights Struggles and Anti-Apartheid Crusades in US Track and Field from the 1920s through the 1980s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Flaunting international anti-apartheid bans, two groups of American track and field 'rebels' toured South Africa in the late 1980s. In defending their incendiary treks, they asserted their rights both to act on their own political principles and to earn a paycheck. Heavily criticized by a global coalition that supported the South African athletic embargoes, they were punished with long suspensions and public humiliation. A few of the 'rebels' remained in South Africa after the tours, most prominently world-class javelin thrower Tom Petranoff who moved his family to the apartheid state and continued his career in the only nation in the world that would still allow him to compete. As apartheid unexpectedly and rapidly crumbled in the early 1990s, Petranoff became a South African citizen, sought a place on the South African 1992 Olympic team that returned to the games for the first time since 1960, and touted his particular, libertarian doctrine of athletes' rights. Petranoff painted himself as a 'political prisoner' shunned by both his native US homeland and the new multi-racial government emerging in South Africa in the post-apartheid era. His career offers a window into the complexities of national and international sport in confronting apartheid regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Civil Rights Movement in the US reached its apogee and apartheid in South Africa cemented its grip, the American Amateur Athletic Union in 1961 announced plans to send a team of athletics all-stars to the African nation. Following tours of South Africa by all-white American teams in 1931 and 1950, as well as a 1938 tour scuttled by racial disagreements, the 1961 proposal drew fire from Civil Rights leaders and anti-apartheid activists. In the early 1960s these two factions of fighters for racial justice through sport made common cause. Jack Roosevelt Robinson, the iconic leader of the crusade to desegregate American baseball, joined the anti-apartheid crusade and proposed a sporting boycott of South Africa. Robinson also lobbied Black athletes to boycott track meets that did not extend interracial inclusion to the stadium stands and local accommodations. Under pressure, the Amateur Athletic Union abandoned its 1961 tour, but the US Department of State sent a small, entirely white contingent of athletes to the apartheid state on a 'goodwill' mission. The 1961 incidents in the US and South Africa highlighted the growing intersection of racial justice crusades centred on sport that targeted both American segregation and South African apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief essay provides an introduction to this special issue on anti-apartheid movements on college and university campuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How to explain the violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa in recent years? Two militant South African activists, Leonard Gentle and Noor Nieftagodien, interviewed here, analyse the race/class bases for the anti-foreigner violence in terms of the echoes/reverberations of apartheid and the rise of neoliberalism. They argue that remnants of apartheid have endured through the reproduction of racial and tribal categories, which has contributed to the entrenchment of exclusionary nationalist politics and the fragmentation of black unity. South Africa's specific history of capitalist development, the African National Congress's embraces of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and rainbowism, on the other, have produced the underlying conditions of precarity and desperation that resulted in the normalisation of xenophobia. The unions, too, have failed to recognise the new shape of the 'working class'. Gentle and Nieftagodien outline the need to contend with the broader social conditions, the global economic crisis, neoliberalism and the deep inequalities it engenders in order to counteract the rising tide of xenophobia and build working-class unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces a historical trajectory of non-racial sport development in South Africa from 1946 to 1971. The year 1946 has been selected because of a letter that was sent by a South African black weightlifting federation to its international counterpart, thus kick-starting a post-Second World War sport resistance movement. Official minutes of South African sport federations, from across the political spectrum, are used to extract voices about an evolving non-racial movement. In addition, these minutes are supplemented by newspaper accounts and secondary source materials. A terminating date of 1971 concludes the study, as it marks one year from the formation of the Conference of National Non-Racial Sports Organisations. This paper thus provides a descriptive recovery of significant voices between 1946 and 1971 that were involved in the creation of a South African non-racial sport movement, a movement that would be recognized internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After more than 25 years South Africa’s democratisation in 1994, marks a point to re-interrogate the relations between South Africa and China. During the apartheid regime, colonial rule was perpetuated and unleashed its effects in a gendered manner. The dawn of South Africa’s democracy introduced a formal decolonisation, which guaranteed equal rights and the end of systematic discrimination for all its citizens; it also brought with it a change in the international relations the government maintained. To underline