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The 19th century is characterized as a period marked by the proliferation of nationalist movements in the Balkans. A significant number of studies on Albanian nationalism conducted by Albanian historians argue that Ottoman rule was an important factor in the increase of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. Concurrently, there exist scholarly perspectives linking the genesis of the Albanian nationalist movement to global dynamics. Following the aftermath of the First World War, the international milieu alongside the expansionist endeavors of Western powers served to amplify Albanian national consciousness. This phenomenon found resonance in Kosovo as well. Economic volatility and prevailing social disparities in the region exacerbated discontent among the populace, fostering insurgencies. Beyond economic imperatives, the exigency for instituting a democratic parliamentary framework emerged. Consequently, the groundwork for the Albanian parliamentary system was laid during this epoch. Some sources attribute Albanian nationalism to the tenets of the 1789 French Revolution, setting it apart from other Balkan nations. Nationalism persists as a prevalent discourse, particularly in the Balkan region. This study aims to probe into the historical antecedents that propelled the evolution of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo post-1979, along with evaluating the contemporary regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the experiences of the main character in Michalis Malandrakis' short novel, Patriot (2018). The protagonist, an Albanian migrant in Greece, is compelled to change his name and (re) invent his identity to achieve his goals in the new country. Agim becomes Yiannis (John) and ultimately dies as Yiannis. The novel engages in an open dialogue with theoretical questions about the self and the Other, subjectivity and objectivity, as well as the feeling of "belongingness." This paper addresses several questions: What role does the self-narrator play in constructing an identity? To what extent is the protagonist welcomed into this new world after his name change? What must he sacrifice to become accepted? And to what extent can a person (re)invent their identity? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IntroductionThe significance of mental health and its impact on overall well-being is increasingly acknowledged across various sectors, including higher education. However, despite this growing recognition, the stigma associated with mental health issues and related help-seeking, particularly within certain cultural groups and socio-economic contexts, continues to pose a formidable barrier to effective care, especially among university students. Addressing these challenges, this study explores the intricate interplay of factors affecting mental health awareness and stigma, including help-seeking behaviors among Albanian university students in three Western Balkan countries: Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Albania. By dissecting these multi-layered influences, this study aims to develop targeted interventions to enhance mental well-being and dismantle barriers to care in these regions.MethodsThis qualitative study involved 60 Albanian university students from Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Albania, using focus groups to gather data. The discussions were structured around the socio-ecological model, facilitating a comprehensive exploration of the individual, interpersonal, organizational, and societal factors influencing mental health awareness, stigma, and help-seeking behaviors.ResultsFindings from the study indicate a moderate awareness of mental health issues among students. Familial and cultural stigma among Albanians in the Balkans hinder open discussions and access to professional help. There is a notable lack of support from higher education institutions, with only 20% of students reporting that their mental health needs are met. These needs include affordable and confidential counseling, empathetic faculty interactions, and a supportive campus environment. Additionally, there is a lack of continuous and professional help within the community. Societal attitudes deeply rooted in Albanian cultural norms and traditional beliefs perpetuate stigma, limiting effective health care and help-seeking behavior.DiscussionThe results emphasize the need for a culturally sensitive and holistic approach to mental health interventions that integrates strategies across multiple levels of the socio-ecological model. Enhancing mental health literacy, reducing stigma, and advocating for supportive legislation and policies in the Western Balkan region are critical. Moreover, the study highlights the urgent necessity for universities in particular to improve their mental health services, which will significantly enhance both the academic success and personal development of students.

Kosovo and Metohija (KM) has been a territory inhabited by Serbs and Albanians for centuries. Like the entire Balkans, this territory found itself under different historical circumstances, especially by the arrival of Ottoman Empire in Europe, when ethnic situation changed to the detriment of the Serbian nation. During the period of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Kingdom of Yugoslavia, there was several proposals to correct this situation and the implementation of bringing in Serbian colonist began, but this project was neither thoroughly thought out, nor fully implemented. The Albanian question was used by Italy, which supported irredentism and separatism, in an effort to break up Yugoslavia. After the occupation in 1941, the territory of the KM was first assigned to Italian-German occupation zone, and after 1943 exclusive to German one. Common to all occupation authorities was strong support to Albanian radical politics, as a result of which up to 100.000 Serbs and Montenegrins were expelled from the territory of KM and around 10.000 were killed. Even the establishment of new, socialist Yugoslavia didn’t improve the described situation. The largest number of refugee Serbs and Montenegrins are not allowed to return to KM, which legalized situation created during occupation, with the aim of pacifying the Albanian population by not opening the issues of war crimes and appropriation of Serbian and Montenegrin property. On September 3, 1945, the National Assembly of Serbia passed the Law on the Organization of the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija Region, which separated the region from the maternal Republic of Serbia in an organizational sense, while the small number of Serbian and Montenegrin returnees met with strong opposition from the Albanians who treated them hostilely. The difficult life for Serbs and Montenegrins continued during the following decades, which led to their mass emigration to larger cities, mostly to Central Serbia. Bishop Pavle of Raška-Prizren Bishopric, the latter Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church, left detailed information about this state of affairs. On the other hand, the Udba also compiled numerous reports that surprisingly coincide with the testimonies of Bishop Pavle. The political-party leadership in the territory of KM, where Albanians were the majority, kept the migrations quiet, while leaderships at the level of Serbia and Yugoslavia paid little attention to the afore-mentioned. After Fourth Plenum of the Central Commitee of League of Communist of Yugoslavia, the so-called the Brioni Plenum in 1966, the state policy of reaching out to the Albanian population, at the expense of the Serbian and Montenegrins, in the territory of KM wad even more intensified. The significance of the Serbian question and the irredentist demonstrations of 1968 was also minimized by Josip Broz Tito, who justified the anti-Yugoslav sentiment of the Albanians. Thus, from 1948 to 1981, the number of Albanians in the territory of KM increased from 68,45% to 77,5%, while that of Serbs decreased from 23,62% to 13,2% and Montenegrins from 3,85% to 1,7%.

