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Determining the curriculum is the government's authority, in early 2022, the independent curriculum was launched. Implementing an independent curriculum is a challenge in itself for education in North Kalimantan. The reason is educational facilities in this region are not evenly distributed. However, several agencies have made efforts to continue to make the independent curriculum program a success. This research was conducted using the systematic literature review (SLR) method. The results of this research are that the government, teacher groups, and several schools have developed and implemented an independent curriculum. Teaching staff in North Kalimantan experienced various difficulties in implementing the independent curriculum technique, including a lack of resources, such as teaching materials and technology, and confusion due to a lack of understanding. This case is an indication that there is still a need to improve the quality of education, especially in the interior of North Kalimantan.

According to the ACLU (2005), ". . .at times of national stress -- real or imagined -- First Amendment rights come under enormous pressure." So, too, academic freedom of expression for faculty, staff, and students has become a casualty in the post-9/11 world. Academics were criticized and reprimanded for not being patriotic enough. Using a conceptual framework that includes historical reanalysis, terror management theory, contradictory constructions of patriotism, and electronic discourse, this essay explores the nexus between patriotism and free expression in higher education. We examine historical trends in freedom of expression, analyze three higher education case studies (Chilling Churchill; 9/11 and Middle Eastern Studies; and Shunning Bob Jensen), and suggest why patriotism and censorship go hand and glove in times of national crisis. We end one a cautionary note, expressing concern about how easily words can be turned against academics, the very people who should have the highest level of protection for their words. Nearly 20 years ago, Professor Pat Somers joined the faculty at the University of Texas at Austin bringing her trademark wit and her seemingly indefatigable energy to root out injustice. The paper below represents one such branch of her academic curiosity in response to a perceived injustice to a fellow member of the Academy. This paper was first presented as a draft manuscript at the American Educational Research Association and later submitted to a notable journal. Unfortunately, a second paper on academic freedom was already included in the edition, but the editors encouraged Pat and her team to pursue other publications. And then, as with many things, this paper fell to the side as Pat pursued a new branch of academic curiosity and stewarded her many doctoral students through the dissertation process. As you will note in the dedication, Pat was a deeply curious and pedagogically dynamic member of the Academy and this paper stands at the ready for updating and resubmission. We present it today unadulterated as a testimony to Pat's prescience, her passion and her drive -- a historical glimpse into the early days of a very real threat to academic freedom that persists today.

This paper explores the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on Russia's academic sector, relying on the limited evidence available. The invasion has triggered an academic exodus from Russia, with both immediate and far-reaching consequences. These consequences range from the interruption of ongoing research projects and the termination of international collaborations to the emergence of an intellectual void, raising concerns about the future of academic pursuits in Russia. Conventional models for understanding academic mobility, which primarily focus on professional and economic incentives, prove inadequate in accounting for the complexities introduced by geopolitical strife, international sanctions, and curtailed academic freedoms. This paper calls for an interdisciplinary approach incorporating perspectives from political science, sociology, and international relations for a richer understanding of academic migration in conflict-affected settings. The Russia-Ukraine war serves as an important case study, shedding light on the vulnerabilities of academic sectors, even in the aggressor country where the physical conflict is not occurring, and offering broader insights for the field of academic mobility.

Corporate norms and values, characterised by an enterprise ethos, became the new parameters that defined the academic environment. Academics are increasingly becoming concerned about the commodification of higher education and its impact on academic quality and the standards of quality graduates. The voices of South African academics and their experiences within the neoliberal university governance remain underexplored in the current literature. This study aimed to enhance understanding and contribute to knowledge by exploring lecturers' experiences within a corporatised academic work environment. This study took place across public and private higher education institutions in South Africa. A cross-sectional, qualitative, interpretative phenomenological research design was employed. Data was collected by means of semi-structured interviews with a diverse sample of 20 lecturers. The data analysis followed the principles of interpretative phenomenological analysis. The findings of the study identified three key areas that triggered feelings of frustration with management: (1) participants experienced a lack of management's understanding of governing academic work environments, (2) an erosion of their collegial culture, and (3) a lack of transparent communication. Contribution: A key contribution of this study, which set it apart from other studies, was lecturers' perceptions that their professional identity, collegiality, autonomy, and academic freedom were in crisis.

