Search

This article is an investigation of declassified archival documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that questions the direct involvement of several U.S. administrations in military coups in Turkey during the Cold War. Among the U.S. government institutions, it is argued that only the CIA could have had the competency for covert participation in a coup plot abroad. Other than the indirect role of the U.S. in military takeovers, due to its military and financial assistance in pre-coup periods, and the political recognition of coup regimes, available CIA documents do not present any tangible evidence for agency's direct involvement in Turkish military coups, in contrast to its clandestine operations in other states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the modern world, festivals and commemorative ceremonies, national pledges, songs are all used to help students connect to each other and their wider society, particularly to the nation state and its ideals. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how such rituals were used to different ends in terms of nation-building in the Republic of Turkey. The Western-oriented identity of the Turkish Republic began to take shape during the Ottoman era, and education played a very significant role in this. This paper first introduces the educational rituals of the Ottoman state to set the scene for the main discussion, which centres on the development of new rituals in the Turkish Republic. Religious and sultanic rituals were replaced by new rituals which fostered Turkish identity and promoted secular nationhood. To this end, the most effective educational rituals – national festivals, flag-raising ceremonies and Turkey's student pledge – are examined in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over "peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world" to the "advanced nations" of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of "reflections" on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this "sacred trust" grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the religious education of Turkish children in the "old letters" became an area of everyday contestation between the state and families and communities in the late 1920s and 1930s. Since children were seen as the nation's future, state authorities were adamant about teaching the new generation the new alphabet and were equally interested in preventing them from learning the old alphabet. While schools began using the new Turkish alphabet in the 1928–1929 academic year, the informal neighbourhood Qur'an courses held in mosques and private homes became a fiercely contested site between a state determined to socialise children into secular nationhood (partly) by preventing them from learning the Arabic letters, and families and imams who were committed to giving children religious education (necessitating the study of the Arabic alphabet so the Qur'an could be read in its original Arabic). Combining primary sources from previously untapped Ministry of the Interior documents concerning the monitoring in Anatolian towns of these informal courses with insights from the subaltern school on everyday forms of resistance, this article sheds light on a dimension of the 1928 alphabet reform that ties together questions of alphabet change, national and religious identities, education, and childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical accounts of sickle cell disease tend to emphasize either its theoretical role in catalyzing the field of medical genetics or its clinical and social significance in representing the health-care disparities experienced by African Americans. This essay bridges these narratives by focusing on the discovery of sickle cells in marginalized Arabic-speaking communities of Yemen and Turkey in the 1950s. As in North America, sickle cell research in the Middle East unfolded along the social fractures of race. The essay analyzes how British, Turkish, and Arab geneticists attempted to create evolutionary hypotheses that reconciled historical and sociological boundaries between white and African, Arab and Turk. As the parameters of Turkish and Arab nationalism shifted in the Cold War–era Middle East, so did the favored explanatory narratives for the presence of sickle cells in different communities, which assigned different degrees of importance to African ancestry, socially enforced endogamy, and evolutionary adaptations to malaria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From 1944 through the beginning of the 1950s, the ruling Republican People's Party (RPP) in Turkey funded more than 100 Iranian students to study in Turkey. Combined with the existing scholarship on the period, an analysis of a large number of original Turkish archival documents on these students suggests that this wartime project aimed to extend the influence of Turkey into Iran. The outstanding contribution of this study is that it approaches the Great Power conflict during the Second World War and its aftermath in Turkey and Iran not through the accounts of political elites but through young, ordinary students from Iran as reflected in their letters and petitions, mainly addressed to the RPP officials. Bringing to light the names, photos, petitions, and letters of Iranian students studying in Turkey in the second half of the 1940s and reflecting their voices cloaked in an official discourse, this study is hence an original contribution to the social history of modern Turkey and Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman–Italian War of 1911–1912, often overlooked as little more than a prelude to much greater calamities, produced a vibrant discourse in Ottoman-language newspapers that called attention to issues including the efficacy of international law, Ottoman sovereignty, and the place of North Africa in the Ottoman imperial imagination. This article explores the coverage of the war in the Ottoman-language press and argues that the outbreak of the Ottoman–Italian War produced similar claims on the need to protect the Ottoman nation – and Ottoman imperial ambitions – to those following the Balkan Wars to which historiography ascribes much more importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author traces how nationalist poet Necip Fazil Kisakürek shaped the beliefs of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Topics discussed include Kisakürek's views on Turkey's role in history, Erdogan's ascent to power and his persona as the wronged man of Turkish politics, and the September 1980 military coup that changed both Turkish politics and Erdogan's life.