the gendered dynamics of such relations, I show how women within liberation movements, who overall have not received due attention in China–Africa engagements, have always been a part thereof. Whereas transregional ties bolstered anti-apartheid resistance in the country, the legacies of South Africa’s previous authoritarian system remain palpable today. Calls for substantive decolonisation geared towards addressing the multi-layered injustices of the past take place alongside longstanding, contested South African–Chinese relations. In this article, I thus provide an inclusive transregional political history of gendered liberation politics and refer to an era where transnational choices in anti-colonial resistance extended to include exchanges with China. By doing so, I complicate narratives of Chinese–African cooperation and reflect on the potential to democratise such politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the ways in which characters are presented as "out of place" in different apartheid city spaces in anti-apartheid era films of the late 1980s: A Dry White Season (1989, dir. Euzhan Palcy) and Mapantsula (1988, dir. Oliver Schmitz) and, to a lesser degree, Cry Freedom (1987, dir. Richard Attenborough). The article explores the manner in which the protagonists relate to each other through interracial friendship, relationality and mobility in the domestic spaces of cities and townships. It reads these relations as occupying and redefining apartheid sensibilities in distinct ways that filter into how postapartheid sensibilities are and can be navigated. The paper thus grapples with how seemingly fixed apartheid spaces and characters in the films can also be part of complex, real-life repositionings of racial identities in postapartheid South Africa that are not always clear and/or neat. The paper therefore argues that through their representations of the past, these films perform memory work and map our memories and historical constructions of apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1980 to 1981, the Baxter Theatre of Cape Town, South Africa, produced a multi-racial Waiting for Godot that garnered vastly different reactions in the various cities to which it toured. With a cast led by John Kani and Winston Ntshona, icons of anti-apartheid theatre, it was sometimes hailed as a scathing anti-apartheid polemic, sometimes admired for its 'universality', and in one case denounced and shut down by anti-apartheid activists as a piece of pro-apartheid propaganda. Based on both archival research and interviews, this essay investigates the artists' intentions and the public's reception in order to illuminate how the international theatrical circuits dovetailed with international activist circuits, sometimes supporting one another, and occasionally tripping each other up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academic field of postcolonial studies is founded upon the idea of comparison across nations that experienced colonialism. This cluster of essays raises the question: among the many possible pairings for comparison, what justifies the comparison of Ireland and South Africa as a field of study worthy of a special issue? Given the different colonial histories of the two nations, such a project could aim to show that they are not as unconnected as might at first appear, sharpen our understanding of both by showing their distinctive responses to similar conditions, or demonstrate the complexity of global networks of influence and exchange in the sphere of culture. These essays accomplish all these goals, considering, among other topics, the backing given by Irish nationalists to the Boers in the Anglo-Boer War, the strong support for the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, the significant role of South African figures in Irish political negotiations, and the links between Irish and South African literary works. As is pointed out by Parsons in his introduction, the asymmetry of the relationship is evident in most of these areas. Taken together, the contributions to this cluster demonstrate the varied ways in which a postcolonial lens can bring into focus connections forged across extended geographical distance and in spite of substantial historical differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the enduring international popularity of the Zulu Christian chorus "Siyahamba" as a song of protest and praise, South African ethnomusicologists have not yet investigated its origins as well as its cultural and political significance. This article reports the results of an historical study which indicated that the earliest documented performance of the chorus took place in Dundee in the current uMzinyathi district of the former Natal province (now KwaZulu-Natal or KZN), South Africa, in 1952. No earlier publications or handwritten records of its score or lyrics have been found. However, it appears that this musical work has a longer undocumented history, connected to rural Methodist or Pentecostalist communities of the province. It originated in a church environment as a devotional chorus and grew to be closely associated with the anti-apartheid movement after it was adopted by the international campaign against the racist regime from the mid-1980s. "Siyahamba" has been perceived both locally and internationally as a popular song of praise with a strong political significance thanks to the popular songbook Freedom Is Coming by Anders Nyberg, the Swedish-South African composer and choral conductor, who made the earliest known field recording of the chorus, and dozens of influential hymnals that include "Siyahamba". Chanted at rallies