This article examines the power dynamics underpinning performance management at a selected South African university. It specifically employs Michel Foucault's (1977) ideas on Governmentality to interpret the envisioning of performance management in this context at the level of Policy. The study employed a qualitative research methodology to address the questions at hand. Data were generated from one primary source: a discourse analysis of the Performance Management Policy (2013) at a selected university in South Africa. Using Michel Foucault's (1991) theories on governmentality, a discourse analysis of Performance Management Policy documents was conducted with the goal of critically interrogating the kinds of new academic subjectivities being created in South African higher education. The findings show that the Policy on Performance Management at the university in question works towards creating academic subjects which conform with the university's expectations and are consistently self- regulated. Findings also show that management of academics is constantly controlled and regulated by a powerful matrix of governance, comprising the university and the wider global community. This paper recommends that performance management discourses should take into stronger cognizance the matter of academic freedom and autonomy. We further recommend that Policy developers and management teams at universities be conscious of the complex forces of power that shape academic identities so that their policies move away from oppressive discourses. We argue that there is much we can learn from governmentality theory if we hope to build more just and equitable societies going forward.

Academic freedom constitutes an integral part of traditional university values that ensure the proper functioning of universities in pursuing truth and inculcating civic values. In a globalized world where Higher Education (HE) policy is the result of the interaction of local, national, and international levels, the positions of international organizations on questions of academic freedoms deem significant. Within global discourses on HE, literature contrasts the World Bank's human capitalist to UNESCO's humanistic approach. Through Foucauldian Discourse Analysis of both organizations' documents, the paper presented a genealogical analysis of academic freedom that challenged the existence of static, opposite, and binary positions. Transformations, ruptures, juxtapositions as well as gaps, limits, and exclusions were detected within and across International Organizations' discourses. Juxtaposition of economic and humanistic rationales as well as academic freedom protection and neoliberal policy interventions have muted discursive conflicts and inherent contradictions. The failure of UNESCO to address contemporary threats to academic freedom emerged from the appearance of neoliberal transnational governmentality as an inevitable social regularity that delimits what can be said and cannot be said about academic freedom. Through coercive funding schemes and technologies of differentiation, surveillance, and monitoring, the WB created the space for such transnational governmentality, and placed faculty members under its gaze resulting in undermining academic freedoms and de-professionalization of academics.

Academic freedom is under threat across the globe and a wave of substantial academic freedom declines affects not only autocracies but also (liberal) democracies. However, although the development of academic freedom has generated scholarly attention, this article presents the first systematic conceptualization and measurement of academic freedom growth and decline episodes. In particular, this article systematically analyzes the development of academic freedom across the globe and shows that global development follows waves of growth and decline. The first growth wave started in the mid-1940s and was succeeded by a second growth wave that started around 1977 and lasted for more than 30 years resulting in the greatest improvement in academic freedom that has been recorded since 1900. However, since 2013, we see an ongoing decline wave in academic freedom. Overall, this article highlights how academic freedom developed over time and across the globe in waves of growth and decline.

The low academic ranking compared to academicians in other disciplines is a work performance issue encountered by accounting academics, particularly in developing countries such as Indonesia. Besides, executing performance systems as a control mechanism mandated by the government also affected academic counterproductive work behavior (CWB) and performance. However, there is a dearth of empirical verification concerning the connection of control systems to the CWB and the performance of accounting academics. Therefore, building upon the job demands-resources theory, this study examines the association among levers of control as institutional performance mechanisms, CWB, and the work performance of academics. A self-administered online survey was conducted on 238 Indonesian accounting academics. Partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) was utilized to run the analyses. This study's crucial findings depicted the boundaries and interactive control systems as substantial factors to mitigate the tendency of academics to engage in CWB and revealed evidence concerning the negative effect of CWB on work performance. Subsequently, CWB plays a critical role in mediating the positive relationship between those two control systems and performance. The boundaries and interactive levers of control boost performance due to the systems' success in mitigating academics' involvement in CWB. The findings are relevant to higher education top management in aligning management control systems with the proper code of conduct and designing performance systems that enable academic freedom, collegial culture, autonomy, and participation to escalate performance. Shifting the control systems' paradigm toward these characteristics will mitigate academics' CWB and improve their performance.

