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The aim of the study was to investigate a perceived severity of religious intolerance, and reasons behind it, among different religious groups in Pakistan. A questionnaire measuring religious intolerance was completed by 199 university students (females M = 23.8 yrs, SD 5.3, and males M = 24.6 yrs, SD 5.6) from four religious groups: Sunni, Shia, Ahmadi, and Christian. Questions regarding the severity of intolerance were included as well as the following seven scales measuring possible causes for it: impact of the school curriculum, lack of knowledge about other groups, impact of hate literature, lack of social justice, family background and peer pressure, media impact, as well as external power influence and history. Respondents of all groups agreed upon the severe level of religious intolerance towards Ahmadis. Regarding the other religious groups, opinions differed. Sunni respondents rated the seven causes for religious intolerance as lower than the others. Sunni and Shia respondents rated the impact of the school curriculum as the significantly most important reason behind religious intolerance, whereas the Ahmadis and Christians rated hate literature as the most important reason. The results suggest that there is a need for further research into social factors that could reduce religious intolerance in Pakistan. Views of different religious groups need to be taken in consideration.

This article examines the phenomenon of fake news through a survey of university students in the United Kingdom. The survey, composed through a selection of factual and non-factual content/news and complemented through a validation tool, sought to assess the attitudes of these respondents to items of factual misinformation before and after these were verified with the tool. The findings from the survey present online misinformation as a very complex and unfolding phenomenon in terms of user behaviour, particularly when presented with an authentication tool. The majority of respondents failed in identifying factual from fake news posts. While respondents indicated mistrust in using third-party validation tools, the majority indicated a critical need for a verification tool that would support their quest and increase their trust in what they read online.

Journalists include ordinary people as exemplars – also known as case sources – in news stories to illustrate the general issue through their personal accounts. These accounts from exemplars tend to evoke emotions in the audience and carry greater weight than base rate information when people form perceptions or attitudes on the problem at hand. In this study, drawing on a news story in which an expert source and an exemplar provide conflicting information, we explore viewers’ emotional response to the exemplar and their perceptions of the expert source and the main message of the news story. We do this by presenting participants with two versions of a television news story – one with and one without an exemplar. We measure participants’ emotional response through a combination of open-ended and close-ended self-reports and directly through electrodermal activity, and we explore their perception of sources and the message of the story through open-ended questions. We find that viewers experience increased arousal when they watch the personal account of an exemplar, and that they tend to interpret the base rate information in the light of the exemplar’s account. Furthermore, some respondents tend to delegitimize the expert source that contradicts the account of the exemplar. We discuss the implications that these results have for journalists and provide tentative advice on which measures journalists can take to counter such effects.

This is a comparative study of official diplomatic speeches regarding COVID-19, released by spokespersons for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and documents from the United States Department of State China Archive. It explores how these speeches and documents reflect the US–China relations and the conduct of policies surrounding digital media in the two countries. We focus on the period from the start of the Wuhan lockdown, 20 January 2020, to the city’s reopening on 8 April, and use several forms of content analysis to analyse the documents: Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling, sentiment network analysis and word clouds. We argue that the diplomatic relationship and political ideologies adopted by different political and media systems can have a major impact upon media policy implementation and guidance.

Item does not contain fulltext As a result of global migration processes, Western societies have become increasingly ethnically diverse. Yet not all regions are equally affected by these immigration processes. The current study investigates whether and how ethnic discrimination in hiring is linked with the regional concentration of ethnic minorities, using original data of a large-scale field experiment on ethnic discrimination (N = 4.211) and detailed regional data in the Netherlands. The results show that greater exposure to ethnic minorities in a region is not clearly related with decreased (indicative of positive intergroup contact) or increased (indicative of group threat) ethnic discrimination in hiring. Rather, the findings provide more support for the familiarisation hypothesis: regional concentrations of ethnic minorities are positively associated with ethnic discrimination, however, this effect levels off and turns negative at high concentrations of ethnic minorities. This result holds particularly for minorities with non-Western migrant origins and minorities with Muslim migrant origins. 20 p.

What are the consequences of the rise of foreign state-led investment for international politics? Existing research oscillates between a 'geopolitical' and a 'commercial' logic driving this type of investment and remains inconclusive about its wider international reverberations. In this paper, I suggest going beyond this dichotomy by analyzing its systemic consequences. To do so, I conceptually delineate a geoeconomic approach that emphasizes the globalized nature of foreign state investment. I argue that foreign state investment creates system-level patterns, which can be studied by observing similar sectoral and geographic investment behavior. I map this phenomenon globally for the first time, drawing on the largest dataset on foreign state investment. Empirically, I show how foreign state investment is highly concentrated in Europe, North America and East Asia, and is owned by a handful of dominant states. It is especially European geo-industrial clusters that represent the hotspots of such concentration. The findings also suggest that three global industries - energy production, high-tech manufacturing, and transportation and logistics - form the key areas for current and future state-led investment concentration. With these contributions, the paper illuminates the increasing presence of states as owners in the global political economy, and facilitates its study as a geoeconomic phenomenon.

