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Barbara Stiegler's book, "Il faut s'adapter," explores the intellectual journey of Walter Lippmann, an influential figure in shaping the cultural and political history of the United States in the 20th century. Stiegler reconstructs Lippmann's thought and highlights his skepticism towards democracy and his belief in the need for continuous adaptation in industrial society. Stiegler also examines the Dewey-Lippmann debate, showing how John Dewey's ideas opposed Lippmann's adaptationist agenda. Stiegler argues that Lippmann's ideas have had a significant impact on the genesis of neoliberalism and contemporary political and cultural trends. However, there are questions about the reasons for Lippmann's influence and the neglect of Dewey's ideas in current discourse. [Extracted from the article]

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This article considers discussions of sexual difference in a range of popular prescriptive texts published between 1920 and 1940 in order to explore the relationship between science and American marital advice literature. It demonstrates the particular role science played in shaping, legitimising and enforcing changing discussions about what 'good sex' should look like in contemporary advice – supporting a hierarchy of sexual activities and desires that privileged a particular version of marital heterosexual expression. Through this, it also interrogates the 'popular' version of sexual science being consumed by the American public at this time. In addition to adding new perspectives to our understanding of contemporary advice and its relationship with science and medicine, it will also act as a provocation for further research into the ways the public engaged with sexual science in early twentieth‐century America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "Nonprofit Neighborhoods: An Urban History of Inequality and the American State" by Claire Dunning. The book focuses on the efforts made by decision-makers, philanthropic organizations, and nonprofits to reduce poverty in American cities, with a particular emphasis on Boston between the 1960s and 1990s. The author analyzes how government grants were used for urban renewal and the collaboration between urban renewal agencies and nonprofit entities. The book explores the compromises made regarding inequality, discrimination, and racial segregation, as well as the emergence and evolution of nonprofit neighborhoods. The author argues that Boston serves as a model for urban governance, where social services are provided by nonprofit organizations using public funds. The book is recommended for decision-makers, professors, students, and practitioners interested in poverty, racism, urban renewal, and the privatization of social services in cities. [Extracted from the article]

The article reviews the website "Photogrammar," which is located at https://photogrammar.org and features photographs from 1935 to 1944 that were commissioned by the U.S. Farm Security Administration (FSA) and the Office of War Information (OWI).

The article examines the Pancho Villa Expedition led by U.S. Army General John J. Pershing from 1916 to 1917 which is a military operation against the forces of Mexican revolutionary Francisco Villa and part of the Mexican Revolution. The expedition was reportedly launched after Villa attacked Columbus, New Mexico. Also discussed are the violence by Mexican bandits and Villa's campaign strategies.

An essay is presented in which the author discusses children's transition from walking to riding the bus to school in early 20th-century Connecticut. Topics include schools being within walking distance for children in rural areas and educational reforms including school consolidation and closure of schoolhouses in depopulated areas.

The article offers brief profile of lawyer Howard A. Belodoff of Idaho Legal Aid Services Inc. who got distinguished lawyer award from Idaho State Bar. He has represented low income, disabled, unhoused and institutionalized Idahoans in cases challenging governmental policies which violate constitutional and civil rights of persons in Idaho and nationwide. It also mentions his study of 20th Century American history and politics during the Vietnam War era.

Quantitative historical analysis in the United States surged in three distinct waves. The first quantitative wave occurred as part of the "New History" that blossomed in the early twentieth century and disappeared in the 1940s and 1950s with the rise of consensus history. The second wave thrived from the 1960s to the 1980s during the ascendance of the New Economic History, the New Political History, and the New Social History, and died out during the "cultural turn" of the late twentieth century. The third wave of historical quantification—which I call the revival of quantification—emerged in the second decade of the twenty-first century and is still underway. I describe characteristics of each wave and discuss the historiographical context of the ebb and flow of quantification in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses radical opposition to the U.S. government's plan to strip mine the Northern Plains region in the U.S., focusing on the environmental activism of ranchers and farmers against the coal boom of the 1970s. Other topics include the impact of coal mining on the social, economic, political and environmental aspects of the region, the relationship between land ownership and mineral rights, and public protest of the mining operations.