Beyond the political interference of authoritarian regimes, the neoliberalisation of the academy has emerged as one of the key threats to academic freedom in the twenty-first century. The demand to produce research outputs of sufficient quantity, quality, and impact for scholars to justify their taxpayer-funded appointments reconceptualises the responsibility of the "public scholar" from one who challenges the status quo and inequitable power relations, to one who provides a worthwhile return on investment. Accordingly, questions have been raised as to whether academia is a feasible realm in which to further ideals of equity and justice in music education. In this article, I examine the tension between critical imperative and methodological conformity, considering how the policing of method reinforces individualized frames of knowledge-production that fix and limit notions of what knowledge is and what it does. I argue that music education scholars may be well placed to deviate from procedural method in realizing a more creative and relational public scholarship, in working toward a more ethical conceptualisation of academic freedom through the inquiry process itself.

This study explores possible reasons for cancel culture in higher education in the Arab world. Specifically, through Q methodology, it investigates the perceptions of twenty-one academics of different nationalities and from different backgrounds working in various universities in the Arab world as to the causes and their professional experiences of cancel culture. The aim is to contribute to a necessary discussion of cancel culture and its impacts on Arab higher education, with the hope of strengthening the region's academic freedom. The data reveal that several political and social issues engender cancel culture in Arab universities. In effect, results indicate that academics working in higher education in the Arab world embrace a 'culture of safetyism' to keep themselves, their students and the societies in which they live 'emotionally safe'.

The present study investigates the devaluation of specialised teaching knowledge and the prioritisation of general education based on competencies and skills at the secondary level in Brazil. The dissolution of the curricular disciplinary organisation poses a risk to teaching identities, and understanding how teachers constitute epistemic and disciplinary communities is crucial. Public imposed policies that are distant from the reality of schools tend to be rejected by the agents involved in the school process. In Brazil, the "National Curriculum" Basis, a high school common core, is an example of a legal document that does not engage in dialogue with the cultural diversity in Brazil, while discredit the specific formation of teachers. From a historical approach, this research analyses the polysemy of school subjects towards the teacher's specialised identities. The methodological dispositive comprises narratives from specialist high school teachers in Biology, Physics, and Chemistry. Understanding how professionals organise themselves provides insight into the mechanisms of control and mediation in producing curriculum as socio-historical artifacts from power relationships and disputes. The struggle for control highlights the importance of teachers' agency in confrontation with neoliberal ideals for education and organising in subject or epistemic communities.

The Vision and Change report called for biology educators to transform undergraduate biology education. The report recommended educators transparently state what students should know and be able to do and create assessments to measure student learning. Using backward design, learning objectives (LOs) can serve as the basis for course transformation. In this essay, we present a roadmap for planning successful course transformations synthesized from the literature. We identified three categories of critical features for successful course transformation. First, establishing a sense of urgency and offering faculty incentives to engage in this time-consuming work creates a needed climate for change. Second, departments are empowered in this process by including key stakeholders, building faculty teams to work collaboratively to identify LOs used to drive pedagogical change, develop assessment strategies, and engage in professional development efforts to support the process. Third, there must be intentional effort to manage resistance and ensure academic freedom and creativity in the classroom. General recommendations as well as areas for further research are discussed.

This Notes in Brief contribution explores instances of Holocaust denial on college campuses and addresses issues of academic freedom for faculty as well as students. The author explores questions regarding how we teach the Holocaust and how to better decrease denial and antisemitism.