The main population in Kosovo and Metohija, during the medieval Serbian state, conssisted of Serbs. It will remain so after the occupation of these areas by the Turks. According to historical sources on the structure of the population in the Balkans at the beginning of the 16th centtury, it can be seen that the rural life in Kosovo is entirely Serbian. There were no Arbanas, not only Muslims but also Christians, in Kosovo at that time, and not until the 17th century. The Albanian colonization of Kosovo and Metohija, according to historical sources and anthropogeographica I reconstructions, began in the 16th century, but it was not characterized by a mass that would change the ethnographic picture ot these areas. Mass colonization occurred at the end of the 17th century, as a result of the difficult circumstances caused by the Austrian-Turkish war. From this time began not only the settlement of the Albanian population, but also the expulsion of the Serbian people from these areas. During the 18th century, even more so in the 19th century, the intention that this expulsion has a systemic and planned character is clearly recognized, in order to fully settle and appropriate these areas. Islamization was of the greatest help to them, because it made them Turkish wards and a tool used by the Turkish state against its Christian subjects. Islamization was a way for the Christian population to be assimilated not only into Muslims, but also to be Albanianized.

The economy of Kosovo entered the period 1974-1981 burdened with numerous problems. Constitutional changes led to the economy of the republics and provinces being divided into special systems. The leaders of Kosovo were adamant about using raw materials instead of the manufacturing sector, which would create more jobs. As a result, agriculture fell further and further behind, so the difference in development between industrial and agricultural municipalities was increasingly visible. Yugoslavia and Serbia generously financed Kosovo through the Development Credit Fund for Economically Underdeveloped Areas and supplementary budget funds. Additionally, Kosovo had the greatest access to International Bank loans of any region. The more developed republics demonstrated little interest in funding Kosovo's extravagant spending and incorrect economic policies, and Serbia was forced to allocate more money for Kosovo than for impoverished towns within its smaller borders. It was a common rumour in Priština that insufficient funds were allocated for Kosovo. The growing lag was not the result of a lack of funds but of the galloping birth rate of the Albanian community. Citizens, especially Albanians, believed that Serbia and Yugoslavia were taking advantage of them, which had political consequences in the 1981 demonstrations. One particular economic issue was unemployment. Given the policy of balancing the total number of employed Albanians with their participation in the population in terms of Albanian birth rates, it reflected more on Serbs and Montenegrins. The proportion of Albanians among the staff rose sharply and continuously, while the proportion of Serbs increased slightly, and the proportion of Montenegrins either decreased or stagnated. Due to the national key policy, one Serb or Montenegrin was employed for every ten Albanians (sometimes up to 20). Albanian separatists were successful in making bilingualism a requirement for employment in job competitions, regardless of whether it was specifically requested or preferred. International relations within enterprises were disrupted. The disorder was manifested through verbal and physical pressures in which the Serbs and Montenegrins, being the few, were inferior. Separatists successfully pursued a policy of removing Serb-Montenegrin cadres and workers to make them leave. In roughly 15% of cases, economic issues were the catalyst for Serbs and Montenegrins to leave Kosovo. The majority of Albanians also left for these reasons, but to work abroad.

Background: The fetal monogenic causes of early pregnancy losses (EPLs) are mainly unknown, with only a few articles on the subject published. In our previous study of EPLs using whole-exome sequencing analysis, we confirmed a genetic diagnosis of CPLANE1-related Joubert syndrome (JS) in three EPLs from two couples and identified a relatively common CPLANE1 allele among our population (NM_001384732.1:c.1819delT;c.7817T>A, further after referred as "complex allele"). Pathogenic variants in the CPLANE1 (C5orf42) gene are reported to cause JS type 17, a primary ciliopathy with various system defects. Aims: To examine the hypothesis that the CPLANE1 "complex allele," whether homozygous or compound heterozygous, is a common cause of EPLs in our population. Study Design: Cohort study/case-control study. Methods: In this study, we used polymerase chain reaction-based methods to screen for CPLANE1 "complex allele" presence among 246 euploid EPLs (< 12 gestational weeks) from families in North Macedonia. We also investigated the impact of this allele in 650 women with EPLs versus 646 women with no history of pregnancy loss and at least one livebirth, matched by ethnic origin. Results: We found a high incidence of JS in the total study group of EPLs (2.03%), with a considerably higher incidence among Albanian families (6.25%). Although not statistically significant, women with EPLs had a higher allele frequency of the CPLANE1 "complex allele" (AF = 1.38%) than the controls (AF = 0.85%; p = 0.2). Albanian women had significantly higher frequency of the "complex allele" than the Macedonians (AF = 1.65% and 0.39%, respectively; p = 0.003). Conclusion: To the best of our knowledge, this is the highest reported incidence of fetal monogenic disease that might cause EPLs. Targeted screening for the CPLANE1 "complex allele" would be warranted in Albanian ethnic couples because it would detect one JS in every 16 euploid EPLs. Our findings have a larger impact on the pathogenesis of pregnancy loss and contribute to a better understanding of the pathogenicity of the variants in the CPLANE1 gene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the subject of research and analysis is the situation and status of the Turkish and Albanian minorities in the Yugoslav Federation after the Second World War, with an emphasis on Kosovo and Macedonia and the Yugoslav policy towards them. Because of the conflict with Kominform in June 1948 and the deterioration of the Yugoslav-Albanian relationship, the Belgrade leadership was worried about the reaction of the Albanian population in Yugoslavia. At the same time, to limit the demographic and ethnic invasion of the Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia, Yugoslav authorities started a political campaign for their exportation. After the signing of the Yugoslav-Turkish agreement in 1953, which confirmed the convention from 1938 for the exportation of Turks from Yugoslavia in Turkey, the emigration into Turkey not only of Turks, but also Albanians, was legalized. Albanians in the Yugoslav federation got the possibility to define themselves as “Turks”, and thus to immigrate to Turkey (not Albania). In that way, many Albanians in Yugoslavia, mainly from Kosovo and Macedonia, declared themselves as “Turks”. In those years, Belgrade decided to intensify and renew the idea of emigrating the Muslim population, such as the Turks and Albanians, after