Educational gaps are increasingly salient as skills and knowledge gain prominence in digital societies. E-privacy management, namely, the ability to control the flow of information about the self, is an important asset nowadays, since a skillful use of digital technologies enables full participation in social life and limits the exposure to unwarranted algorithmic processes. We investigate whether and why education affects e-privacy management, and whether the educational gaps vary following a country’s degree of digitalization. We empirically test two sets of mechanisms, one derived from the digital divide and diffusion of innovations theories and the other from the reflexive modernization theory. The study employs Eurobarometer 87.1 data ( N = 21,177), collected in 2017 among representative samples from 28 European countries, and uses multilevel linear regression model. Findings suggest that the years spent in education positively affect e-privacy management, and that this effect is largely mediated by digital skills and Internet use, and to a lesser extent by a reflexive mind-set. The educational gap in e-privacy management narrows in more digitalized countries.

Conventional advice discourages controlling for postoutcome variables in regression analysis. By contrast, we show that controlling for commonly available postoutcome (i.e., future) values of the treatment variable can help detect, reduce, and even remove omitted variable bias (unobserved confounding). The premise is that the same unobserved confounder that affects treatment also affects the future value of the treatment. Future treatments thus proxy for the unmeasured confounder, and researchers can exploit these proxy measures productively. We establish several new results: Regarding a commonly assumed data-generating process involving future treatments, we (1) introduce a simple new approach and show that it strictly reduces bias, (2) elaborate on existing approaches and show that they can increase bias, (3) assess the relative merits of alternative approaches, and (4) analyze true state dependence and selection as key challenges. (5) Importantly, we also introduce a new nonparametric test that uses future treatments to detect hidden bias even when future-treatment estimation fails to reduce bias. We illustrate these results empirically with an analysis of the effect of parental income on children’s educational attainment.

Survey research aims to collect robust and reliable data from respondents. However, despite researchers’ efforts in designing questionnaires, survey instruments may be imperfect, and question structure not as clear as could be, thus creating a burden for respondents. If it were possible to detect such problems, this knowledge could be used to predict problems in a questionnaire during pretesting, inform real-time interventions through responsive questionnaire design, or to indicate and correct measurement error after the fact. Previous research has used paradata, specifically response times, to detect difficulties and help improve user experience and data quality. Today, richer data sources are available, for example, movements respondents make with their mouse, as an additional detailed indicator for the respondent–survey interaction. This article uses machine learning techniques to explore the predictive value of mouse-tracking data regarding a question’s difficulty. We use data from a survey on respondents’ employment history and demographic information, in which we experimentally manipulate the difficulty of several questions. Using measures derived from mouse movements, we predict whether respondents have answered the easy or difficult version of a question, using and comparing several state-of-the-art supervised learning methods. We have also developed a personalization method that adjusts for respondents’ baseline mouse behavior and evaluate its performance. For all three manipulated survey questions, we find that including the full set of mouse movement measures and accounting for individual differences in these measures improve prediction performance over response-time-only models. German Research Foundation (DFG)

In dieser Studie analysieren wir das Potenzial organisierter Interessen als Transmissionsriemen zwischen der Bevölkerung und politischen Institutionen im parlamentarischen System der Bundesrepublik zu fungieren. Wir verwenden Daten aus Experteninterviews mit Lobbyistinnen und Lobbyisten und einer repräsentativen Bevölkerungsumfrage, um die Kongruenz zwischen den Themenfeldern zu ermitteln, welche die Bürgerinnen und Bürger und organisierten Interessen in Deutschland jeweils als wichtig ansehen. Ferner analysieren wir, ob sich die Kongruenz hinsichtlich der öffentlichen Salienz des Themas sowie des soziökonomischen Status oder der politischen Einstellungen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger unterscheidet. Dabei differenzieren wir zwischen Unternehmer- und Nichtunternehmerinteressen. Die Ergebnisse deuten auf eine moderate Themenkongruenz zwischen den Agenden der Bürgerinnen und Bürger und der organisierten Interessen hin. Diese Repräsentationsleistung wird jedoch überwiegend von Nichtunternehmerorganisationen erfüllt, die verstärkt an Themen arbeiten, die für die Bevölkerung salient sind. Ferner sind Bürgerinnen und Bürger mit extremeren Einstellungen besser repräsentiert als jene, die sich in der ideologischen Mitte befinden. Hingegen zeigen sich keine Unterschiede hinsichtlich des Einkommens und Geschlechts oder zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschland., Projekt DEAL