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was initiated in the 1970s to produce energy and irrigate arid lands through constructing dams and hydroelectric power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and extensive irrigation networks in southeastern Turkey. Over time, the project was expanded to achieve a wider range of goals in different fields and radically transform Southeastern Anatolia Region. It is also widely claimed that GAP was initiated to address the root causes of the Kurdish question in Turkey and that security considerations and political calculations were actually theraison d’êtreof GAP. However, this supposed link between GAP and the Kurdish question was often established in a simplistic manner and the question how these two have been related – or not – remained largely untangled. This article aims to fill this research gap and examine the complex and multi-dimensional nature of the interrelationship between GAP and the Kurdish question based on diverse primary and secondary data sources. Accordingly, the article identifies and discusses major narratives in which GAP was conceived as a political and strategic ‘anti-Kurdish’ plot; remedy for the conflict; and totally technical non-political project and presents an alternative and more accurate perspective on how to interpret this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The centenary year of the Armenian genocide witnessed an escalation in cultural production and both political and academic focus. This paper looks at some of the sites and spaces, physical and discursive, in which the centenary was marked. In particular, it seeks to assess how the centenary has challenged and possibly altered the context within which we approach the genocide and its continuing legacies. The paper is positioned in the diasporic space – while recognizing that this is fluid and embodies transnational sites between “homelands” in the form of Armenia and Turkey, and “host states” where diaspora communities have resided (at least) since the genocide, in effect their homes. This paper attempts to pick out some of the themes apparent in the discourse and in the activities during 2015, from the perspective of Armenian diasporan actors, and is based on the author’s observations and participation in centenary events in the USA, Lebanon, Turkey, Switzerland, and the UK, as well as interviews with participants and organizers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Journal of La Turquie Kémalist is going to be analyzed in this article as an international propaganda medium used in early Turkish Republic era. The aforementioned journal's content is prepared by writers like Vedat Nedim Tör, Burhan Asaf Belge, Falih Rıfkı Atay, Şevket Süreyya Aydemir. Turkish Republic General Press Administration (Matbuat Umum Müdürlüğü) had published 49 issues between 1934 and 1948 for this purpose. After the examination of all 49 issues, noteworthy examples would be evaluated under six categories. The journal La Turquie Kémaliste is important due to the fact it shows the young Turkish revolution's social, political and economical praxis while on the other hand creating a new western, modern concept of citizenship. This work focuses on how a group of intelectuals link New Turkey's images historically, communicatively and consciously, to the western political public rather than making a transcription of all issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses why Turkey persisted in diplomacy in the pursuit of a proactive foreign policy during the 1930s while use of force and unilateral action were the popular alternatives. Accordingly, first, the prevailing literature will be examined outlining five primary foreign policy practices of the time, namely, revisionism, irredentism, bandwagoning, appeasement and isolationism. The article will then discuss the foreign policy preference of Turkey which stands as an anomaly in comparison to its contemporaries, focusing on two main cases: Turkey’s reacquisition of the Straits and the accession of Alexandretta. After analysing the underlying factors behind Turkey’s persistent attachment to multilateral and bilateral diplomacy, the article will conclude by applying the term ‘Holder of Balance’ to Turkish foreign policy in the 1930s. Overall, it is argued that the Great Depression attributed a new role to Turkey, the holder of European balance, enabling partnership with both aggressors and appeasers and thus facilitating the settlement of disputes through diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article focuses on the Yugoslav–Turkish agreement on the resettlement of Muslims from the Serb-dominated lands of southern Yugoslavia to Turkey from 1938. The agreement was part of a broader series of state-directed population resettlement projects in the interwar period that had the demographic homogenization of nation-states in Southeastern Europe and Turkey as their ultimate goal. This study examines the close cooperation of Yugoslav and Turkish state authorities, and depicts commonalities of both states’ agents on the way to their bilateral agreement. The two-sidedness of this study will show the complexity of the applied homogenizing programme, consisting in equal measure of policies of exclusion and resettlement, and inclusive and assimilative nationalizing practices. Demographic engineering will be used as a conceptual