World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across two studies, this research examined belief that reconciliation is necessary, belief that reconciliation is possible and belief in the value of social integration and willingness to integrate socially among Kosovar Albanians and Kosovar Serbs. Study 1 assessed these beliefs through a general population survey distributed via social media, whereas Study 2 assessed them before and after Kosovar youth participated in a program encouraging cross‐ethnic contact. Results show that these beliefs are modestly correlated and they show significant differences across ethnic groups. As the ethnic minority in Kosovo, Serbs are less likely to believe that reconciliation is possible and less willing to integrate socially than Kosovar Albanians. Moreover, across both studies, contact experience is a significant predictor of reconciliation beliefs regardless of ethnicity. Study 2 revealed that Kosovar youth can become more likely to believe that reconciliation is possible and social integration is valuable through participating in a cross‐ethnic contact program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Istorija 20. Veka is the property of Institute for Contemporary History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

[Background] An online self-help programme for the treatment of depression called Hap-pas-Hapi was tested among Albanian-speaking immigrants in Switzerland and Germany, and two different levels of cultural adaptation were compared. Despite a massive recruitment effort, an insufficient number of participants could be recruited, and the drop-out rate was over 90%. [Aims] We conducted a qualitative study to better understand the reasons for the non-use of Hap-pas-Hapi. [Method] Eleven interviews were conducted with 17 Albanian-speaking participants aged 19-59. Participants were recruited for the purpose of this study and were not participants from the trial. They went through the recruitment material and the Hap-pas-Hapi introduction module, commented on the graphic design, usability, content, and shared their views about mental health and self-help. [Results] Participants criticised the lack of a “design system” (i.e., a clearly identifiable and consistent graphic design) on social media for Hap-pas-Hapi, and the recruitment messages were unclear. The programme itself was perceived to be important and helpful for the community at large, but most participants said that they would not use it for themselves. The younger generation would have preferred an application in German or French, while the older generation did not see a benefit in using an online self-help programme to manage their psychological distress. Negative beliefs about mental disorders and psychological interventions were perceived to be common in this target group. [Discussion] A professional recruitment strategy, a more careful selection of the target population (e.g., age groups) and different kinds of adaptations might have resulted in a better acceptance of the intervention. At the same time, anti-stigma campaigns and psychoeducation are needed to enhance treatment motivation.

The process of the disintegration of the multinational Yugoslav federation at the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s had a strong impact on the process of the constitution of an independent Macedonian state. In those years, the Yugoslav Federation underwent a transition from the one-party rule of the Union of Communists to the establishment of a pluralistic multi-party political system. After the legalization of the possibility to create new political parties in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, various parties and associations emerged, which brought great diversity to the political life of the republic and laid the foundations of party pluralism in it. The grouping of the parties is based on the attitude towards the future development of Yugoslavia, which divides them into “pro-Yugoslav” and “national”. Along with the Macedonian national parties, political parties and associations on a national and ethno-religious basis are being created in the SR Macedonia. The difficulties in the Republic of Macedonia started parallel to the process of declaring its independence and especially after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Thus, in the early 90s, after the collapse of the multinational federation and the declaration of independence of some of its republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, the Republic of Macedonia faced serious problems in its own state. Internally - the final independence of the state and liberation from the Yugoslav People's Army, and externally - its international recognition. And while the last decade of the 20th century was mainly related to the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the first decade of the 21st century saw the country face serious international problems and confrontations mainly between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups in the country, as well as the dilemma of further and steps towards membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures - in the EU and NATO.

This study, rooted in historical musicology, adopts a descriptivenarrative approach to shed light on the general history of the Prishtina Symphony Orchestra. It delves into pivotal periods (the years 1950s-70s), which witnessed a concerted effort to foster cultural progress and marked the beginnings of a departure from traditional music paradigms. The City Symphony Orchestra in Prishtina, a precursor to the present Kosovo Philharmonic, underwent multiple transformations, evolving from a military orchestra in the 1940s to the Kosovo Philharmonic in 2000, posing a complex challenge for systematic research. In this paper, the orchestra's history unfolds in three distinct phases: the City Symphony Orchestra in Prishtina (1950-1973); the RTP Symphony Orchestra (1974- 1990); and the Choir and Philharmonic of Kosovo (from 2000 onwards). Thus, this paper offers a comprehensive narrative about the City Symphony Orchestra in Prishtina, emphasizing its pivotal role in fostering cultural development and documenting Kosovo's musical heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Young Intellectuals / Genç Mütefekkirler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Young Intellectuals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the role that the English language plays in the formation of linkages between different cultures, with a particular emphasis on the role that the English language plays in bridging the cultures of English speakers and Albanians. By evaluating historical and present variables, linguistic patterns, and cultural exchanges, this paper focuses on the ways in which English has helped to bridging cultural gaps, fostering understanding, and facilitating meaningful connections across two separate cultural worlds. These goals are accomplished through the language's ability to communicate effectively across cultural divides. According to the findings of the study, English can be a helpful tool in promoting intercultural understanding and communication between the English culture and the Albanian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Purpose: The main aim of this study has been the psychometric validation of an Italian translation of the Nurse Professional Competence Scale-Short