International audience; COVID-19 has caused unprecedented disruption to previously settled everyday routines, prompting a period of forced experimentation as people have adjusted to rapid changes in their private and working lives. For discussions regarding consumption, this period of experimentation has been interesting, as the apparent instability has disturbed the ongoing trajectory of consumption practices, and with it has created possibilities for transition toward sustainability. In this article, we examine food practices (e.g., food shopping, preparation, and eating) in seven countries (France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, UK, and Vietnam) to assess what we can learn to accelerate transitions toward sustainable consumption. Grounded in a practice theoretical approach, our empirical analysis shows how disruption of everyday routines has generated socio-materially bounded experimentation. We demonstrate commonalities across contexts in how lockdown measures have restricted the performance of previously taken-for-granted practices. We also show diversity in experimentation as food consumption is entangled in other everyday practices. Our study, on one hand, portrays how adaptation of food practices allows disruption to be managed, demonstrating creativity in working within and around restrictions to continue to provide services for everyday life. On the other hand, we reveal that the capacity of experimentation is not evenly distributed among people and this variation helps in identifying the wider socio-material conditions that constrain and enable opportunities for readjustment. Understanding disparities that affect experimentation (e.g., integration of food practices with work and caring practices) is informative when thinking about how to stimulate sustainability transformations in food practices and provides critical reflections on strategies to enable sustainable consumption.

How are extensive internet control, surveillance and restricted online anonymity reconceptualized into virtues of effective state governance, rather than violations of civic rights? The Russian government has instrumentalized ostensibly sound legitimations - countering terrorist and extremist propaganda, combatting child pornography - to bring about a dramatic decline in internet freedom. While these policies have been widely studied, scholarship examining how the Russian government legitimates and cultivates popular support for restricting online freedoms remains scarce. This article therefore studies how restrictions of internet freedom are framed in political and media discourses. It focuses on the case of Telegram, a popular messaging application that was banned in Russia in April 2018 for its refusal to provide the FSB with access to encrypted messages in compliance with anti-terrorism legislation. It finds that media framing of the ban was more diverse than the official governmental line. While national security framing was important, the 'rule of law' frame occurred most frequently, and conspiracy framing was markedly infrequent.

The online environment dramatically expands the number of ways people can encounter news but there remain questions of whether these abundant opportunities facilitate news exposure diversity. This project examines key questions regarding how internet users arrive at news and what kinds of news they encounter. We account for a multiplicity of avenues to news online, some of which have never been analyzed: (1) direct access to news websites, (2) social networks, (3) news aggregators, (4) search engines, (5) webmail, and (6) hyperlinks in news. We examine the extent to which each avenue promotes news exposure and also exposes users to news sources that are left leaning, right leaning, and centrist. When combined with information on individual political leanings, we show the extent of dissimilar, centrist, or congenial exposure resulting from each avenue. We rely on web browsing history records from 636 social media users in the US paired with survey self-reports, a unique data set that allows us to examine both aggregate and individual-level exposure. Visits to news websites account for about 2 percent of the total number of visits to URLs and are unevenly distributed among users. The most widespread ways of accessing news are search engines and social media platforms (and hyperlinks within news sites once people arrive at news). The two former avenues also increase dissimilar news exposure, compared to accessing news directly, yet direct news access drives the highest proportion of centrist exposure.

This article examines the role of the fixer in international news production, particularly war reportage, and reorients an ongoing debate about the role of local media-workers in foreign bureaus. While the institutional conditions of fixing have received some scholarly attention, the epistemic dimension of fixers’ labour yet requires critical examination. Utilizing eighteen months of participant observation and qualitative interviews with fixers and foreign journalists in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, I demonstrate that the local, ‘situated’ knowledge of fixers is both structural to, and ultimately suppressed by, the global, ‘professional’ knowledge of international news. This tension is evident in the routines of war reportage – gathering information, navigating checkpoints – and in journalism’s generic conventions, as where the byline – mark of professional authorship – establishes a hierarchy regarding what counts as authoritative meanings for war. In resituating analysis of fixing from the institutional to the epistemic, this article aims to recover the displacements inherent to normative representations of foreign conflict.

