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This article studies the strategic considerations behind far-right movement-partyism in the context of 'new' issues such as Russia's war against Ukraine. The question of military support to Ukraine, high energy prices, and the reception of war refugees soon became salient issues in many European states. In Germany, the government, dominated by the centre-left, moved towards greater military support. The loudest opponents of arms supply and sanctions were found within the far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, AfD). Perhaps paradoxically, many AfD politicians, together with a variety of far-right social movement groups and prominent activists, even went to the streets, portraying themselves as new 'peace movement'. The article asks: What are the far rights' motives behind going to the streets? What should these efforts organizationally achieve? And what does street mobilization in the context of war teach us about the state of far-right movement-partyism more generally? The article highlights the following strategic motives of the far right: (1) the long-term aim of strengthening of organizational structures beyond the electoral arena and (2) the attraction of (former) left-wingers through 'Querfront' ('cross-front') strategies. The article also studies (3) far-right activists' ambivalent self-assessments of their success. Further analysing these strategic considerations, the article provides important contributions to debates on the far right's mainstreaming and normalization efforts, their own intellectual reflection of strategy, and the impact of their efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study Laplace equation and heat equation with the Gaussian white noise as the boundary/initial condition. Using the stochastic pre-orthogonal adaptive Fourier decomposition on the Bergman space, we give sparse expansions of the solutions of the boundary/initial value problems. The proposed methodology breaks away from the H - H K structure. The key point to the solution is to use the Wiener isometry property of the Gaussian white noise integral and the corresponding Green's function to represent the covariance of the solution. For the heat equation with the Gaussian white noise initial value, we define a class of parabolic Bergman space following E. Stein, prove existence of Bergman kernel, and obtain its expression, and further verify the boundary vanishing property needed for generating a sparse expansion. In order to make the heat flow satisfy a long-time decay property, we induce a subspace of the parabolic Bergman space, which corresponds to a class of homogeneous Sobolev spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Berliner Debatte Initial is the property of Berliner Debatte Initial e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We study Laplace equation and heat equation with the Gaussian white noise as the boundary/initial condition. Using the stochastic pre-orthogonal adaptive Fourier decomposition on the Bergman space, we give sparse expansions of the solutions of the boundary/initial value problems. The proposed methodology breaks away from the H - H K structure. The key point to the solution is to use the Wiener isometry property of the Gaussian white noise integral and the corresponding Green's function to represent the covariance of the solution. For the heat equation with the Gaussian white noise initial value, we define a class of parabolic Bergman space following E. Stein, prove existence of Bergman kernel, and obtain its expression, and further verify the boundary vanishing property needed for generating a sparse expansion. In order to make the heat flow satisfy a long-time decay property, we induce a subspace of the parabolic Bergman space, which corresponds to a class of homogeneous Sobolev spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For electoral purposes, Germany’s far-right AfD party masks its xenophobia and anti-migration policies by portraying itself as a guardian of Holocaust remembrance and defender of the State of Israel. Now with a seat in the Bundestag, it is forcing the other parties to join its positions by anticipating them.