This essay examines the literary writings produced by Native activists during the 1969–71 Indian Occupation of Alcatraz. Analyzing the contentious historiography of the Occupation, I argue that the activists on the island (who collectively called themselves the Indians of All Tribes) deftly invested in media forms that could contest false narrative accounts reported from the mainland. I follow the circulation of poetry written on the island through its print life in the Indians of All Tribes Newsletter, a literary and informational bulletin composed on Alcatraz, in which activists articulated plans to expand Native-controlled literary and art markets as a financial basis for self-determination. Reading through two archival collections from the Indians of All Tribes in relation to ongoing Native community-building in the Bay Area, I argue that, then and now, the Bay Area Native community has strategically and suspiciously engaged with a consumer base marked by a seemingly bottomless appetite for Native media and a disregard for Native sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the "sexual revolution" of the 1960s and 1970s, a new American consensus emerged both that women's sexual lives remained important past their youth and that women's sexual pleasure generally increased into middle age. Challenging the idea that older people were (or ought to be) asexual, mainstream pundits suggested ways to retain or even improve one's sexual vitality into middle age and beyond, and argued that sex itself was both physically and emotionally rejuvenating. New attitudes toward middle-aged women's sexuality did not entirely supplant a more traditional body project whose focus was physical maintenance, the appearance of youthfulness, and a nostalgic return to the "true" (that is, younger) self. Yet by the 1970s, increasing numbers of middle-aged women began to consider sexual renewal as an avenue for personal and relational growth, sparked by unexpected shifts in midlife, the mainstreaming of feminist critiques of ageism, and a new ethos of self-actualization. The redefinition of sexuality as a lifelong journey enabled middle-aged women to reconsider their intimate relationships and their bodies, rethink their assumptions about age and sexual desirability, and examine their current levels of sexual satisfaction. By defying the notion that aging was inherently shameful and desexualizing for women, sexologists and feminists of the late 1960s and 1970s offered a significant challenge to the "sexual clock" and helped to redefine middle age as a time of continued growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will provide a preliminary overview of Finnish migration to Sugar Island, Michigan, which occurred primarily between 1915 and 1940, based on narrative sources and census documents. It will introduce and apply social network analysis (SNA) methods and network visualizations to this community and sets the stage for a future, in-depth study of the Finns of Sugar Island. This article is part of a larger project HUMANA-Human Migration and Network Analysis: Developing New Research Methods for the Study of Human Migration and Social Change (https://blogs.helsinki.fi/humananetworks/), funded by the Finnish Kone Foundation. This project will develop new methodologies for studying the human past by using network analysis to better understand social, political, administrative, economic, and geospatial networks. For the purposes of this article, our main sources are the US Census returns from 1920 to 1940, and they will be supported by other archival and secondary sources. The scope of analysis will focus primarily on a few prominent individuals but will also provide information on the social structures of the Finnish community. Ultimately, this case study develops an experimental computer model of the Sugar Island Finnish community and will provide a glimpse into the authors' forthcoming project that aims at building a robust dynamic model of the entire Sugar Island community over the period of 1850-1940. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1970s and 1980s, lesbians engaged in a debate over motherhood as a source of women's oppression. Although fundamentally a fight between lesbians, these discussions addressed a crucial question in most women's lives: could women combine caregiving with political and community engagement? Because they have more control over reproduction than most women, lesbians make an excellent case study for feminist debates about the place of caregiving in women's lives. Focused on creating women-only communities, lesbian separatists argued that lesbians should not raise sons, and perhaps not mother at all, because the labor involved limited their ability to devote themselves to the community. Lesbian mothers countered that mothering, and particularly the mothering of sons, furthered the feminist revolution by disrupting unhealthy sex roles and forms of masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the influence of white colonial masculinity on U.S. colonial power in the Philippines from 1900-1938, based on the biography of colonial administrator James Fugate. Topics discussed include physical illnesses and homosexuality allegation against Fugate, an endurance test introduced by U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt to examine the physical fitness of American military officers, and the role of colonial bureaucratic masculinity on Fugate's popularity in the Philippines.

The article discusses the 1925 U.S. exhibition tour conducted by Finnish Olympic runner Paavo Nurmi. It examines Nurmi's fame and athletic renown during the 1920s and how Americans responded to Nurmi's tour, as well as media portrayals of his track exploits during the tour. The article briefly reviews Nurmi's life prior to his Olympic victories and attempts to explain the context within which Nurmi's fame grew, particularly in the wake of the popularity of sports in the early 20th century. According to the article, Nurmi set several world records during his tour of the U.S. and had an audience with then-U.S. president Calvin Coolidge. The article also discusses controversy surrounding Nurmi's compensation for his appearances.

The article discusses the political and environmental activism of gardening clubs in the U.S. in the early 20th century. It examines the alleged propensity of garden clubs to preserve and plant native species of plants. The author states that garden clubs illustrated the regionalism the American landscape tradition. The article discusses organizations such as the Washington Roadside Council (WRC), the California Native Plant Society (CNPS), and the Native Plant Conservation Campaign (NPCC).