Digitalization of news organizations and other traditional media presents an ongoing struggle. Although there is a general decline in news consumption in all ages, youth in particular seems to be ‘tuning out’ of news globally. The Reuters Institute Digital News Report published in 2016 by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, announced that news accessed via social media sites increased in Europe (average 46 per cent) where Greece and Turkey were high adoption countries with 74 and 73 per cent usage rates, respectively. These numbers dropped in the 2018 report to 66 per cent in Turkey and 71 per cent in Greece. This research explores the factors that influence college students’ news consumption behaviour in Greece and Turkey through an interpretative approach. Data collection was done in 2017 in Athens and Istanbul with voluntary participation of 40 college students who study in public and private universities.

In debates on the need to “complete” the banking union, there has been little attention to the omission of shadow banks from the supervision mandate given to the European Central Bank with the establishment of the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM). We argue that there can be no completion of the banking union without dedicated pan-European supervision of all non-banking financial institutions. We identify four explanatory modalities for the omission of shadow banking from the SSM mandate and discuss organizational options for institutionalizing European supervision of its shadow banking sector.

Election violence is common in many developing countries and has potentially detrimental implications for democratic consolidation. Drawing on political psychology, we argue that citizens’ fear of campaign violence undermines support for democracy while increasing support for autocracy. Using individual-level survey data from 21 electoral democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa, we find robust support for our argument. Citizens fearing campaign violence are less likely to support democracy and multi-party competition, more likely to favor a return to autocracy, and less likely to turn out to vote. Our findings have important implications for democratic survival and provide further impetus for reducing electoral violence.

The institutionalisation of new technologies, information systems, norms, practices and other innovations for improving governance, planning, operational efficiency and service delivery in the public sector remain a challenge. Power dynamics, and politics have also been recognised as playing a critical role in the institutionalisation of information systems for promoting digital transformation of the public sector. This study used data collected through an extensive review of literature and empirical data from a case study of South Africa’s government digital transformation journey. The study explored power dynamics and the role of politics in the institutionalisation of reforms and deinstitutionalisation of institutionalised practices that constrain transformation in institutions. Power dynamics, and politics in institutions were found to have a significant bearing on the institutionalisation of reforms that include information systems in the digital transformation of government. The study found that the digital transformation of the public is more than the implementation technology and requires the holistic view of institutions as social, economic, and political structures.

This paper studies the role of the European Union (EU) in supporting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) communities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) by focusing on the case of Lebanon. It seeks to fill the existing gap in the literature regarding the transversal conceptualization of EU practices in support of LGBTI communities in the MENA by focusing on what is happening on the ground. The paper builds on semi-structured interviews and engages with primary and secondary literature on practices in international relations and the EU’s transversal democracy promotion to answer three main questions: To what extent do the EU agents engage with local actors to improve transversal minority rights? Who are the agents involved? And what influences the EU approach/practice in this area? The main findings reveal the EU as a subtle actor when it comes to LGBTI rights in the MENA; it tends to treat the matter within a broader human rights aspect and to support initiatives taken by locals. This is due to the sensitivity of the domestic context as well as awareness that it might have a negative effect on the LGBTI groups if the EU became more vocal.

Deliberative systems theorists have for some time emphasised the distributed nature of deliberative values; they therefore do not focus exclusively on ‘deliberation’ but on all sorts of communication that advance deliberative democratic values, including everyday political talk in informal settings. However, such talk has been impossible to capture inductively at scale. This article discusses an electronic approach, Structural Topic Modelling, and applies it to a recent case: the Scottish independence debate of 2012–2014. The case provides the first empirical test of the claim that a deliberative system can capture the full ‘pool of perspectives’ on an issue, and shows that citizens can hold each other to deliberative standards even in mass, online discussion. It also shows that, in deliberative terms, the major cleavage in the ‘indyref’ debate was not so much between Yes and No, but between formal and informal venues.

This study offers new insights into the complex and underexplored nature of reported threats. Combining the theoretical framework of speech act analysis with the concept of reported speech, the study finds six categories of reported threats, uncovering ones that have been overlooked by existing scholarship thus far. The texts presented are derived from audio-recordings of 847 interviews carried out in four Central American countries: El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, and Panama between 2010 and 2014. References to threats and threat narratives came from school teachers, community leaders, police officers, clergy, and members of municipal violence prevention committees. The interpretation of indirect and implicit threats are made in the social context of communities under siege, that is, under constant attack by local gangs, many of whom are connected to national gangs and international narcotrafficking cartels. The credibility of the different types of threats is evaluated, using Goffman’s (1981) insight into the complexity of speaker roles in face-to-face interaction.