Context: College campuses in the United States are currently engaged in public and ongoing negotiation of the value and limits of free speech in educational contexts. Responses to invited campus speakers from students, faculty, and campus leaders point to diverging perspectives on the roles and responsibilities of higher education institutions and their members as communities of inquiry. Considering these perspectives raises questions about the epistemic aims of colleges and universities. Purpose: The purpose of this article is to investigate perspectives on the ethics of inquiry and on the value and demands of open-mindedness in higher education. Specifically, I examined one case of an invited campus speaker who sparked considerable debate--Charles Murray's invited talk at Middlebury College in 2017. Research Design: This study employs the methods of empirically engaged philosophy, a philosophical approach to inquiry that engages with empirical evidence in considering educational aims and implications for institutional structures and policies. I apply conceptual tools stemming from the philosophical theories of knowledge and justice to a thematic content analysis of public statements made by faculty, administrators, and students in the Middlebury case. Conclusions or Recommendations: Through analysis of this campus speaker case, I observed two alternative perspectives on the ethics of inquiry--rational individualism and just collectivism. These two perspectives shared a number of common commitments, including the importance of cultivation of the mind as a primary aim in higher education; the value of open-mindedness, debate, and protest in the pursuit of truth; and the importance of justice, equality, and inclusion. They diverged in their epistemic orientations (individual vs. collective responsibility), their views on the proper bounds of open debate within an institution oriented toward truth-seeking, and what virtuous open-mindedness requires of individuals and collectives. This study contributes to a contemporary understanding of the unique ethical responsibilities of colleges and universities as inquiring organizations, whose members may hold divergent epistemological orientations. By investigating the relationship between open-mindedness, inquiry, and justice in contemporary public discourse in higher education, this study addresses a need for deeper engagement with the philosophical foundations of higher education.

This article is the first of four articles exploring democratic schools co-founded by teenage students in Norway and Sweden. Our larger project explores the relationship between democracy in education and educational dialogism. Both democracy in education and educational dialogism are partially rooted in the idea that education should be a personal meaning-making practice where the participants can create and organize their lives in ways that make sense to them and explore their interests, values, and desires. We describe the processes of founding two schools--one in Oslo, Norway, and the other in Gothenburg, Sweden--in which students practiced the right to democratic governance. We describe the process of the founding of these schools against the background of the students' movements in the late 1960s and the 1970s and the social and political conditions in Norway and Sweden at that time. We explore the students' perspectives on the possibility, desirability, and legitimacy of the students' voices in ethical-ontological dialogues in which the participants jointly examine their relationships with the world, with others, and with themselves. Further, we explore the forms of democratic school governance that Norwegian and Swedish students created and identified tensions that appeared between the legitimacy of individual students' rights to ownership of their learning, teachers' ownership of teaching, and the conventional normative educational policies in Norway and Sweden.

This study examines elementary school teachers' beliefs and practices pertaining to the 'freedom-of-learning' curriculum reform policy in Indonesia. With regard to teachers' beliefs, this study explored current topics and discussed the challenges that teachers, schools, and the government must address to when preparing to implement reforms. We conducted interviews and discussions with six elementary school teachers from six schools and enrolled participants based on their past or current experience in coordinating school curriculum frameworks and managing school curricula. Responses differed between (1) teachers who were skeptical of and resistant to the new policy, and (2) teachers who felt that the new policy was crucial and were enthusiastic about it provided specific conditions were met. However, both groups of teachers were not yet ready to accept this new policy. Based on these findings, this study recommended the following for teachers, schools, and curriculum policymakers: (1) The ongoing driving teacher program must be implemented effectively and, in a manner, different from prior programs; (2) The socialization of the freedom-of-learning curriculum reform policy must be conceptualized and systematic such that teachers develop a clear understanding of the policy; and (3) During the implementation of reforms, the government should not only focus on technical implementation but also on fundamental changes in mindset.