The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged nearly every aspect of life and superseded issues at the core of populist radical right (PRR) parties' ideology, dispossessing them of one of their main narratives. This also challenged the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a relatively young but strong PRR party in opposition. We explore how the party has adjusted its policy supply to this unprecedented situation and how this has affected its popularity among German voters, building our analysis on press releases issued by the AfD between January 2020 and March 2021, vote intention data and recent election results. Initially, the party's reaction was inconsistent, but from autumn 2020 the AfD focused on fuelling discontent with the government's lockdown measures, acting as a supporter of the anti-coronavirus demonstrations. It framed its response as elite critique. So far, its siding with the lockdown protesters, however, has not had any positive effect on support for the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines contemporary German environmental politics through its connections with ordoliberalism. Ordoliberalism is a branch of neoliberalism that prescribes a strong state to structure and optimize competition within a 'social market economy.' The article shows that ordoliberalism was built on a distinct political ecology that frames nature and the environment as potential sites of state intervention. It argues that ordoliberal political ecology can be made compatible with ostensibly opposed programs, including what we call 'fossil ordoliberalism,' 'green ordoliberalism,' and the potential for 'ordoliberal geoengineering.' Amidst the climate crisis, this ordoliberal malleability is exemplified by parties from the center-left Greens and center-right Liberals (FDP) to the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). Yet even in its progressive guise of a 'social-ecological market economy,' ordoliberal approaches will hit the 'glass ceiling' to socio-ecological transformation due to their technocratic orientation, democratic antipathies, and foundational commitment to market competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The p.Arg301Gln variant in the α -galactosidase A gene (GLA) has been poorly described in the literature. The few reports show controversial information, with both classical and nonclassical Anderson–Fabry Disease (AFD) presentation patterns. The aim of this study was to analyze the penetrance, clinical phenotype, and biochemical profile of an international cohort of patients carrying the p.Arg301Gln genetic variant in the GLA gene. This was an observational, international, and retrospective cohort case series study of patients carrying the p.Arg301Gln variant in the GLA gene associated with AFD disease. Forty-nine p.Arg301Gln GLA carriers, 41% male, were analyzed. The penetrance was 63% in the entire cohort and 1.5 times higher in men. The mean age of symptoms onset was 41 years; compared to women, men presented symptoms earlier and with a shorter delay to diagnosis. The typical clinical triad—cornea verticillate, neuropathic pain, and angiokeratomas—affected only 20% of the cohort, with no differences between genders. During follow-up, almost 20% of the patients presented some type of nonfatal cardiovascular and renal event (stroke, need for dialysis, heart failure, and arrhythmias requiring intracardiac devices), predominantly affecting men. Residual levels were the most common finding of α-GAL A enzyme activity, only a few women had a normal level; a small proportion of men had undetectable levels. The incidence of combined outcomes including all causes of death was 33%, and the cumulative incidence of all-cause mortality was 9% at the follow-up. Patients carrying the p.Arg301Gln GLA variant have a high penetrance, with predominantly cardiorenal involvement and clinical onset of the disease in middle age. Only a small proportion showed the classic clinical presentation of AFD. As in other X-linked diseases, males were more affected by severe cardiovascular and renal events. This genotype–phenotype correlation could be useful from a practical clinical point of view and for future decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When considering the far-right populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and its success in the territories of the former GDR, existing academic approaches rarely consider the memory cultural implications and multifaceted affective underpinnings of the party's maneuvering. Aiming to fill this gap, this article develops an approach that is geared toward understanding the affective dimension of the AfD's populist messages and critically engages with Germany's hegemonic post-reunification memory culture. Subsequently, an analysis of social media material stemming from the AfD Thuringia's 2019 state election campaign under the slogan "Wende 2.0" illustrates how the party articulates a multifaceted, alternative affective subject position. Such a counter-hegemonic way of feeling Eastern German constitutes itself against the state-sponsored memory culture and the affective governance that characterize reunified Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political changes in established democracies have led to a new cleavage, often described as a juxtaposition of 'winners' and 'losers of globalization'. Despite a growing interest in subjective group membership and identity, previous research has not studied whether individuals actually categorize themselves as globalization winners or losers and what effect this has. Based on survey data from Germany, we report evidence of a division between self‐categorized globalization winners and losers that is partially but not completely rooted in social structure and associated with attitudes towards globalization‐related issues and party choices. We thereby confirm many of the assumptions from prior research – such as that (self‐categorized) losers of globalization tend to hold lower levels of education and lean towards the radical right. At the same time, the self‐categorizations are not merely transmission belts of socio‐structural effects but seem to be politically consequential in their own right. We conclude that the categories of globalization winners and losers have the potential to form part of the identity component of the globalization cleavage and are important for understanding how political entrepreneurs appeal to voters on their side of the new divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The small federal state Thuringia has been politically unique over the last two legislative terms in two respects: It is the only German state in which a minister president belonging to the Left Party is leading a left of center coalition government; in other states where the Left Party is participating in governmental coalitions it is always the SPD that is leading the