The article presents a segment of U.S. history in the twentieth century, when the U.S. Navy honored the statehood of Arizona and New Mexico by naming two battleships "USS Arizona" and "USS New Mexico" under the presidency of Woodrow Wilson. Those achievements are credited to the efforts of Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels, Phoenix Mayor Lee W. Mix, and First Assistant Secretary of the Interior Andrieus A. Jones.

R. P.Warren's play about Huey Long, Proud Flesh (1937–39), is not a provisional draft of All the King's Men (1946) but a distinct work in its own right. Its conservative criticism of New Deal "common-man-ism" makes it unusual in the politicized literature of the 1930s. At the core of the play is a political symbolism of the flesh, which Warren derives from Shakespeare's representation of the Tudor doctrine of the king's two bodies. Governor Strong embodies the people through his second or immortal body, a dictatorial flesh that Warren resists by trying to articulate an existential "definition" of the self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on interracial Filipino-American couples attempting to migrate between the United States and the Philippines using the Repatriation Act of 1935 and the War Brides Act of 1945. The prospect of the migrating interracial couple posed new questions for US immigration bureaucracy, prompting reconsideration of policies regarding marriage, family, dependence and citizenship. Viewing the United States and the Philippines in one frame of analysis, with these two Acts as bookends, this paper considers migration a process driven by the desires and needs of couples, mediated by regimes of US border control and empire. Gendered and radicalised notions of protection influenced the implementation of these Acts, with longer term consequences for race, gender and family-based immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses academic accomplishments and legacy of historian David F. Schmitz particularly his significant contributions to U.S. foreign relations historiography. Topics explored include his designation as Robert Allen Skotheim Chair of History at Whitman College in Washington, the history courses he taught which range from 20th century U.S. history to American nationalism, and the arguments he raised in his book "The United States and Fascist Italy, 1922-1940."

