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Thèse dirigée par Laure Quennouëlle-Corre, soutenue devant un jury composé de Jean-Pierre Bat (Archives nationales), Hubert Bonin (Institut d’études politiques de Bordeaux), Denis Cogneau (EHESS), Sabine Effosse (Université Paris-Nanterre), Wilson-André Ndombet (Université Omar Bongo, Libreville) et André Straus (CNRS). Résumé : Notre thèse analyse les retombées des investissements directs étrangers dans le développement du Gabon de 1960 à 2000. En effet, les incidences des IDE dans le dévelo...

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International audience

Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.

Les figures multiples de l'ennemi dans les discours juifs de RFA et de RDA

International audience

International audience

International audience

Povijesni pregled i zapažanja

For the Jews who had survived the Shoah, to establish of a new life on the German territory after 1945 was almost unthinkable. Particularly in Berlin, the former capital of the third Reich, which became the nodal point of the East-West relations, the attempt seemed most unlikely. As a result, the conception of a community of “liquidation” dominated until the 1950’s. Yet, [re]construction took place, in spite of everything, in the context of the partition of Germany, which didn’t spare the Jewish Community of Berlin. The comparative analysis of the Jews in East- and West-Berlin at the demographic, religious, political and cultural levels does reveal strong disparities, which are more or less linked with the features of the East-German and West-German systems; but beyond these undeniable divides, it is possible to bring to light common values and concerns, as well as forms of crossing which have attracted little scholarly attention so far.; Pour les Juifs rescapés de la Shoah, établir une vie nouvelle sur le territoire allemand après 1945 était quasiment impensable. En particulier à Berlin, l’ancienne capitale du IIIe Reich, devenue le point de cristallisation des relations Est-Ouest, l’entreprise paraissait improbable, à tel point que la conception de la communauté de « liquidation » a dominé jusque dans les années 1950. Et pourtant, la [re]construction s’est opérée malgré tout, sous les auspices de la division allemande, qui n’a pas épargné la Communauté Juive de Berlin. L’analyse comparative des Juifs à Berlin-Est et à Berlin-Ouest, sur les plans démographique, religieux, politique et culturel, révèle certes de fortes disparités, liées plus ou moins directement aux caractéristiques des régimes de la RFA et de la RDA ; mais au-delà de ces clivages indéniables, il est possible de mettre en lumière un certain nombre de valeurs et de préoccupations communes aux Juifs dans les deux Berlin, ainsi que des phénomènes de passage jusqu’alors peu étudiés.

Gradivo više fondova i zbirka u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu sadržava dokumente za proučavanje povijesti Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj 1945–1990. Među njima od osobitoga su značenja fond Komisija za odnose s vjerskim zajednicama, Zbirka dosjea i Zbirka dokumenata Službe državne sigurnosti Republičkog sekretarijata za unutarnje poslove SR Hrvatske, fondovi Javno tužilaštvo SR Hrvatske, Vrhovni sud NR Hrvatske, Centralni komitet Saveza komunista Hrvatske te osobni fond Svetozar Ritig. Komisija za odnose s vjerskim zajednicama dijelom je bila kreatorom politike prema Crkvi, no prije svega njezin nadzornik. Služba državne sigurnosti (prvotno OZNA, odnosno UDBA) bila je pak političkom policijom komunističke Jugoslavije koja je – ne štedeći svećenike, redovnike, biskupe i vjernike – po oblicima, načinima i posljedicama rada postala sinonimom političke represije. Rad donosi nove rezultate znanstvenoga komparativnoga istraživanja nekoliko ključnih izvora za proučavanje odnosa Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj i vlasti socijalističke Jugoslavije. Vrijedan je prinos za daljnje istraživanje s temom povezanih problemskih cjelina, poglavito u možebitnim sintezama povijesti Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj nakon II. svjetskoga rata.

Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.

This thesis study the relations between medical world and local political life. With the results of the local elections between 1959 and 1989, it tries to show that the research of a general pattern is not available. Physicians identities in the context of local election come from a double process of differenciation. The professional status give to each physician the symbolic power of the profession. The professional role eases the knowledge of the personality. But the elective identity construction has to deal with political realities. When physicians want to reach several elective positions, they have to find an agreement between their individual perspective and the collective frame of the political life.Their investment in the public institutions life may be read according differenciation and no differenciation.Some of them are involved in specialized institutional sector like helthe and social policies. In this case, we can say that thre is the continuity between the professional habitus and the local institutional frame. Others occupy positions which need perspective and knowledge-ability quite different. It's why physicians local representant may be more representan than medicals.; À partir des résultats des éléctions cantonales et municipales dans les cinq départements d'Aquitaine, entre 1959 et 1989, la thèse propose une réflexion sur l'identité électorale des médecins dans les situations de compétition politique et sur la compétence qu'ils peuvent mettre en œuvre lorsqu'ils accèdent aux positions institutionnelles locales. Considérant qu'il n'est pas pertinent de chercher un modèle général d'analyse pour un ensemble d'agents, de trajectoires et de contextes marqué par une grande hétérogénéité, elle fait le choix d'observer les différents espaces de reconnaissance que doit franchir le médecin quand il se trouve engagé dans ce type de situation. L'appartenance à la profession médicale constitue une ressource d'éligibilité pour les médecins d'un double point de vue. Ils appartiennent à une profession différenciée au sein de la société française et l'exercice de leur rôle professionnel facilite la différentiation de leur personne dans la vie locale. Le pouvoir symbolique atrribué aux médecins résultede leur capacité à incarner une réalité signifiante plus étendue que ce qu'ils peuvent produire en tant qu'agents.Quand ils participent à l'agir public local, les médecins élus locaux se différencient des autres élus locaux par l'implicztion d'une partie d'entre eux dans le secteur sanitaire et social. Mais ils sont aussi semblables aux autres élus lorsqu'ils doivent s'adapter aux propriétés contextuelles qui contraignent la compétence d'élu local.

De doelstelling van deze studie is tweeledig. In de eerste plaats wil ik laten zien hoe vrouwelijke ondernemers de contradictie hebben geleefd. Ik wil het echter niet laten bij een weergave van de woorden van vrouwelijke ondernemers alleen. Mijn tweede doelstelling is inzicht te verschaffen in de invulling en wekring van het sekse-gendersysteem in Nederland na 1945. ... Zie: Summary

De doelstelling van deze studie is tweeledig. In de eerste plaats wil ik laten zien hoe vrouwelijke ondernemers de contradictie hebben geleefd. Ik wil het echter niet laten bij een weergave van de woorden van vrouwelijke ondernemers alleen. Mijn tweede doelstelling is inzicht te verschaffen in de invulling en wekring van het sekse-gendersysteem in Nederland na 1945. ... Zie: Summary