Form (I-NPCS-SF), testing its validity and reliability. Methods: A multiphase design was used for the I-NPCS-SF translation and psychometric validation: (a) cultural and linguistic validation, (b) content and face validity, and (c) construct validity. Results: The I-NPCS-SF showed adequate linguistic translation, cultural adaptation, and content validity. Confirmatory factor analysis supported a four-factor structure of the I-NPCS-SF, in explaining data obtained from nurses and nursing students. Conclusions: The I-NPCS-SF demonstrated evidence of validity and reliability in measuring four professional competencies. Having an appropriate tool to be applied in the Italian context for professional competence self-assessment constitutes an essential step in measuring professional competencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini is the most discussed book about Albanian culture, not only during the 20th century, but also at the beginning of the 21st century. Before it was published by the author Shtjefën Gjeçovi in the form known today, canon norms were discussed by various local and foreign authors within the Albanian culture. The debate about the origin of the canon has been and continues to be lively. Some authors see a parallel between the Homeric ethical structure and the ethical structure of the canon, while others see it as a legacy passed down from the Illyrian period until the beginning of the 20th century, especially during the Middle Ages and the Ottoman occupation. Despite the arguments presented by various authors, some are of the opinion that the variety of topics discussed in the Canon makes it difficult to determine its exact origins, making it impossible to determine the date of its creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofija i Drustvo is the property of University of Belgrade, Institute for Philosophy & Social Theory and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper offers an approach to the worship of Allāt through the concept of the geography of religions and ritual landscape. It combines the epigraphic, archaeological and geographical evidence to present the goddess as the protectress of the borderland with a focus on the rocky deserts and drylands. For the first time it offers a study not through the "Arabic", ethnic, approach, but through the topography of the sacred places dedicated to the goddess. The paper focuses on the emplacement of the temples of Allāt in Palmyra, Salkhad, Wadi Ramm and Hatra as well as on the location of the Northern Arabian inscriptions (Safaitic and Dadanitic) on the rocks. The paper emphasizes the role of the desert in the perception of the divine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Indo-European languages were recorded in Anatolia: Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Phrygian, Thracian, Greek and Armenian. However, there are no archaeological or genetic traces of migrations of speakers of these languages from other areas. Recent works in archaeology, linguistics and paleogenetics have shown that the Indo-European homeland should be sought in western Asia. Archaeological materials from eastern Europe, Iran, Greece and Thrace allow migrations from Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia to be identified and linked to particular languages. But it is difficult to associate any ceramic type with a specific group. The only possibility is to study the distribution of ceramic types, genes and language contacts. This demonstrates that proto-Indo-European originated in northern Mesopotamia. In the Late Neolithic, some of its speakers migrated to the Balkans, which resulted in the separation of proto-Anatolian. In the Chalcolithic, other groups moved into eastern Anatolia, the Caucasus and Iran. In the Early Bronze Age, speakers of proto-Greek, proto-Thracian and proto-Phrygian migrated from this region to western Anatolia, and some to the Balkans. At the EBA transition, speakers of the Anatolian dialects migrated back to Anatolia. Thus, by the early 2nd millennium BC a significant part of Anatolia was inhabited by the Indo-Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there are many works on minorities in Serbia, there is rarely a comprehensive work on the subject in Serbian history. In Zoran Janjetović's book, the difficulties, problems and focal points of minority studies in Serbia are examined, with a special focus on the Hungarians of Vojvodina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This (2023) year marks the 70th anniversary of the achievement of the so-called “Gentlemen’s Agreement”, for the emigration of Turks from FPR of Yugoslavia to the Republic of Turkey. According to some indications and documents, this agreement was reached between the President of FPR of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito and the Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the Republic of Turkey, Fuad Köprülü, in Brioni, on January 22nd or 23rd, 1953. In order to operationalize this agreement, about three months later an “Agreement between the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the FPR of Yugoslavia and the Embassy of the Republic of Turkey in Belgrade, for the emigration of Turks”, was signed. After reaching the two aforementioned agreements the process of emigration of the Muslim population of Yugoslavia to Turkey gained dramatic proportions. Beside the Turks, especially between 1953 and 1968, a large number of Albanians, Bosniaks and Pomacs immigrated to Turkey. In other words it was the largest exodus that took place in Europe in the period after the Second World War. As it is already known, the emigration of Turks and other Muslim populations of Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50’s and 60’s of the 20th century was not new, because the emigration of the aforementioned population began in the second half of the 17th century - after the second defeat of the Ottoman army at the gates of Vienna in 1683, and continued in the period after the Second World War. In a period of more than 300 years, the most massive emigrations of the Muslim population from the territory of former Yugoslavia took place especially after the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, after the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918). The emigrations which took place after the Second World War, that I am writing about, are characteristic in that they took place in a peacetime period, as a result of the insidious abuse/ disrespect by the Yugoslav side of the agreement from 1953, which was signed between representatives of Yugoslavia and Turkey. Among the researchers of this issue, there are different views about the total number of emigrants who emigrated from Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50s and 60s of the 20th century, and especially about their nationality. Albanian historians and other authors from Albania and Kosovo go so far as to treat almost all emigrants from Kosovo and Macedonia as Albanians. Unlike them, Albanian historians and other authors from Macedonia admit that there were Turks among the emigrants from Macedonia, but that the dominant part of the emigrants were allegedly Albanians. Unlike them, I and several other authors from the Republic of Northern Macedonia (V. Achkovska, B. Ilievski, G. Todorovski, and others) claim that the majority of emigrants from the Republic of Macedonia were Turks.