This article seeks to advance the usage-based discourse research that investigates meanings and processes of meaning construction in interaction by elaboratingan empirically grounded interdisciplinary model. The paradigmatic and sequential analysis employed here brings together linguistic discourse analysis with an ethnomethodological perspective, and presents an innovative take on category organization in talk,explaininghow to capture knowledge resources such as asymmetrical category contrast pairs in talk. In analyzing in detail the speaker’s taxonomy constructionin a sample conversation, the papersystematicallyexploresthefollowing two topicsrelated to the speaker: what category characteristic he is orientingto as a resource for his present talkandwhat socialmeaning the speaker’s taxonomizing isconsistentlycommunicatingin the flow of talk. The proposed model captures a color binary–used to categorize people–of the ‘colored’versus the ‘white’, entailed in theexpression ‘a so-called yellowcolored people’,and reveals that the category pair is used as an organizational device in the speaker’s argument.The paper claims that taxonomy analysis in sequence is useful to examine the selected words in relation to their semiotic resources.

Racism as a means for accomplishing homogeneity is at the center of this study which draws on Critical Discourse Analysis and focuses on descriptions of racist behaviors included in immigrant students’ school essays. We investigate how the dominant assimilative and homogenizing discourse operates in Greece and how immigrant students position themselves towards this dominant discourse. Our analysis focuses on the ways the immigrant students of our sample construct legitimizing and hybrid resistance identities. We demonstrate that legitimizing identities are found in the vast majority of the essays of our data due to the racist behaviors experienced by immigrant people. On the other hand, the explicit description of such behaviors appears only in few essays. We argue that in these few essays, via referring to racist behaviors of majority people against them, immigrant students manage to build hybrid resistance identities.

This paper examines aspects of strategic interaction and the construction of the social actor in a neo-Austinian framework of illocutionary acts. The basic premise of the neo-Austinian framework is conventionality, according to which illocutionary acts depend on social agreement. An important part of the framework is the felicity condition of entitlement, directly related to the hearer’s understanding of the conventions that should hold for an act performance. Two strategies of challenging and/or rejecting illocutionary acts are then identified tentatively dubbed looping and backfiring, related to the hearer’s perception of when the entitlement felicity condition is flouted. Both strategies can be overtly or covertly confrontational and demonstrate that in their social quality illocutionary acts serve to construct the social actor and build up interpersonal relations.

We test generational differences in media trust and its antecedents, including political trust, interest, and orientation, as well as perceptions of media inaccuracy and media bias. We rely on original survey data from ten European countries, collected in 2019. We find no differences in the levels of media trust between generations, but we find that key correlates of media trust relate differently to it in different generations. For example, political interest is more strongly correlated with media trust for Millennials than for other generations. Perceptions of bias and inaccuracy have a strong negative correlation with media trust overall, but it is stronger for older generations. These results suggest, that in the long term, societal developments, and in particular debates about media bias and misinformation may impact media trust of young generations differently as they grow older—however, our data give no indication of that creating generational gaps in media trust.

Professional women engage with individual and social issues of ageing, appearance and identity throughout their lives. The challenges professional women have faced since the 1970s have changed as to how they view themselves in new and varied contemporary careers and their perceptions of how others view them. Eleven career women in the Twin Cities, MN, were interviewed about how they managed their appearances throughout their careers. Responses were organized into groups built around the women’s early career narratives ‐ 20s‐30s, mid-career narratives ‐ 40s‐60s, late and post-career narratives ‐ 70s‐90s. We found that these women consciously thought about the meaning and impact of work and their work wardrobe as they passed through each career stage, especially in terms of impression and identity management. We learned through the stories they told how the art, practice and meaning around dressing for work changed over time ‐ with both continuity and change in their expressed outcomes.