framework for grasping both sides of the nationalizing projects. Besides resettlement, other methods of demographic engineering will also be taken into consideration by examining two key documents from each country that paved the way to the bilateral convention on the resettlement of Muslims from Southern Serbia to Turkey in 1938. The results of this juxtaposition will show how securitization was intermingled with concepts of national selfhood and otherness by classifying the population into agents and enemies of the state. The inclusion of ethnic criteria in this classification has had important implications down to the present day. Through its overarching regional lens, this study seeks to contribute to a growing number of studies on (forced) migration from Yugoslavia to Turkey by avoiding the shortcomings of a unilateral approach. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the First World War, empires were replaced with nation-states for good and the map of the Middle East was redrawn. Traced back to the final decades of the nineteenth century, Kurdish nationalism did not result in a nation-state in the modern Middle East. Therefore, the Kurds inhabiting the borderlands of the four nation-states of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria came to be perceived as ‘trouble’ by these nation-states. Through the use of a wide array of published and unpublished Kurdish, Turkish, Persian and French archival documents, memoirs and oral and written literary pieces, this article unearths the role of a Kurdish tribal chief by the name of Ferzende in Mount Ararat Revolt in the late 1920s and early 1930s against the Turkish and Iranian nation-states. An exceptional contribution of this study is its exploration of the petition submitted to the Iranian Parliament by Ferzende's wife Besra. This study thus is a fresh contribution to the study of social history of the Middle East from the margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to assess the evolution of the Board of Higher Education of Turkey in relation to these power struggles and domestic political contestations. The evolution of the Board will be examined in five distinct periods: Post-1980 Authoritarian Period (1981-1988), the Period of Fluctuation (1989-1996), the post-February 28th Repressive Period (1997-2002), the Period of Conflict (2003-2007), and the Period of Regularization (2008-present). In the article, the authors argue that any increase in pressure the Board exercised over universities often coincided with an implicit presidential endorsement of the Board as well as weak coalition governments. Universities often adopted to increasingly repressive policies immediately and failed to defend academic freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bolshevik conquest of the Crimea and the Caucasus caused the migration of numerous anti-Communist intellectuals from those regions to neighbouring Turkey. Educated at Russian and European universities, many Crimean Tatar and Azeri exiles contributed to the modernization and Europeanisation of the Kemalist regime. The Istanbul-based linguist Ahmet Caferoglu (1899-1975), a graduate of the University of Breslau, embodied the circulation of ideas between the Soviet Caucasus, Germany and Poland. In close communication with prominent Polish Turcologists such as Tadeusz Kowalski and Ananiasz Zajqczkowski, Caferoglu translated and popularized the research results of Polish Oriental Studies and Turcology in Turkey. This paper investigates the century-long interrelationship between Polish and Turkish orientalists by elucidating the key role of 'transfer agents' and mediators between the Turkic and Slavic worlds; exiled intellectuals of Azeri, Crimean, Kazan, Polish-Lithuanian Tatar and Karaite origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the works of Turkish Red Crescent, Turkish Aeronautical Association and Child Protection Institution which are among the charitable societies active in Rize province. This study, with a view to form an opinion on the socio-cultural life of Rize, was prepared by utilizing copies of Rize Province newspaper, the first official newspaper of Rize, for the period of 1936-1942. This study intends to answer questions about the activities of these societies, the support and participation of people to these societies and the integration of these societies with the people, by using the news of the newspaper, which is considered as an important resource for Rize of the Republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the activities of the Ford Foundation in Turkey between 1957 and 1968. Based on archival sources it examines the Foundation projects in education and deals with key personalities involved in this cooperation. The Ford Foundation supported the improvement of the quality of primary education, the foundation of a Science High School for gifted children and development of population studies. The Foundation enjoyed the fruits of Turkish-American rapprochement, but also managed to avoid detrimental consequences of political turbulences taking place in Turkey and found workable partners among the educated elites of the country. Both parties shared an ultimate goal towards the westernization of Turkey and sought to foster scientific culture. It helped establish informal networks managing to work with different political groups