government. And, at least since 2019, Thuringia is unique because it is ruled by a minority government of the Left Party, SPD, and Greens. This article argues that the first uniqueness is a historically contingent deviance from national patterns that can be explained by the electoral development of the Thuringian SPD. The unique type of minority government has been caused primarily by the electoral success of the AfD in Thuringia, and it might serve as a model for other federal states if coalition building becomes equally difficult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we develop and apply a typology of formal and substantive party responses to the radical right in three arenas: parliament, party competition, and the media. We argue that these provide distinct environments for parties' scope of action, which is why responses must always be understood in the light of their respective context. Empirically, we focus on the case of the Federal Republic of Germany and illustrate the usefulness of our model by analyzing the responses of the largest conservative and social democratic mainstream parties in the Bundestag (CDU/CSU and SPD) to the Alternative for Germany (AfD) between 2017 and 2022. Although both coalition partners have primarily excluded the AfD at the formal and substantive level, we find crucial differences in their response patterns between the arenas and highlight future research perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper aims to provide a fundamental analysis of the Fabaceae Lindl. family in the context of the Aktobe Floristic District (AFD) legume family presented in this region. According to the present findings, the most commonly seen genus of the family Fabaceae in the region is Astragalus, which includes three subgenera with a certain number of sections. Based on the species distribution model, the dominant group is macro-disjunctive species, with plants migrated at a distance of 500–1,000 km. The usability analysis showed that the majority of plants are used as fodder (60.5%), and medicinal plants account for 26.3%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing populists legitimize their political agenda by promoting cultural ideas. At the same time, support for right-wing populists is fueled by a sense of economic injustice. How do these two factors interact? This article addresses this question by tracing how these actors promote 'economic narratives' about the past. It studies how two right-wing populist parties – AfD in post-communist (former East) Germany and ANO in the Czech Republic – publicly reference and remember the disruptive nature of economic change during the transition from Communist rule to market society after 1989. Despite their notable differences, both parties offer interpretations that suggest that the structure of social recognition in market society is broken and that there is a need to repair it. They do so, first, by offering a reading of the past centered on corruption (understood, however, not as the corruption of politics by the market, but as that of market justice by politics); and second, by emphasizing resilience and a commitment to hard work, thus projecting economic strength and conjuring a notion of economic belonging (a sense of 'us' as subjects worthy of respect), against the backdrop of the post-1989 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After the Second World War, most former Nazis were certain that they (and their Führer) would have won the war if there had not been a national-conservative opposition among the traditional elites, i. e. diplomats, bureaucrats, and the officer corps. It took the West German political mainstream years to adopt the notion of resistance to Hitler as part of a positive tradition. By 1990, however, it had become received wisdom that men like Colonel Claus Graf Stauffenberg were positive examples of how some, albeit very few, had stood up against injustice and repression. Only on the extreme right fringe could authors still defame the resisters as traitors. The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), started in 2013 as a Eurosceptic party, was soon hijacked by elements of the far Right. One example is the New Right’s discussion of the resistance. While some proclaim that “Stauffenberg was a traitor”, others claim the 1944 opposition for their own heritage. By harnessing it for their cause, the memory of the conspiracy and its generally positive connotations in German public opinion, the German New Right is attempting to attract centre or centre-right voters who are disappointed with Angela Merkel’s pro-European policies.

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Copyright of Politische Vierteljahresschrift is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The repair performance of the so-called self-healing polymer systems has been extensively studied in recent works. However, the characterization methodology carried out to analyze the repair performance of these materials has not been widely discussed. Herein, a study of the influence of the characterization parameters on the self-healing capabilities of a 2-Aminophenyl disulfide (AFD)/epoxy system via convective heating is carried out. Results show a decrease in the self-healing efficiency proportional to the damage depth. Finally, increasing the healing temperature and time does not significantly affect the repair performance, obtaining similar self-healing efficiency values (>>95%) in all cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to the question of how health and disease discourses are linked to the migration discourse in AfD election programs. For this purpose, twenty election programs of the party from the years 2016 to 2021 are evaluated in terms of content, which were adopted for the elections to the state parliaments, the Bundestag and the European Parliament. Based on the evaluation, seven different sub-discourses can be identified in which health or disease-related topics are linked to the migration discourse. The focus here is on the portrayal of migrants as carriers of diseases, as a danger to the health of the population and in particular of health care workers, and on the exploitation and thus endangerment of the German health care system by migrants. Statistical analysis shows that references to these motifs occur continuously in the programs studied. A significantly stronger access to these discourses can be demonstrated in election programs from the new German states. In general, migrants are directly or indirectly portrayed as a threat to the health of the population in all sub-discourses. Overall, it can be shown that references to health and illness discourses are integrated by the AfD into its xenophobic program in order to generate feelings of threat and fear among voters. Overall, the AfD is thus less concerned with the issues of health and illness than with reinforcing xenophobic emotions among the population.