espanolEn 1953 y entre 2012 y 2016 tuvieron lugar en Colombia dos procesos historicos de paz que involucraron, de una parte, a las Guerrillas Liberales del Llano y de la otra, a las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia. Haciendo uso de un corpus de imagenes derivado de medios de comunicacion como El Tiempo y la revista Semana, asi como del Archivo German Guzman Campos, y acudiendo a literatura secundaria y a claves de lectura derivadas de los estudios sobre imagen y performance se discute sobre el sentido y alcances de la representacion habitual de estos como “transitos hacia la paz”. Lo propuesto en el articulo deriva de un proyecto de investigacion reciente sobre memoria historica y practica visual nanciado por la Universidad Javeriana entre 2015 y 2018. La principal contribucion esta en avanzar criticamente en la discusion sobre el caracter de porosidad y simulacion de la paz pactada en ambos momentos historicos, mas alla de los logros politicos y alcances sociales sobre los que se centran los analisis habituales EnglishIn 1953 and later between 2012 and 2016, two historic peace processes took place in Colombia involving the Liberal Guerrillas from the Plains, on the one hand, and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces, on the other hand. Using a corpus of images taken from media outlets like the newspaper El Tiempo and the magazine Semana, the Archive German Guzman Campos, and searching in secondary source literature and some reading keys derived from studies on image and performance, this article discusses the sense and scope of their usual representation as “a step toward the peace”. e point stated herein comes from a recent research project on historic memory and visual practice sponsored by the Universidad Javeriana between 2015 and 2018. e main contribution consists in making a critical progress in the discussion on the nature of porosity and simulation of peace as it was agreed on in the two aforementioned historic events. It is considered beyond the political achievements and social goals that the usual analyses use to be focused on. portuguesEm 1953 e entre 2012 e 2016 ocorreram na Colombia dois processos historicos de paz que envolveram, de uma parte, as Guerrilhas Liberais do Llano e da outra, as Forcas Armadas Revolucionarias da Colombia. Utilizando um corpus de imagens derivado de meios de comunicacao de massa como o jornal El Tiempo e a revista Semana, bem como o Archivo German Guzman Campos, e recorrendo a literatura secundaria e a chaves de leitura derivadas dos estudos sobre imagem e performance discute-se o sentido e escopo da representacao habitual destes como “trânsitos para a paz”. O proposto no artigo decorre de um recente projeto de pesquisa sobre memoria historica e pratica visual nanciado pela Universidade Javeriana entre 2015 e 2018. A principal contribuicao esta no avanco critico na discussao sobre o caracter de porosidade e simulacao da paz pactuada em ambos os momentos historicos, para alem das conquistas politicas e escopos sociais em que centram-se as analises habituais.

Large numbers of people living under authoritarian governments participate in pro-opposition politics despite sometimes significant risks. Increasing amounts of this political participation are taking place and being organized online. Do emotions play a causal role in inducing pro-opposition participation in authoritarian regimes? Can emotions that mobilize participation be spread via social media? Through an experiment carried out by an opposition party in Zimbabwe, I test whether campaign appeals to opposition supporters’ emotions affect their level of political participation in online pro-opposition discussions. I find that across two different issue areas, randomly assigned anger appeals increase participation on average by 0.4 standard deviations more than enthusiasm appeals with the same informational content. In real terms, this represents between 30% and 170% more participation in the groups assigned to the anger appeals across four different measures of participation. There is little evidence that these effects are stronger in areas with less poverty or that have historically been affected by more violence, or when coupled with messages emphasizing personal power. These results suggest that anger appeals that highlight economic grievances can be an important force for mobilizing online political participation in repressive environments.

The post-COVID-19 new normal will arise as a game-changer in the policy-making of the world states. Accordingly, this article highlights the post- pandemic Bangladesh that should integrate biology affirmatively in the policy development procedures to reshape the new normal challenges as opportunities. The grounded theory method is adopted as a quantitative analysis tool relying on the secondary sources of data to portray the significance of biopolitics as political rationality in new norm Bangladesh. The researcher has used the neo-realism approach to develop the ‘Biopolitical Rationale Theory’, which uncovers how evolving neorealist security demands the prioritization of biopolitics in every sphere of decision making for governing the post-pandemic new standard of existence. The 2020 corona outbreak proved that human life and the environment are the ultimate means of survival rather than the traditional security arrangements and extreme economic growth which are inhumane (rationality of death and militarization), unhygienic, and destructive to the environment (exploitation of nature is profitable). The article recommends some alternative new normal policies such as nondiscriminative health policy, bordering in line with International Health Regulations (IHR), digitalization with better cybersecurity, virtualization of the tourist industry (application of Extended Reality), application of Career Resilience (CR), and Strategic Flexibility Analysis tools in the re-employment and career development, greening the economy, special arrangements for emergency health crisis and undertaking actions considering the environment as a remedy rather than a crisis. The review research concludes that the inclusion of biopolitics in the Bangladesh governance system can redesign the challenges of new normal as new opportunities. But the reshaping of such a new reality will itself prevail as a considerable challenge for Bangladesh.&nbsp