during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine the genocide story invented during the late 1980's and 90's called the "Pontic Greek Genocide" by way of referring both to the Greek academic sources and Pontic Greek allegations. This article also examines this invented story by referring to the Turkish evaluation of the "Pontus question" before, during, and after the World War I with a special emphasis on the period corresponding to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. In this general framework, this article reviews the ethnic background of the Pontic Greeks, the fragmentation of the Byzantine Empire and its successor states, the conquest of the Greek Trebizond Empire by the Ottoman Empire, Pontus Greek narratives and claims concerning the World War I developments, Pontic Greek activities and efforts to establish a Pontian state during World War I, and the invented story of genocide. It also elaborates the elements of the hate speech developed against Turks on the basis of the fabricated "Pontic Greek Genocide". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will attempt to develop an in-depth examination of the pivotal role of Islam in the articulation of Turkish nationalism and Turkish official identity by examining the sermons authorized and imposed by the Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA), the state agency regulating religion, and how the their cosmologies of social, moral and political order are entwined. We will further argue that this role involves a twofold process; firstly, the Muslim identity was imagined as a prerequisite for being considered as a Turk and a Turkish citizen and, secondly, the ‘cultural intimacy’ of Turkish nationalism is grounded on the ‘root paradigms’ inherited and attained from the Islamic tradition and theology. These arguments are particularly pertinent at a time when Islamist JDP (Justice and Development Party) consolidated its power and began to instrumentalize PRA for its priorities and visions of Islam. This, however, does not bring a radical reshuffling of PRA. On the contrary, the continuity from the Kemalist-monitored PRA to the JDP-monitored PRA can be attested not only in its organizational features but also in its ideological make up; especially in terms of its perceptions of society, state and social order. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article observes how architectural practice and symbolic appropriations interconnectedly produced space in 1920s’ Ankara, the new capital of the new Republic of Turkey. The once magnificent and powerful Istanbul, capital of the Ottoman Empire, had its centuries long authority removed to disassociate the country from corporeal memories of its Ottoman past. The old capital was associated both with imperial and Islamic characteristics, and the republicans aimed to build a capital that spatially represented modernity. Interestingly, however, they employed Ottoman Revivalism, the architectural style in vogue at the time, to embody the political power of the new republic. This article emphasizes the contradiction between the “retrospective” politics of Ottoman Revivalism and the “modernist” vision of the republicans. It explores the sudden collapse of the revivalist approach by tracing the trajectory of modernist discourse as it was influenced by the political dynamics of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Middle of the 20th century, Turkish Republic was entered nation-construction process. It rebuilt its education system in order to create a new and modern society. Within this scope, one of the main goals of history education was to form a "national identity" and create a "sense of belonging based on ethnicity and language", as was that of the language education. Most important thing about this identification process is to pass secular identityin spite of traditional religious identity. For secular identity construct religious thought were discussed. This study dealt with the nature of "religious debates" observed in Türk Tarihi'nin Ana Hatları Methal Kısmı (Prolegomena to an Outline of Turkish History) and Tarih I-IV (History I-IV) textbooks, which were among the influential history education instruments of that period, and the reasons for such debates. To this end, the above-mentioned high school history textbooks were subjected to document analysis and discourse analysis. The construction of evaluations made on the phenomenon of religion and the Islam in the relevant textbooks was focused on besides the intellectual infrastructure reflected by this organization. In this context, the suitableness of inclusion of religious debates in the high school history textbooks in terms of history education was discussed. As a result it was observedthat in spite of religious thought, positivist, naturalist, Darwinist etc. Thougt were used to shed rekigious thought. And was wanted from students to have task awareness by political reaction and using religion for politic speech. It was aimed to build secular social structure identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a historical overview of the situation of the Kurds and Kurdistan from antiquity to the present day. It then describes the travels of the author, who was the British Ambassador to Iraq from 1985 to 1989, around the Kurdish region, with a wealth of social, cultural, and political observation. Of particular note are the author's