The paper carefully deals with the constitutional aspect and the development of education in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis - Albanians. After the Second World War, Yugoslavia faced numerous problems both politically and economically. The first reforms that this country had to undergo initially required help from countries such as the Soviet Union. Among the first steps to be taken were the legislative reforms undertaken in 1946 by adjusting the Yugoslav Constitution. This constitution sanctioned important aspects of the political, economic, educational and cultural life of the country. The political life after the Second World War in Yugoslavia had undergone radical changes making it possible for countries like Macedonia to become independent states or to be created from scratch. The only country which was politically eliminated in this aspect was Kosovo, which was left under Serbia from 1945. By oppressing Kosovo politically in all aspects of life, Serbia exercised a segregationist policy towards the Albanian people of Kosovo. Harsh measures were exercised against the Albanian minority, including their relocation to Turkey through various Yugoslav-Turkish agreements, the imprisonment of many political personalities, etc. Political rights of expression were denied and political pressure continued at the national level. These forms were present continuously and did not stop until 1968 when the political situation began to change. Indeed, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia made good use of the political circumstances after 1968 when, in general demonstrations in all the cities of Kosovo, they opted for more national rights and requested the establishment of the University of Prishtina. Non-Albanian minorities were included in the Yugoslav republics in all spheres of life. Since they were not in large numbers, their presence was not revealed apart from the Hungarians. The Hungarian minority also began to enjoy greater rights with the amendment of several articles of the constitutions of 1946, 1953, 1963 and 1974. The presence of Hungarian schools was evident with several such schools and a lot of students who were allowed to use and be instructed in their mother tongue. Other small minorities such as Russians, Bulgarians, Germans and others were few in number. The Albanian population in Yugoslavia was distributed across several republics such as Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and to a lesser extent Croatia and Slovenia. Political power in Yugoslavia which was largely led by Serbs until 1966 through the iron hand of Alexander Rankovic did not allow the Albanians to even use their national flag and to express any kind of dissatisfaction through various demonstrations or manifestations. The period between 1966-1974 was decisive for Albanians in Yugoslavia, especially since many important steps were taken in political terms, such as the replacement of Serbian politicians with Albanians, the establishment of many different schools and the massification of higher education in general. The Yugoslav constitutions with their reforms changed the direction of comprehensive development of political, social, economic and cultural life for all non-Albanian and Albanian minorities in Yugoslavia. The author has followed the descriptive and analytical scientific methods for dealing with this important issue for general historiography. A serious Yugoslav and Albanian literature covering this socially and scientifically important study has been used.

This paper is a critical review of Igor Vukadinović’s book, The Autonomy of Kosovo and Metohija in Serbia (1945–1969), (Belgrade: Balkanological Institute SANU, 2021), in which I tried to point out its both good and bad sides, primarily its one-sided conclusions.

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the significant Arnauts leaders at the beginning of the year 1821, one of note was Diamandi (Iamandi) Giuvara serdar, a faithful servant of the last Phanariot rulers of Wallachia, Ioan Gheorghe Caragea (1812-1818) and Alexandru Suțu (1819-1821), a "soldier" as he would call himself, during the extremely tumultuous and revolutionary events of the spring of 1821. Coming from the south of the Danube, most likely at the beginning of Ioan Gheorghe Caragea's rule, this Albanian had joined the ranks of the Arnauts, Balkan mercenaries in the service of the Phanariot prince, becoming the commander of all gendarme companies in the Oltenia region. This character gained fame in the fall of 1816, after the capture of the notorious outlaws Nikola Abraš and Iancu Jianu. At the beginning of the revolutionnary year 1821, we find him leading a company of Arnauts alongside sluger Tudor Vladimirescu, the initiator of the Romanian revolutionary movement in Wallachia. After the defeat of the Eterist troops by the Ottoman forces in the battle of Drăgășani (7/19 June 1821), in which Diamandi Giuvara refused to participate, we will find him and his Arnauts resisting an Ottoman siege within the fortified walls of Cozia Monastery. Finally convinced by the empty promises of binbashi Sava, another Arnaut leader who had willingly entered the service of the Turks, Diamandi Giuvara surrendered to the commander of the Ottoman military forces that had taken over Wallachia, with the promise of being pardoned for his previous actions. However, as soon as he was brought to Constantinople, Diamandi Giuvara was executed in the public square. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution explores the case of Yugoslav Albanians working in the private sector in late socialist Croatia and the ways in which their involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast was shaped by Yugoslavia's position in the Cold War context as well as domestic political dynamics. Such dynamics include the securitization of Albanians across the country following the violently quelled 1981 student demonstrations in Kosovo and the perennial suspicion held by the authorities towards private business in general, and Albanian owned private businesses in particular. The key argument advanced is that Albanian involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast, as well connections to diaspora communities in Western Europe, facilitated (micro)economic activity and mobility between nonaligned Yugoslavia, capitalist liberal democracies of Western Europe and, increasingly, by the 1980s, neighboring Warsaw Pact states. Methodologically, the research is based on the triangulation of archival documents, regional printed press and oral history interviews to demonstrate how Yugoslavia's liminal non-aligned position and market socialist economy offered opportunity (as well as notable constraints) to Albanian private business owners and their workforces in the Cold War era and its immediate aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital applications can be effective tools for strengthening school-based health education programs as they can provide valuable health information to children through interactive videos, quizzes and games. We aimed at assessing the change in the prevalence of healthy behaviours among children exposed to digital applications (intervention) employed for promoting healthy behaviours. We conducted a cross-sectional study before the intervention in March 2022 including a representative sample of 1500 Albanian schoolchildren (≈54% girls) aged 12–15 years. In June 2022, after 4-month exposure to digital applications aimed at promoting healthy behaviours (intervention) , we carried out a second cross-sectional study in the same sample of schoolchildren. In both survey rounds, an anonymous and structured self-administered questionnaire inquired children about a range of