In the migrant rich peri-urban sites of Rongai, Kenya and Katlehong, South Africa, social engagements are being shaped by usufruct ethics. The resulting modes of mutual accommodation are shaped by spatial circumstance and instrumental, pragmatic concerns rather than claims for ownership, representation, or cultural hegemony. In Kenya, ‘being cosmo’ enables residents to brace themselves against ethnicised violence and exclusion while opening space for multi-ethnic newcomers to pursue varied economic and social ambitions often tied to exclusive, ethnicised membership elsewhere. In South Africa, outcomes include multiple ethics of difference simultaneously practiced: some violently exclusive, others remarkably inclusive, yet without enduring hegemonies. Here, residents manage their every-day interactions with Others through disconnection—by ‘minding their own business’—a principle manifested in both passive tolerance and active benefit-seeking. These findings from Africa’s rapidly transforming urban peripheries speak to a growing, global trend in which varied forms of membership are being locally negotiated in the thrown together spaces that characterise many cities of the South. Beyond understanding such local dynamics, they give cause to question the spatial scale at which we locate integration and the very ethics and desired ‘outcomes’ scholars often presume ought to underlie diverse societies.

In this article we examine ways in which gender performativity may be recognized by young children, looking at a drag queen’s mediation of literary encounters. The theoretical-analytical framework we employ comes from Gender Studies and Cultural Studies of post-structuralist inspiration. Our text recounts experiences from readings, conversation circles and play activities we organized in a small city in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Analyzing children’s play and interactions, we observe that from an early age they begin to recognize and question certain expectations about bodies. Contact with art, through literature and other modes of gender performance, can contribute to this reflexive process. RÉSUMÉ Dans cet article, nous étudions comment la performativité de genre est reconnue par les jeunes enfants à travers la médiation de la lecture littéraire par une drag queen, ayant comme base théorique et analytique les études de genre et les études culturelles d'inspiration post-structuraliste. Nous organisons des rencontres avec des lectures de livres, des cercles de conversation et des activités ludiques dans une bibliothèque à l'intérieur du Rio Grande do Sul. En analysant les scènes réalisées par les enfants, nous observons que dès leur plus jeune âge, ils apprennent à (re) connaître et à tendre certaines attentes sur les corps. Le contact avec l'art, à travers la littérature et d'autres modèles performatifs de genre, peut contribuer au processus de réflexion. RESUMO Neste artigo investigamos como a performatividade de gênero é reconhecida por crianças pequenas a partir da mediação de leitura literária por uma drag queen, tendo como base teórico-analítica os Estudos de Gênero e Culturais de inspiração pós-estruturalista. Organizamos encontros com leituras de livros, rodas de conversa e atividades lúdicas, em uma biblioteca no interior do Rio Grande do Sul. Analisando cenas protagonizadas pelas crianças, observamos que desde cedo elas aprendem a (re)conhecer, (re)produzir e a tensionar certas expectativas sobre os corpos. O contato com a arte, por meio da literatura e de outros modelos performativos de gênero, pode contribuir no processo de reflexão.

Although most network studies involve the collection of either ego or whole network data, a smaller subset of work has focused on the collection of network chain data. Collecting network chain data involves collecting a path in an unobserved whole network, and can be useful for capturing phenomena like degrees of separation or search processes. In this paper, we draw on past network chain data collection studies and reviews to propose a design framework for network chain data collection. Next, we use this framework to describe the qualitative collection of network chain data from a pilot sample of public school educators, and the quantitative collection of network chain data from a statewide sample of 600 public school principals and superintendents. Drawing on lessons learned from these data collection efforts, we discuss specific data collection strategies for improving the quality of network chain data, reflecting on what worked and what didn’t, offering recommendations for future studies involving network chain data collection.

Virtually, all large-scale family surveys in the United States and Europe have yielded a positive view of family ties in contemporary societies. The present study examines whether surveys like these are affected by selective nonresponse. Are people with negative family ties less likely to participate in surveys, and if so, to what extent does this yield a biased descriptive view of family solidarity? Using a novel multiactor design with matched register data, we examine the determinants of nonresponse of the parents of adult children aged 25–45 in the Netherlands. Our analysis reveals significant effects of the strength of parent–child ties on parental nonresponse, especially for fathers. Moreover, we find negative effects of divorce on father’s participation and this effect is stronger when family ties are weak. While these findings support the hypothesis of selective nonresponse, the magnitude of the effects is small and descriptive findings on family ties change only modestly when correcting for selective nonresponse.