Recent legislation restricting the topics teachers may discuss with students raises the issue of what role the teacher should play in society. We argue that this legislative scrutiny of teachers is symptomatic of an aversion to defining what a teacher is. We argue that, though a reluctance to provide an explicit definition of "teacher" may be warranted for reasons of democracy, academic freedom, and diversity, it also leaves open the possibility of political appropriations of the teacher, some of which may be the antithesis of democracy, academic freedom, and diversity. The role of the teacher thus remains subject to perpetual interrogation and change. A well-theorized and stable definition of the teacher, then, would preclude appropriations of the teacher for political purposes such as cultural assimilation, religious indoctrination, or economic gain. Such a definition would need to be sufficiently broad to be applicable to all teachers in all places, while remaining narrow enough to ward off undemocratic impositions. In other words, the definition must be ontological, structural. We employ the work of Martin Heidegger and Jacques Derrida to evaluate the meaning of "teacher." We first give an example of a legally binding document that provides only negative definitions of the teacher. We then provide an overview of Derrida's theory of iterability and Heidegger's philosophy of language, while utilizing and critiquing an alternative conception of the Derridean teacher offered by Charles Bingham. We argue that the teacher, properly construed, ought to engage in an explicit, intersubjective inquiry into the ontological foundations of existence.

Using a mixed-methods approach, this study uses an Internet survey to investigate the curricular freedom reported by Prekindergarten through Grade 8 teachers in the United States concerning the inclusion of children's literature into their classrooms and curriculum, particularly in the current sociopolitical climate. Drawing upon Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory, survey responses were analyzed based on the four levels of the ecological model (micro, meso, exo, and macro systems). To account for regional variations existing at the sociopolitical macro level, the study's findings were organized according to the five geographical regions of the United States: Midwest, Northeast, Southeast, Southwest, and West. Analysis indicated distinct variation in the patterns of the responses across the geographical regions, aligned with the dominant political ideology of their state. Responses of teachers from the Northeast and West were heavily influenced by events and experiences at the national level, whereas teachers from the Southeast and Southwest focused on matters concerning individual, local, and state issues. Teachers from the Midwest, a politically mixed region, least frequently commented on issues related to censorship, a trend noted in the other four regions.

Middle level scholars and educators have begun to examine dominant narratives and conceptual traditions around middle level history and philosophy with careful attention to diversity, equity, inclusion, and justice (DEIJ) (Harrison et al., 2018). Across these critical shifts in focus for middle grades education, myriad questions have arisen about signature pedagogical practices and enduring organizational structures that define and qualify middle schooling both historically and in the present educational moment. This shift also includes a focus on achieving more just middle schools that take up and execute the theories of young adolescent developmentalism with attention to diverse intersectional social identity, the mutable educational context, and DEIJ (Harrison et al.). Of particular importance in considerations for achieving more just middle schools is interrogating how traditional organizational practices might promote and/or inhibit inclusive classroom and school environments for all students and educators.

In this paper we narrate how playful pedagogies can resist the single story of formalised learning discourses in early childhood education and care. According to Wood (2015), play is fundamental to learning and established in international literature. In addition, through international treaties, children have the right to play (OHCHR, 1989). Yet, in contemporary outcomes-driven policy, formalised teaching has become normalised. Play is thus marginalised and positioned as a privilege, rather than as a right. Here, we position play in relation to democracy, equity, and social justice, by storying how two teachers facilitate the right to play, and we argue this is a fruitful sub-context for resistance. From this perspective, teachers' resistances do not just enable play, they embody and enact representative and democratic justice. First, the teachers in our study story representative forms of social justice in moral and ethical terms. They describe making play happen as an embodiment of 'being the right thing'. Second, teachers enact democratic forms of social justice through resistance actions. Such actions are positioned as moral acts described as 'doing the right thing' but carry risks as they attract scrutiny that entangles an emotional vulnerability.

The "Teaching Profession Law" came into force in February 2022 to regulate the professional rights of teachers. The scope and purpose of this law are to regulate the professional development and career steps of teachers. This research aimed to determine the opinions of teachers about the new law of the profession. It is a descriptive study in survey design. Teachers (379 female, 285 male) from all school types, teaching levels, geographical regions, and seniority participated voluntarily in this study. Teachers think that the new professional law will not improve their rights and increase the prestige of the profession. Teachers think that the new law of professional development is not adequately discussed or discussed based on scientific data. According to teachers, the new professional law does not encourage professional development. Teachers stated that though they generally support the need for such a profession law, the new law should be discussed more opportunities that are promising should be offered to teachers.