behavioural practices including nutrition, oral health, physical activity and hygiene practices. After the intervention, overall, there was evidence of a significant increase in the prevalence of all healthy behavioural practices measured: ~9% for breakfast consumption and/or environmental protection, 12% for toothbrushing, 14% for handwashing, 15% for leisure time physical exercise and 24% for adequate fruit and vegetable intake (all p < 0.001). Engagement in healthy behaviours only after the intervention was higher among rural children (from 18% for breakfast consumption to 37% for handwashing and/or adequate fruit and vegetable intake) and especially those pertinent to Roma/Egyptian communities (from 18% for breakfast consumption to 46% for adequate fruit and vegetable intake), except for engagement in safe environmental protection which was more prevalent among urban residents (28% vs. 15% among rural children) and ethnic Albanian children (24% vs. 13% among Roma/Egyptian children). Our findings from Albania indicate that digital applications can be useful for strengthening school-based health promotion programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(1) Background: The assessment and application of registered nurses' professional skills are essential to providing quality and safe care. Self-efficacy can positively affect the professional competence of registered nurses. This study analysed professional competence and its association with self-efficacy among registered nurses. (2) Methods: A cross-sectional observational study was conducted. The sampling was conventional. The data collection took place through the Albanian version of the Nurse Professional Competence Scale Short Form (A-NPCS-SF), which was used to assess their professional skills, and the Albanian version of the Nursing Profession Self-Efficacy Scale (A-NPSES), which was used to assess their self-efficacy. The study was based on a convenience sample of 985 registered nurses from the 12 Albanian provinces. (3) Results: The Cronbach alpha value for the A-NPCS-SF scale was 0.947, while for the A-NPSES scale, it was 0.875, proving both scales to be reliable. Self-efficacy does not play an essential role in the development of the professional competence of registered nurses since our survey found only one dimension correlates with these two elements. (4) Conclusions: The results of our analysis have instead highlighted the importance of a close relationship between job satisfaction and the development of professional skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second part of the 16th century, Albanian urban society reached a high point of development. Foreign trade flourished to the extent that major Albanian merchants had their agencies in Ragusa, Venice and other medieval urban centers. This prosperity encouraged the development of education and art. Therefore, this paper elaborates some significant features for the Albanian cultural history of the XVI-XVIII centuries. The works of painters and art masters were observed to give a more complete mirror of culture as an integral component of spiritual life, as well as of Albanian history of the XVI-XVIII centuries in general. This paper uses a comprehensive and chronological perspective. This approach with contemporary literature offers us a literal interpretation of cultural or artistic developments from the field of visual art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the size and structure of the Albanian population in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The population censuses of 1921 and 1931 are the main source for the research. The statistical and census materials are compared to a number of studies from the fields of historiography, ethnography and anthropogeography. A number of papers raising doubts about how objective the census results are in regard to the number of Albanians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia are also critically addressed.

Peć kaza found a place in the works of numerous travel writers such as Ami Boué, Dr. Josef Miller, Ivan Franjo Jukić, Gedeon Josif Jurišić, Aleksandar Giljferding and others who spoke of it as an unsafe territory "where everyone was a public hajduk". It was for this reason that they claimed that traveling in this area was extremely dangerous. The city of Peć was the seat of the kaza and at the beginning of 1899 it was the center of gathering of Albanians, united around the goals directed against the Serbian population. In January of that year, numerous Albanians from various regions met and held a meeting, where they spoke about opposition to reforms and the expansion of tribal self-governance. Through influential beys, Porta emphasized the importance of unity and joint action against possible attacks from Serbia and Montenegro. The agreement between them caused concern among the Serbs and hinted at even greater insecurity. The position of the Serbian population was negatively affected by the Albanians agreements, but also by mutual conflicts. This is best illustrated by the event that took place in the village of Verići, in which ten out of twelve Serbian houses were set on fire. The injured asked for help from the vali, the mutasarrif, the consuls of Serbia and Russia as well. Because of those events, the Kosovo vali Hafis Pasha came to Peć in the summer of the same year, but he did not take vigorous measures to prevent further suffering of the Serbs. His stay was mainly limited to daily meetings with Zejnul bey Mahmutbegović and the key figure in this area, Mula Zeka, whose views influenced the vali's decisions. During vali's mission in Peć, there happened atrocities on a much wider scale, which had never happened before. It was a very turbulent period of time marked by numerous sufferings, murders, blackmail, fines and expulsions of the Serbian population from those areas. Albanians were always ready to cause new disturbances, disobedience and nonpayment of taxes, which affected the weakening of the state. Among the most persistent were the Fetahović brothers, Colj Sokol, Jusuf, Mula Zeka, Adem Zajim, Ibrahim Mehmed Redžić and others. They contributed to the removal of the energetic officer Šemsi Pasha from Peć and the removal of Peć's mutesarrif Suleiman Pasha, who was replaced by Alil Pasha, the former commissioner on the Serbian-Turkish border. Sultan Abdul Hamid and the Porta constantly favored the Albanians and instead of punishing the criminals, numerous decorations and ranks were awarded from Constantinople. The continuous support of the sultan and the Turkish authorities incited the Arbanas of Peć to new acts of violence. In just two years, 1900 and 1901, crimes of apocalyptic proportions took place against the Serbs in the Kosovo Vilayet, of which the most victims were in Peć kaza. The reason lies in the fact that, in addition to the Albanians terror, the victims were also exposed to daily attacks by the Roman Catholic Albanians, who were susceptible to Austrian propaganda. The Albanians leader Mula Zeka, was considered an Austrian mercenary and dominated the situation in the entire Peć kaza, where, according to the estimate of the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, there were no more than 1,500 Serbian families at the beginning of the 20th century. Exposed to terror, the Serbs of Peć kaza fled from their homesteads. Many of them fled to Serbia, and some moved to other places in the territory of the Kosovo Vilayet, where their fate was still uncertain. The emigration continued later and according to the assessment of the Serbs of Peć kaza from 1907, in the previous twenty years, 20,000 people emigrated to Serbia and Montenegro, instead of whom Mula Zeka settled 300 Arbanas families from Malesia.