We argue word embedding models are a useful tool for the study of culture using a historical analysis of shared understandings of social class as an empirical case. Word embeddings represent semantic relations between words as relationships between vectors in a high-dimensional space, specifying a relational model of meaning consistent with contemporary theories of culture. Dimensions induced by word differences (rich – poor) in these spaces correspond to dimensions of cultural meaning, and the projection of words onto these dimensions reflects widely shared associations, which we validate with surveys. Analyzing text from millions of books published over 100 years, we show that the markers of class continuously shifted amidst the economic transformations of the twentieth century, yet the basic cultural dimensions of class remained remarkably stable. The notable exception is education, which became tightly linked to affluence independent of its association with cultivated taste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of Madrid, Iowa, from a farming village to a small city with a growing coal mining industry at the beginning of the twentieth century led to the emergence of socialism in local politics. A socialist, George Crank, served as mayor for six years between 1910 and 1920. A middle-class professional himself, Crank headed a coalition of miners, farmers, and professionals whose radicalism stemmed from a desire to maintain community cohesion by avoiding open class conflict, crossing class lines, and utilising the producerist rhetoric of republicanism that resonated with many in America's heartland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highly educated Indian and Pakistani immigrants arrived in boomtown Houston in the 1960s and 1970s, readily securing employment as engineers or other white-collar professionals. At the same time, they faced racism in housing, the workplace, university campuses, and restaurants. Asians were "conditionally included"--that is, accepted for their economic value but often, socially outcast. The racial calculations made by Indian and Pakistani immigrants in a rapidly internationalizing city were fraught with contradictions. They sought places and spaces where they felt tolerated, even if not completely welcomed into the fold. At the same time, they wielded their class status and ethnicity as tools by which they could both distance themselves from other racialized minorities and attempt to bypass their own racialization altogether. The experiences of immigrants of color reveals the racial architecture--that is, those norms that upheld the structure of white privilege--of a changing American South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two most notorious demagogues in recent American political history (1945–2019) are linked through the unscrupulous lawyer and fixer Roy Cohn, who worked for them both. His career suggests an entree into a biographical effort to compare Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and President Donald J. Trump, both of whom demonstrated an aptitude for arousing popular fears and animosities and for sowing discord and divisiveness. Both were mendacious. Yet McCarthy did not directly and explicitly activate bigotry or nativism, in contrast to Trump, and did not rise above service as junior Senator from Wisconsin, posing less of a threat to democratic institutions and the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the strategy and rhetoric of the National Federation of Settlements' 1928 project on unemployment. During the Hoover years, settlement workers assembled an extensive catalog of case studies, which offer a glimpse into the home life of the jobless and their families at the beginning of the Great Depression. From their research, the NFS Committee on Unemployment published a series of books and articles that depicted the unemployed as the undeserving victims of economic change and called for policies to protect them. Throughout, settlement workers focused on the families of the unemployed, drawing on gendered notions of work and family and supporting policies that protected male-breadwinner households. Thus, settlement leaders recast unemployment as a social, rather than an economic, problem. In all, settlement research, writing, and reception presented a skeptical voting public with a palatable argument for social insurance that brought the experiences of the jobless to the voting public and policymakers, demonstrating a process of "policymaking from the middle." In so doing, they redeemed the newly unemployed and the insurance plans intended to protect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article profiles Tolstoy College (1968–84), an experimental academic community built on the anarchist and antiwar principles of the nineteenth-century Russian novelist Lev Tolstoy. Tolstoy College existed within the State University of New York (SUNY) at Buffalo and was part of a university-wide initiative to channel the growing radicalism of the student body (a radicalism nurtured by the Vietnam War protests and the American civil rights movement) into institutionalized academic spaces. Beginning as the locus on campus for opposition to the war and a space where returning Vietnam War veterans could receive support, Tolstoy College eventually transformed, offering a wealth of courses on the gay-male experience and becoming the Buffalo headquarters for the Gay Liberation Front. This article explores that development, tracing how a critique of masculinity and militarism served as the bridge between antiwar principles and commitment to gay liberation. Though it was eventually dissolved in the mid-1980s, Tolstoy College provides important and understudied insights into how opposition to the Vietnam War contributed to the development of LGBTQ studies on college campuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early twentieth century in the United States, Roman Catholic schools grew in number and became increasingly regulated by state departments of education. This led to the increased influence of public school reform movements in Catholic schools. Some Catholic educators questioned these movements, while others embraced them. Educational measurement strategies, such as IQ and standardised testing, gained support from women religious orders and congregations, who made up the majority of the Catholic teaching force. For pragmatic reasons, they saw some value in the promises of modern educational science for teaching and learning. This practice, however, put them at odds with some of the beliefs and values of their Church. This study demonstrates how Catholic sister teachers attempted to shape the debate on the introduction and use of reform strategies like IQ and standardised testing. It also examines how Catholic sister teachers made use of Catholic beliefs and values to make arguments in favour of IQ and standardised testing in Catholic schools. Using agreed upon Catholic religious tenets and working within their gendered reality, Catholic sister teachers demonstrated how they tried to convince their colleagues, male and female, to come to an understanding around the use of educational measurement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways that Seattle's Asian American—and in particular Japanese American—community negotiated the shifting terrain of racial politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. While Seattle's city leaders—and indeed many in the civil rights establishment—heralded the city for its racial liberalism, a young cadre of activists organized across racial and ethnic boundaries and challenged established leadership to articulate a robust, anti-racist, working-class multiracial politics. Significantly, the rise of Black and Asian anti-racist solidarities exploded the city's narrative of exceptional racial harmony in an age of social crisis. Activists adopted a capacious definition of community that could acknowledge specific identities while simultaneously coalescing around a shared sense of injury. They also practiced a form of grassroots politics that was flexible and improvisational, that was enacted both within and outside established organizations and channels, and that ultimately blurred the distinction between moderation and radicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Print media has had a profound impact on shaping conservative ideology, political practice, and racial boundary making. While scholarship on US conservatism contributes important elements of its economic, political, and social philosophy by highlighting the role of racialization within the black/white binary, little attention has been historically paid to other forms of racialization within US conservatism. Through a discourse analysis of National Review from 1955 to 1975, I offer a corrective by examining how racial tropes are used to reinforce the conservative political project of anti-communism. These racialized tropes highlight how National Review characterized East Asian nations as uncivilized and savage, and thus poised for communist exploitation. I explain how yellow peril discourse was linked to communist infiltration amongst US conservative writers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy PointsCurrent efforts to reduce infant mortality and improve infant health in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) can benefit from awareness of the history of successful early 20th‐century initiatives to reduce infant mortality in high‐income countries, which occurred before widespread use of vaccination and medical technologies.Improvements in sanitation, civil registration, milk purification, and institutional structures to monitor and reduce infant mortality played a crucial role in the decline in infant mortality seen in the United States in the early 1900s.The commitment to sanitation and civil registration has not been fulfilled in many LMICs. Structural investments in sanitation and water purification as well as in civil registration systems should be central, not peripheral, to the goal of infant mortality reduction in LMICs. Context: Between 1915 and 1950, the infant mortality rate (IMR) in the United States declined from 100 to fewer than 30 deaths per 1,000 live births, prior to the widespread use of medical technologies and vaccination. In 2015 the IMR in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) was 53.2 deaths per 1,000 live births, which is comparable to the United States in 1935 when IMR was 55.7 deaths per 1,000 live births. We contrast the role of public health institutions and interventions for IMR reduction in past versus present efforts to reduce infant mortality in LMICs to critically examine the current evidence base for reducing infant mortality and to propose ways in which lessons from history can inform efforts to address the current burden of infant mortality. Methods: We searched the peer‐reviewed and gray literature on the causes and explanations behind the decline in infant mortality in the United States between 1850 and 1950 and in LMICs after 2000. We included historical analyses, empirical research, policy documents, and global strategies. For each key source, we assessed the factors considered by their authors to be salient in reducing infant mortality. Findings: Public health programs that played a central role in the decline in infant mortality in the United States in the early 1900s emphasized large structural interventions like filtering and chlorinating water supplies, building sanitation systems, developing the birth and death registration area, pasteurizing milk, and also educating mothers on infant care and hygiene. The creation of new institutions and policies for infant health additionally provided technical expertise, mobilized resources, and engaged women's groups and public health professionals. In contrast, contemporary literature and global policy documents on reducing infant mortality in LMICs have primarily focused on interventions at the individual, household, and health facility level, and on the widespread adoption of cheap, ostensibly accessible, and simple technologies, often at the cost of leaving the structural conditions that determine child survival largely untouched. Conclusions: Current discourses on infant mortality are not informed by lessons from history. Although structural interventions were central to the decline in infant mortality in the United States, current interventions in LMICs that receive the most global endorsement do not address these structural determinants of infant mortality. Using a historical lens to examine the continued problem of infant mortality in LMICs suggests that structural interventions, especially regarding sanitation and civil registration, should again become core to a public health approach to addressing infant mortality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding the steady growth of Vietnamese Catholics in the United States, the lack of historical research has left many gaps and led to a generic and imprecise understanding of their experience. The scholarship from the social sciences and religious studies has shed light on some areas but also leaves out the historical dimensions, particularly the exilic identity that formed among Catholic refugees during the initial period of resettlement. This identity came from three major historical developments: the impact of ultramontanism during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the experience of nationalism and anticommunism, and the abrupt end of the Vietnam War. To deal with national loss, family separation, and the challenges of living in a foreign society, Catholic refugees resorted to their ultramontane legacy and anticommunist nationalism. Although Vietnamese American Catholics no longer identify themselves as exilic, their initial experience formed some of the most important aspects about their identity to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the infrastructure surrounding the government's policy of deportation of immigrants in the U.S. during the early 20th century, including the use of railroad trains to deport immigrants. An overview of the inspectors of the U.S. Immigration Bureau Henry Weiss and Leo Russell's roles in border control and deportation is provided.