observations on the period of Saddam Hussein's chemical attacks on the Kurdish region during the 1980s. There are also descriptions of encounters with the region's religious minorities, and also Kurdistan's architectural heritage. The author concludes with a discussion about the future prospects for the autonomy and independence of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Pursuit of History is the property of Selcuk University, Faculty of Arts & Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When Atom Egoyan released his ninth feature film, Ararat (2002), it caused heated debates in Turkey and elsewhere as a result of its subject matter: the massacres of Ottoman Armenians between 1915 and 1918. This article looks at the problematic reception of Ararat in Turkey, examining not only the film itself but also the literature produced on the subject by journalists, opinion leaders, and academics. It argues that the official discourse on the Armenian genocide in Turkey also shaped discussions about the film in that country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from an April 8-12, 2014 conference in Istanbul, Turkey organized by the Orient-Institut Istanbul school of the Max Weber Stiftung foundation and the Tarih Vakfi Association of Liberal Historians of Turkey on the history of Ottoman involvement in World War I. Topics of presentations included the deportations of Greek residents of Western Anatolia, violence against Arabs and Armenians in World War I, and social conditions of Iranians living in the Ottoman Empire.

Sir William Willcocks (1852–1933) was a prominent British irrigation engineer who served in various British colonies. Best known as the chief designer of the Old Aswan Dam, Willcocks was born and trained in India, achieved prominence with his contribution to the development of centralized and perennial irrigation in Egypt, and was hired at the end of his career by the Ottomans to restore the ancient irrigation works of Mesopotamia (which was then on the verge of being acquired by the British). In this article, I follow Willcocks' voyages across the British Empire and show how hydraulic science moved from one colonial centre to another, and how this movement contributed to the construction and maintenance of colonialism on the ground. Often sent to newly acquired territories with ambitious projects to redesign the landscapes of property and agriculture, Willcocks and other engineers who gained their expertise in the colonies relied on lessons from their day-to-day struggle with the land and other social actors' competing agendas to develop the daily techniques that helped establish colonial rule. As the reception of Willcocks' work in London illustrates, it was in the metropole that engineers' practices were translated into a colonial symbolism that had large-scale technical systems as the right tools for the job of subordinating unruly waters and Nature writ large. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A revision of family law became necessary in the late Ottoman Empire for several reasons. The sociocultural and economic landscape was transformed; war forced poor Muslim women who had lost their husbands into destitution; and the Ottoman state led by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was motivated by ideological concerns to push for new family and gender arrangements. Women’s journals published in Istanbul along with official state documents in the late Ottoman Empire (1910–1917) are here explored for insights into this, afforded by the changing lives and perceptions of late Ottoman Istanbulites, leading to the conclusion that these combined with as well as reflected the various upheavals and movements of the time to prompt the legislative change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Anti-communism was the chief pillar of propaganda particularly in the Western Bloc during The Cold War Era. In Turkey, "ideological productivity" of Turkish Armed Forces, based on Turkish nationalism, was articulated with anti-communism in the process of participating in NATO. There are two major aspects of Turkish military's anti-communism mission intertwined at very basic level. The fi rst one is to be the supporter and sometimes directly the implementer of the general anti-communist project in all around the country; second one is to make anti-communist propaganda within the institution by determining and discharging leftist offi cers and junta initiatives. This study will deal with two basic questions: "how the Turkish Armed Forces, notably the command echelon, positioned itself against communism?" and "what arguments and tools of the anti-communist propaganda were used by the army during the Cold War period especially between 1950 and 1980?" We claim that the formulations of the military propaganda refl ect both the mentality of general staff and the established pattern of Turkish Armed Forces' interventions into Turkish political life. Another argument of this paper is that the view of Turkish Army towards communist was very similar to that of the Turkish right wing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews and comments on reports published within the issue of the journal on topics such as exchange between architects of the Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic, urban planning as a projection of national identity, and Americanism in Turkey.