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Background: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has affected humanity in all life areas, particularly stress levels and mental health issues. Objectives: The present research aimed to explore the knowledge, stress level, social distancing, and mental health of the students at the University of Medicine in Albania during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: We conducted an anonymous online-based validated survey. We used the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS10) and the perception of COVID-19's impact (PCI) on well-being. The study's inclusion criteria included having access to the Internet and being a student at the University of Medicine in Tirana, Albania. We used the statistical package SPSS 26.0 in this study. To analyze numeric variables, we used descriptive statistics and the chi-square test to analyze cross-tabulations of the survey response data for categorical variables. Results: Out of 521 students participating in our study (median age = 20 (1.3) years), 484 (92.9%) were female, and 37 (7.1%) were male; 62.4% had an adequate understanding of the transmission ways of COVID-19 (P = 0.0002); 16.8% of the students reported that social distancing had a significant impact on their psychological status, while 6.33% reported a moderate impact, with a statistically significant difference between the two groups (P = 0.0001). Concerning the students' approach to trusted sources of information during the COVID-19 pandemic, 85.4% reported that they trusted information from friends, 11.1% from the World Health Organization (WHO), and 2.1% from the government (P = 0.0001). We observed a positive correlation according to Pearson chi-square and the likelihood ratio tests between treatment for health problems and health risks of the COVID-19 pandemic (P = 0.0041); 4.4% of students have reported being treated for mental health issues during the COVID-19-related quarantine period (P = 0.0002). Conclusions: Future lockdown strategies should consider the detrimental effects on student mental health. Based on the findings of our study, the COVID-19 pandemic caused significant distress among students. Universities should also adopt a creative and supportive approach to encourage and tackle students' mental health problems during a pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The revival and popular success of theories on the Pelasgian origin of Albanians since the late 1990s is a significant phenomenon of post-socialist identity processes, yet relatively neglected by the scientific literature. The now well-established neo-Pelasgian discourse sees Albanians as direct descendants of the Pelasgians, a prehistoric population conceived as the origin of all civilizations in the ancient Mediterranean. The aim of this article is to provide a first picture of this quest for origins and to propose an explanation. The argument is that neo-Pelasgianism can be seen as the result of a combination of the history of ideas about the origins of Albanians since the nineteenth century, on the one hand, and of the dynamics of identity linked to the opening of Albania’s borders at the beginning of the 1990s and the massive migration of Albanians to Greece, on the other. The demonstration is based both on a review of the neo-Pelasgian literature and on fieldwork conducted in southern Albania. It aims to show that far from being limited to the reveries of amateurs, discourses on imagined origins, of which neo-Pelasgianism is an example, have real effects on societies and territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principle of equality proclaimed by the Edict of Gulhane (tur. Gülhane Hatt-ı Şerîf) in 1839 resulted in many changes in the socio-political sphere of the Ottoman society, but also with several legal acts regarding education issued by the Ottoman authorities. The Constitution of the Ottoman Empire from 1876 proclaimed equality between all citizens of the state regardless of ethnicity and religion. Even though, relations between the Albanian and Serbian populations in the Kosovo Vilayet were tense in all aspects of socio-political spheres. The representatives of Albanians, as a majority in the vilayet, defended the status of Islam as a dominant religion and Christianity as a religion of slaves (rayah). As the Ottoman authorities issued many legal acts regarding formal basic education in Islamic primary schools (mekteb) during the second half of the 19th century, tensions and misunderstandings between the Serbian and Albanian populations increased. This paper analyzes relations between Serbs and Albanians in the Vilayet of Kosovo in 1878-1912 in the area of implementation of the right to primary education for both communities as this issue has not been researched in detail until now. Our research is based on interdisciplinary approach to the subject and the use of primary archival sources of the Ottoman and Serbian provenance, as well as the relevant literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through this paper we intend to reflect objectively the complexity of the factors that conditioned and determined the political future of Albanians and the new Albanian state that would emerge from the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans at the beginning of the XX-th century. Addressing the path that followed the state-forming process of Albanians for a period of nearly 10 years, and more specifically in the period 1912-1922, we mostly focused on the analysis of European diplomacy decision at the Ambassador's London Conference in 1912 and at the Peace Conference, Paris 1919. Did the Albanians lose or win at the London Conference? Were the Albanians Punished or Rewarded at the Peace Conference? Were Albanians treated as "Orphans of Europe", in addition to the other orphan people of Europe who lost themselves from World War I? Did Albanians feel the support of International Diplomacy in these conferences? These are some of the questions that we will answer in this scientific paper through the examination of a rich contemporary literature. We have been able to reflect to these problems through a research work based on new historical sources, through the formulation of the new theses we have mostly dealt with in the comparative context, countering the approaches and official theses of the first communist Albanian historiography 90-s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a review of the book by Petar Ristanović, Kosovsko pitanje 1974–1989 (The Kosovo Question 1974–1989). The results of Ristanović‘s work are placed in the context of previous knowledge on this topic.