and public events, the historic South African tune continues to encourage campaigners for change worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The toyi-toyi is commonly described as a high-stepping 'dance' and associated above all with the anti-apartheid protests of the mid 1980s in South Africa's townships. Its origins are, however, some two decades earlier and nearly 5,000 miles to the north, in the military training given to cadres of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) in Algeria. Now, the toyi-toyi is as often used in protest against governments led by the region's former liberation movements as in displays of support for them. Between its Algerian origins and its current incarnations, the toyi-toyi has carried many meanings. We focus here on how veterans of the Zimbabwean and South African liberation struggles remembered the wartime toyi-toyi in oral histories and memoir. Veterans of ZAPU's armed wing traced the toyi-toyi's travels from north to south, in training regimes in the military camps of Algeria, Tanzania and Zambia. They remembered it as a defining feature of their army, able to create powerful bonds of loyalty and the physical toughness necessary to survival on the battlefield. Veterans of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the African National Congress' armed wing, learned the toyi-toyi from ZAPU cadres in shared camps. They agreed that it was emblematic of ZAPU's army, but often portrayed it as an expression of an intolerant, macho militarism that had corrupted MK, above all in its Angolan camps. For all these former soldiers, the toyi-toyi became both a symbol and vector of particular kinds of military strategy, political belief and masculinist bodily power that provided a means of talking about influences and tensions between and within liberation movements. Tracing the toyi-toyi's travels allows us to see how liberation movements' military cultures were made, moved and revalued over time and across a vast geographical terrain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dawn of democracy in 1994 ushered in a period of radical change in the higher education sector of South Africa. This rupture represented an opportunity to avoid the replication of patriarchally informed, racially charged, neoliberal practices. More than twenty years later under the banner of Fees Must Fall, students, workers, and academics challenged the exclusionary, racist, exploitative and sexist nature of Higher Learning Institutions that have persisted since this transition from apartheid. In this paper, we reiterate a tested argument in (South) African feminist scholarship by proposing that to fulfil this goal towards transformation and change in and across HLIs, a critical starting point is to use feminist theories to deconstruct parochial, patriarchal ideologies. We review some of the key arguments that various feminists have put forth in relation to meaningfully transforming institutional cultures and pedagogies, ranging from anti-apartheid feminisms to more contemporary, intersectional feminisms and further argue that the neoliberalisation of HLIs, manifested in the capturing of private markets within the education sector, and practices of output-based productivity measurements that create bedrocks of racially charged epistemic exclusions, echo hierarchical patriarchal elements that are remnants of colonialism and apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss reports published within the issue on topics including the role played by the underground in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, leftist student activism in Tanzania and the epistolary relationship between two gay men.

This article employs the epistolary exchanges between Simon Nkoli, a South African gay rights and anti-apartheid activist undergoing trial in Delmas, South Africa in the late 1980s, and Andrew Hansen, a gay man from Chicago living with AIDS, to demonstrate how the radical empathy built between both men suggests the possibility of queer utopia. Simon Nkoli came out as gay during the four-year long Delmas Treason Trial and thus resisted the notion that homosexuality was not political. His visibility pushed the African National Congress to consider the role that gay rights would have in a democratic South Africa. While under trial, Nkoli discovered he was HIV-positive. After being acquitted, Nkoli came out publicly as being HIV-positive, becoming one of the first black South African men to do so. I employ Jose Esteban Muñoz's framework of queer utopia put forth in his Cruising Utopia (2009) to read the transnational exchanges between Hansen and Nkoli, tracing the way that Nkoli employs empathy to build bonds that resist the social stigma of HIV/AIDS. Seen through the lens of Nkoli's work as a tenants' rights, anti-apartheid and gay rights activist, this essay challenges depictions of Nkoli as predominantly a 'gay martyr' to present a view of his affective lives. I engage with the intimate modes of resistance to stigma made clear by Nkoli's letters and personal interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the effectiveness of the Sullivan Principles advanced by civil rights leader Leon Sullivan in eliminating apartheid in South Africa and its impact on corporate globalization and human rights. Topics include the components of the principles like pay equality, education, and workplace discrimination prevention, the principles' use to govern U.S. businesses and investments in South Africa, the history of corporate social responsibility in Africa, and comments from several personalities on the principle, like Christopher McCrudden.