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In diesem Beitrag untersuchen wir, welchen spezifischen Einfluss Faktoren der politischen Raumkultur auf die regionalen Unterschiede in den Corona Inzidenzverläufen in den beiden Expansionsphasen der Pandemie im Frühjahr 2020 sowie im Herbst/Winter 2020 hatten. Ausgehend von der Annahme, dass in Regionen mit hohem Zuspruch zu Parteien der radikalen Rechten eine höhere Skepsis bzw. Distanz zu demokratischen Institutionen und damit einhergehend eine geringere Akzeptanz der Schutzmaßnahmen vorherrscht, prüfen wir, inwiefern sich diese Unterschiede in der politischen Raumkultur auf die Inzidenzentwicklungen auswirken. Wir nutzen neben Daten zum Infektionsgeschehen die Wahlergebnisse und Nichtwählendenanteile vergangener Bundestagswahlen und zahlreiche soziostrukturelle Variablen für die 401 Kreise und kreisfreien Städte. Zur Modellierung der dynamischen An- und Abstiegsphasen greifen wir auf latente Wachstumsmodelle zurück. Die Ergebnisse zeigen hohe signifikante Effekte der AfD-Zweitstimmenanteile auf die Anstiege der Infektionszahlen in beiden Wellen – sowohl in Ost- als auch in Westdeutschland. Für andere im Bundestag vertretene Parteien lassen sich keine systematischen Effekte auf die Anstiegsphase beider Wellen finden. Dazu kann gezeigt werden, dass auch die Zweitstimmenanteile rechtsextremer Kleinparteien und die Nichtwählendenanteile zu den Bundestagswahlen 2005 und 2013 positive Effekte auf die Inzidenzentwicklungen haben; das weist auf eine hohe Persistenz politischer und demokratischer Distanz in Teilen dieser Regionen hin.

In den letzten Jahren hat die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) das Thema Wohnen zunehmend in ihren Wahlprogrammen aufgegriffen und für die eigene politische Profilierung genutzt. Der Beitrag zeigt, inwiefern die Thematisierung des Wohnens bei der AfD so formuliert ist, dass es erhebliche Anknüpfungspunkte an rechtes Gedankengut herstellt. Der Beitrag thematisiert die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen für eine kritische Stadtforschung sowie für progressive soziale Bewegungen. Er plädiert dafür, sich der Gefahr der rechten Vereinnahmung des Themas Wohnen bewusst zu sein und sich deutlich von den rechten Übernahmeversuchen abzugrenzen sowie Gegenstrategien zu entwickeln.

Animals integrate sensory stimuli presented at the past and present, assess the changes in their surroundings and navigate themselves toward preferred environment. Identifying the neural mechanisms of such sensory integration is pivotal to understand how the nervous system generates perception and behavior. Previous studies on thermotaxis behavior of Caenorhabditis elegans suggested that a single thermosensory neuron AFD plays an important role in integrating the past and present temperature information and is essential for the neural computation that drives the animal toward the preferred temperature region. However, the molecular mechanisms by which AFD executes this neural function remained elusive. Here we report multiple forward genetic screens to identify genes required for thermotaxis. We reveal that kin-4, which encodes the C. elegans homolog of microtubule-associated serine threonine kinase, plays dual roles in thermotaxis and can promote both cryophilic and thermophilic drives. We also uncover that a thermophilic defect of mutants for mec-2, which encodes a C. elegans homolog of stomatin, can be suppressed by a loss-of-function mutation in the gene crh-1, encoding a C. elegans homolog CREB transcription factor. Expression of crh-1 in AFD restored the crh-1-dependent suppression of the mec-2 thermotaxis phenotype, indicating that crh-1 can function in AFD to regulate thermotaxis. Calcium imaging analysis from freely moving animals suggest that mec-2 and crh-1 regulate the neuronal activity of the AIY interneuron, a postsynaptic partner of the AFD neuron. Our results suggest that a stomatin family protein can control the dynamics of neural circuitry through the CREB-dependent transcriptional regulation within a sensory neuron. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]