Given the immense role of the student-centred approach in enhancing students learning, this study explores the role of academic freedom in implementing a student-centred approach. To achieve this objective, the study relies on a qualitative case study research design. In this regard, semi-structured interviews and observation were employed as data gathering tools. The data passed through a series of data analysis processes ranging from data reduction to data verification. The study was conducted at a public university in Ethiopia and recruited ten instructors and twelve students from four randomly selected colleges/institutes belonging to the participating university. The initial analysis resulted in two major themes, each having two subthemes. That is academic freedom at the institutional level for instructors and students and academic freedom at the classroom for instructors and students. Given this, the findings show that the academic freedom of students at the classroom level affects the adoption of student-centred approaches. Students seem to be restrained from freely sharing their concerns, being afraid of the backlash from their instructors and colleagues. Moreover, the instructors in Abay University seem excluded in deciding to implement a student-centred approach in every classroom other than receiving pedagogical training to implement it as a non-negotiable change. These findings call for higher education reforms at national and institutional levels to cultivate an organisational environment that facilitates student-centred approaches.

Alongside the Disney theme park, miles of beaches along both the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, Florida's long southern peninsula is filled with political, social, and cultural differences. The state's diversity comes as close to any geographic location in the world characterised by the term 'internationalism,' racially, ethnically, and culturally. Yet, not so long ago, this once bastion of liberal welcoming of others has now become firmly entrenched in the Republican Party's extreme brand of `Make America Great Again' (MAGA). This transition, however, did not happen accidently as the authors hope to make clear in this article. There are deep historical and philosophical antecedents to the Florida story which are meant to change how the US is governed, illiberally, and how it relates to the world. It is, therefore, a professional responsibility for internationally-minded educational leadership researchers to reclaim the purposes of education.

The purpose of this article is to provide linkages to retributive political actions centred in the USA aimed at erasing a long standing commitment of the responsibility of institutions of higher education to correct and ameliorate historical social, racial and moral injustices and inequalities with a political ideology that denies their legitimacy through guilt by association. This ideology proceeds through a series of actions such as demonising academics on the left (e.g. Marx, Freire, Marcuse), half -- baked conspiracy theories, forms of symbolic and physical violence along with legislative suppression of dissent combined with censure and punishment. It must be recognised that institutions of higher learning are fragile places. Their form of respected disputation is often not valued or respected in larger domestic spheres such as in the USA and leaves them politically mute and highly vulnerable. However, to tamper with and intrude in academic discourse carries huge risks for any society in which knowledge about the nature of reality is essential to its development and progress. The current political climate in the USA is one in which authoritarian/outright fascist attacks on institutions of higher education and their curricula are becoming fashionable. It is a dangerous trend and a threat which must be taken with utmost seriousness and alacrity both in the USA and internationally.

For centuries, universities have proliferated and flourished around the world, playing an important role in societal knowledge production and diffusion. However, in the past four decades, this old organizational form has been subjected to neoliberal, managerialist policy doctrines such as New Public Management. Following this, universities have tended to become more 'business-like' in their internal management and governance, with generally perceived adverse effects on the quality of academic education, research, and working conditions. These developments pose fundamental threats to academic freedom and free knowledge production and diffusion. Acknowledging various forms of academic resistance to, and coping with, these threats, the purpose of our paper is twofold. First, we adopt the concept of 'performativity' -- hitherto researched mainly in primary and secondary schools in Anglo-Saxon contexts -- to account for, and critique, neoliberal university policies, and practices in a variety of Global North settings. Second, through collaborative autoethnography, we add our own personal narratives to 'talk back' to managerialism.

Divisive Concepts Laws (DCL) are legislative acts and state and local policies that restrict teaching, learning, and professional development in PK- 20 education regarding race, gender, sexuality, and history. In November 2022, we surveyed NAfME members to ascertain the perceived impacts of DCL on music educators, music teacher educators, and music education. Respondents (N = 318) held mixed views. Many described restricted curriculum, self-censorship, inconsistent interpretations and implementation processes, fear about their own identities becoming an issue, and challenges with student relationships. In contrast, about half reported no impacts from DCL, for reasons including living in a place that does not have them, agreeing with the laws, or refusing to acquiesce to the laws. Respondents also demonstrated resistance to the survey and stances we coded as homophobic and/or transphobic. We focused our discussion of these findings on analyzing discourses evident in survey responses, which included use of euphemisms, anti-political rhetoric, de facto DCL, cognitive dissonance, and anti-queer discourses. DCL affect music students, educators and teacher educators across the United States, and they need better information, language, and strategies for managing DCL impacts.