This article focuses on the discourse of race produced by boosters in the Lower Rio Grande Valley (LRGV) of Texas; it builds on previous research showing the effects of booster materials on the conduct and perception of immigrants. Today, the LRGV continues to impact issues and debates about race in the United States; as such, it is imperative to offer a critical eye to the discourses and mythologies that frame race in the region. A discursive analysis of race in booster materials shows that race was not just an isolated element but one that deeply shaped almost every aspect of the construcion of place—from land, to beauty, to policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the arts initiative Black Communications Project (BCP) in relation to the links between the arts and black nationalism in the San Francisco Bay Area of California during the 1960s. Topics include the notion of a Black Communications Project as a tie between Black Power and Black Arts movements, the notion of a Black Aesthetic in literature in relation to politics, and the communications strategy of the organization Black Panther Party (BPP).

This article explores the role of race in structuring the movement of seasonal tobacco workers from the Southern United States to Ontario from the 1920s to the 1960s. Over this period, tens of thousands of southern migrant workers of varying skill levels travelled to Ontario to take up jobs in all aspects of tobacco production. Participation in the movement was limited exclusively to white workers until 1966, when it was integrated at the behest of American officials fearful of contravening the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Methodologically, the article follows Michel-Rolph Trouillot and is an exercise in uncovering silences in the archive, as civil servants in both countries and employer representatives in Ontario were extremely hesitant about mentioning the movement's racial character on record. Beyond methodology, the findings presented contribute to developing a better understanding of the uneven nature of the "deracialization" of Canada's immigration policies in the 1960s and to charting more of Canada's role in the construction and maintenance of transnational systems of white supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]