The prolongation of the Italian-Turkish War encouraged the Balkan peoples to attack Turkey in September 1912. The declared aim was to release the conationals in the Ottoman Empire and to unify the liberated territories. In this situation, Turkey saw herself obliged to conclude peace with Italy, in Lausanne, on October 15, 1912, surrendering and giving up Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. As such, the Balkan States made a great service to Italy, as Italy in its turn had helped drawing Turkey into a war that has weakened it from all points of view. The Balkan Alliance generated various reactions among the European powers, since it was born under the patronage of Russia, an empire that hoped to be able to count, in the event of an increasingly predictable European war, on a major political and military force in the South-East Europe, but it overestimated the influence exercised over these States because the Balkan allies attacked the Ottoman Empire at a time when Russia had not accomplished all military preparations. The entry of the Romanian armies and their march towards Bulgaria and Sofia had an important role in the cessation of hostilities and the start of peace talks. They were held in Bucharest, which highlighted Romania's role in settling the conflict. The peace of Bucharest generated different reactions among the European powers, according to the interests and rivalries in the area. The most affected was Austro-Hungary which claimed the allegiance of the ratification of the treaty to a European Conference, but France, Russia and the United Kingdom opposed to any revisions, whereas Italy and Germany, not excluding this possibility, considered that the decisions adopted in Bucharest had to be respected. However, the Balkan wars did not solve all territorial issues, many of the decisions taken were subsequently challenged and hence in applicable. There were still disputed territories, as well as countries discontented because of the lack of a seashore access, of the collapse of a hegemony vision, or of the loss of some key positions. Soon, all these rivalries and disputes became evident in connection with the outbreak of World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses social aspects, especially social mobilization, of late Ottoman imperial policy of in the author's term eliminating Greek Orthodox populations. The author identifies this policy as part of a broader Turkish nationalist policy termed National Economy or Milli İktisat. Among other topics addressed are Turkish historiography of such eliminations, the boycott movement against Greece over the status of the island of Crete, and its escalation into violence against Greeks.

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the changes in government policy regarding the opium trade in Turkey, with a particular focus on the period 1923-1945. The author comments on the importance of the opium industry to the economy of the Turkish Republic and considers the international efforts toward the prohibition of the restriction of opium trade. He also examines the resulting political tensions and conflicts caused by the implementation of Turkish opium laws, most especially among the ruling elites of the republic.

Copyright of Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları is the property of Turk Dunyasi Arastirmalari Vakfi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An essay is presented that reviews the books "A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire," edited by Ronald Grigor Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek and Norman M. Naimark, "The Young Turks' Crime Against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire," by Taner Akçam, and "The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-50," by Ugur Ümit Üngör. The role of genocide in Kemalist Turkey is addressed.

Copyright of Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları is the property of Turk Dunyasi Arastirmalari Vakfi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how Beat texts are received in Turkey as underground literature and what that reception reveals not only about the possibilities for cultural dissent in Turkey, but the extent to which the Beats are still capable of promoting social change in general. While translations of Beat Generation texts are a fairly recent phenomenon in Turkey, the internet has provided them with additional exposure, with the result that Beat texts play a role in discussions of the growing genre of underground literature in Turkey. This study analyses that role in order to discuss questions of commodification, transgression, censorship, and cultural difference that impact Beat texts in Turkey. Beat writers offer a form of resistance that allows Turkish readers to challenge mainstream values and mount legal challenges through the classic figure of the Beat rebel. This unique situation provides insight not only into the possibilities in culturally translating an imported counterculture, but also provides a refracted view of the assumptions operating in that countercultural model as it is redeployed in a different nation at a different moment of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]