Milton Friedman is widely considered the intellectual father of the school choice movement. While Friedman deserves much credit, Father Virgil Blum stands out as an influential figure in the nascent school choice movement. Using archival research, this paper examines Blum's contributions to the movement. From his 1954 doctoral dissertation, which made the legal case for funding religious schools, to his 1958 book, Freedom of Choice in Education, and his decades-long career as a professor, Blum was a tireless advocate for educational freedom. While Friedman made the market argument, Blum made the legal, moral, and religious freedom arguments for school choice.

This paper develops a critical perspective on the use of conversational agents (CAs) with children at home. Drawing on interviews with eleven parents of pre-school children living in Norway, we illustrate the ways in which parents resisted the values epitomised by CAs. We problematise CAs' attributes in light of parents' ontological perceptions of what it means to be human and outline how their attitudes correspond to Bourdieu's [1998a. "Acts of Resistance." New York: New Press] concept of acts of resistance. For example, parents saw artificial conversation designed for profit as a potential threat to users' autonomy and the instant gratification of CAs as a threat to children's development. Parents' antecedent beliefs map onto the ontological tensions between human and non-human attributes and challenge the neoliberal discourse by demanding freedom and equality for users rather than productivity and economic gain. Parents' comments reflect the belief that artificial conversation with a machine inappropriately and ineffectively mimics a nuanced and intimate human-to-human experience in service of profit motives.

Purpose: It has been demonstrated that AI-powered, data-driven tools' usage is not universal, but deeply linked to socio-cultural contexts. The purpose of this paper is to display the need of adopting situated lenses, relating to specific personal and professional learning about data protection and privacy. Design/methodology/approach: The authors introduce the results of a case study based on a large educational intervention at a fully online university. The views of the participants from degrees representing different knowledge areas and contexts of technology adoption (work, education and leisure) were explored after engaging in the analysis of the terms and conditions of use about privacy and data usage. After consultation, 27 course instructors (CIs) integrated the activity and worked with 823 students (702 of whom were complete and correct for analytical purposes). Findings: The results of this study indicated that the intervention increased privacy-conscious online behaviour among most participants. Results were more contradictory when looking at the tools' daily usage, with overall positive considerations around the tools being mostly needed or "indispensable". Research limitations/implications: Though appliable only to the authors' case study and not generalisable, the authors' results show both the complexity of privacy views and the presence of forms of renunciation in the trade-off between data protection and the need of using a specific software into a personal and professional context. Practical implications: This study provides an example of teaching and learning activities that supports the development of data literacy, with a focus on data privacy. Therefore, beyond the research findings, any educator can build over the authors' proposal to produce materials and interventions aimed at developing awareness on data privacy issues. Social implications: Developing awareness, understanding and skills relating to data privacy is crucial to live in a society where digital technologies are used in any area of our personal and professional life. Well-informed citizens will be able to obscure, resist or claim for their rights whenever a violation of their privacy takes place. Also, they will be able to support (through adoption) better quality apps and platforms, instead of passively accepting what is evident or easy to use. Originality/value: The authors specifically spot how students and educators, as part of a specific learning and cultural ecosystem, need tailored opportunities to keep on reflecting on their degrees of freedom and their possibilities to act regarding evolving data systems and their alternatives.

This article examines Georgia's integration into the Bologna Process, focusing on academic social responsibility (ASR). Utilizing qualitative methods, including document analysis and 30 in-depth interviews, the study assesses the evolution of higher education, alignment with Bologna standards, and external quality assurance. Findings reveal postintegration improvements, including university closures, fairer examinations, and modernized literature. Challenges include European standard implementation and perceived academic freedom encroachments. Overall, the Bologna Process positively influences Georgia's education system, fostering organizational improvements and successful assimilation within the broader European educational context.