Background: To evaluate the prevalence and the distribution of dental anomalies in an Albanian orthodontic sample. Methods: For this retrospective study, a sample of panoramic radiographs (PR) of n. 779 (456 F and 323 M, mean age of 15.1 ± 5.5 years) Albanian subjects with no genetic syndromes or craniofacial malformations (e.g., cleft lip/palate), history of extraction, trauma or previous orthodontic treatment drawn from the archives of the University Dental Clinic Our Lady of Good Counsel, was examined. The inclusion criteria were: subjects from 8 to 30 years of age, good quality of PRs in order to allow the assessment of crown and root development. For different dental anomalies, both the prevalence and the association were evaluated by using Chi-square test (p < 0.05). Results: 24.4% of the sample had at least one dental anomaly and 4.6% had more than one. The following dental anomalies were most prevalent: hypodontia (9.8%), dental impaction (7.6%), and ectopic eruption (5.3%). No statistically significant correlation was found between males and females (p > 0.05). Conclusions: The most common anomalies in this group are found to be those of number and position, and only radiological investigations can reveal either of these anomalies. Early diagnosis of dental anomalies can contribute to prevent their complications and to establish the most suitable therapy to achieve a functional occlusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Similarly to the entire Western Balkans, North Macedonia represents a post-conflict environment; an environment, however, characterized by a rather non-intuitive conflict understanding where conflict develops at the inter-ethnic intra-state level. Mutual antagonism and centrifugal tendencies in relations between Albanians and Macedonians are being materialized through various forms of conflict, ranging from verbal violence and symbolized insults, to inter-personal violence, domestic terrorism, and longitudinal insurgency bordering on civil war. This article analyzes occurrences of inter-ethnic antagonism between Albanians and Macedonians on the intra-state level and assesses them within the framework of reconciliation as a means to build societal resilience and strengthen national security. The article concludes that despite certain progress in conciliation of antagonist ethnic groups, local peace, stability, and resilience in North Macedonia are still fragile and need to be addressed comprehensively through a whole-of-a-society approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the paper, the author speaks about the suffering of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the period from the Berlin Congress to the Balkan Wars in the context of solving the Serbian issue. The difficult position of the Serbian people imposed itself as a primary task in the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbia. Complex diplomatic relations influenced the Government in Belgrade to consider several ways to resolve the Serbian issue within the framework of the Eastern issue. In addition to the Ottoman authorities, the obstacles in the implementation of the plans were represented by the Albanians, but also by the interests of certain great powers, primarily Austria-Hungary. The realization of imagined ideas about the protection of the Serbian people in Old and Southern Serbia gave short-term results, but they contributed to the final liberation from Ottoman rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The main topic of this scientific paper is based on what hate speech is, and how it affects young Albanians. The main problem raised in this paper is how hate speech is not much talked about in our everyday lives, and how young people do not have enough information about different examples of hate speech in their everyday lives and therefore not being aware how this can affect their mental health and emotional well - being. Purpose: The hypothesis that this scientific paper is based on is how today's society faces a current situation of co-existence, where there is a lack of information on hate speech, and how young people (students) do not know how to identify what can be considered hate speech or not. Method: The theoretical basis of this scientific paper focuses on relevant literatures, studies conducted on this topic from all over the world, as well as previous studies focused on Albania, with relevant references. This paper contains the main study conducted by the author, a survey named "Hate speech and its effect on emotional Wellbeing" with open and closed questions, the data of which have been analyzed and interpreted. Conclusion: The creation of new platforms where young people can be informed about hate speech, report experiences is a necessary need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper it will be addressed the topic of the forced migration of the Albanians of People's Republic of Macedonia in Turkey, in the period 1950-1957. Through this paper can be understood the social position of the Albanians in People's Republic of Macedonia and the reasons that caused their migration. There will be analysed the social contradictions of different nationalities that lived in Yugoslavia and the state's repression on the Albanian society of the time, to change their identity and leave their ethnic lands. The information and data provided in this paper will make it possible to analyze the interests of Turkey and Yugoslavia related to this migration and the possibility to analyze how these politics affected the socio-cultural situation of the Albanians in particular and of Yugoslavia in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of political changes escalated in the Republic of (North) Macedonia in recent years -- the second decade of the 21st century, and especially after 2015. With the help of the external factor and as a result of the internal political events during those years, the situation in the RNM is characterised with three key changes: of the power, name and Constitution of the state. The ten years during which the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation -- Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (IMRO-DPMNU) and Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski were in power (2006--2016) generated tension among some of the leading political parties, notably the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDUM). They accused him of corruption and of stopping the processes of NATO and EU accession. A real opportunity for change of the rule in the RNM was created with the Pržino Agreement (2015) and with the active assistance of the EU representatives. Prime Minister Gruevski's firm stand against the change of the country's name under pressure and on its evaluation with a view to NATO and EU accession was not well received in the Western world. On its part, precisely SDUM was the party whose president Zoran Zaev openly and clearly supported the name change. That was a painful issue for a large part of the population of the RNM, but real conditions for a change of the name existed on account of the country's ethnic composition. The Albanian community took a firm stand in support of the new name. They skilfully used the signing of the Prespa Agreement between the RNM and Greece in 2018 to expand their rights and to make the Albanian language official over the entire territory of the country. Improved relations with the neighbours were an important prerequisite for NATO accession and for the start of the EU negotiations. In this connection, the agreement with Greece was preceded by an agreement between the RNM and Bulgaria. A serious challenge before the stabilisation and the process of EU integration of the RNM is perceived not only in the internal influence expressed with weak political elites, enormous economic problems, constant tension in the inter-ethnic relations, failure to cope with the corruption and the existing political revenge seeking, but also in the external influence, complying with the implementation of the agreements with the neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on secret negotiations between Vienna and Rome from July 1914 to May 1915, exploring the diplomatic patterns, geopolitical context, and struggles over Albanian territories, emphasizing the rivalry and complex agreements between Austria-Hungary and Italy.

Copyright of Istraživanja: Journal of Historical Researches is the property of Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The phenomenon of killings of Albanian soldiers during their military service in the People's Army of the former Yugoslavia, described as "suicide" and military trials with ethno-political motivation will be addressed in this paper. In the period 1981-1991 in the People's Army of the SFRY, in enigmatic circumstances many young Albanians lost their lives. There are several characteristics that identify the state terror of the Military Secret Service (KOS) and the State Security Service (UDB) of the former Yugoslavia against Albanian soldiers while performing military service. First, all murders have been described as "suicide", or accidents of various natures, and here the real perpetrators of these crimes have never been punished. Presence of the phenomenon of setups and convictions with lawsuits against Albanian soldiers, hastened and motivated by politics and ethnicity. One of its characteristics of state terror has been the staging of cases with the right to incite and inter-ethnic violence. The mosaic of state violence against Albanian soldiers during the years "81- 99" is characterized by interference and political influence in the crimes and processes carried out against Albanian soldiers in the People's Army of the former Yugoslavia [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]