Migrants’ mobilities in the fragmented state context of Libya are shaped by different dynamics of waiting. These dynamics emerge through intersections between transnational and local bordering practices. Examining the temporal effects of borderwork ethnographically by focusing on the lives of migrants who attempt to move on by boat to Europe, this article goes beyond depictions of waiting as an empty lived experience of time, to locate it within wider migration and mobility economies in borderlands. Migrants’ time is reproduced through intimate practices of care and labour and the ways in which they intermesh with a clandestine and often predatory economy where state and criminal actors profit from mobile lives. Focusing on migrants’ lived experiences of waiting to move on in contexts of fragmented state authority like Libya allows us to challenge fixed understandings of temporality as well as state-linked borderwork and its effects in Europe’s wider borderlands.

International migration creates significant dilemmas for people to feel at home or not and a meaningful field to investigate this emotional experience. Using a cross-country survey of Ecuadorians in Madrid, Milan and London (n = 1093), we explore how spatial, relational, infrastructural and emotional variables influence the sense of feeling at home in a place. We link these aspects to length of residence and the location's ‘connectedness’ to Ecuador. Immigrants' sense of feeling at home increases over time, regardless of location or scale. However, feeling at home is positively associated with the location's connectedness to Ecuador. The importance of social relations (especially inviting friends) and infrastructural characteristics for feeling at home in a place also increases over time, contrary to the influence of nostalgic homeland reminders. Overall, Ecuadorians attach a sense of home to their local context of settlement, more than to their homeland. Results are remarkably similar across genders.

What are the consequences of police brutality in fighting against the Catalan secessionist movement? While Spanish authorities resorted to violence with the hope that forceful action would deter further support for separatism, recent studies of repression argue that state violence tends to backfire. I test these two plausible arguments in the context of non-lethal police brutality to prevent an illegal self-determination referendum. For this, I combine data of the local distribution of police violence during the referendum and the official results of the subsequent regional elections. Because police forces were not deployed randomly, I employ a difference-in-differences estimation with matching to evaluate the electoral consequences of violence. The results show no clear evidence that police brutality affected support for separatism or electoral mobilization in the areas that it was deployed. The lack of a clear effect sets an agenda for future research in the investigation of the conditions under which state violence affects dissenting movements.

After the financial crisis, journalism scholarship has extensively pointed out how the journalistic debate on economic policy has been dominated by a strong emphasis on austerity and a limited range of elite sources. Building on 19 semi-structured interviews with Finnish political and economic journalists, this article examines how journalists themselves evaluate the pluralism of the economic policy debate. This article shows how journalists covering economic policy are critical when evaluating the level of pluralism in economic journalism, referring to a narrow range of expert sources and a widely shared economic policy consensus. These findings testify to the ability of ‘primary definers’ to set the boundaries of ‘legitimate controversy’ in economic journalism. Also, the interviews show how ruptures in economic policy, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the resulting vast amount of monetary and fiscal stimulus, create space for more pluralism in economic journalism.

Elections depend on the thousands of people who give up their time to administer this crucial public service. They staff polling stations and ensure votes are issued, cast and counted. Poll workers are effectively ‘stipended volunteers’, receiving some limited financial compensation, but working for the broader public good. It is important to understand why people choose to give up their time to provide this fundamental public service to their fellow citizens. Using original data from a poll worker survey conducted in the 2015 British general election, this article investigates the motivations and incentives for poll workers volunteering to administer major elections in an important advanced democracy. Exploratory expectations are set out about the motivations of poll workers, and the relationship to their socio-economic characteristics, and levels of social capital and satisfaction with democracy. Contrary to expectations, the findings note that, earning some extra money is important to many, although motivations are more broadly structured around solidary, purposive and material motivations. The article establishes a range of relationships between each set of incentives, and poll workers’ socio-economic, social capital and satisfaction profiles.

This study compares the balance of newspaper and television news coverage about migration in two countries that were differently affected by the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015 in terms of the geopolitical involvement and numbers of migrants being admitted. Based on a broad consensus among political elites, Germany left its borders open and received about one million migrants mainly from Syria during 2015. In contrast, the conservative British government was heavily attacked by oppositional parties for closing Britain’s borders and, thus, restricting immigration. These different initial situations led to remarkable differences between the news coverage in both countries. In line with news value theory, German media outlets reported much more on migration than did their British counterparts. In line with indexing theory, German news coverage consonantly reflected the consensual view of German political elites, while British news media reported along their general editorial lines.

This study aims to open a discussion on the changing face of cultural imperialism within the context of contemporary capitalism’s conditions and the changing habits of Turkish television viewers. Although the past two decades have witnessed a growing interest in both the changing patterns of television viewing habits and viewers’ class status, this process has focused almost exclusively on the West and specifically Euro-American metropolitan viewers’ experiences. By contrast, very few studies have directly addressed other contexts, specifically, television viewers in non-western countries. Based on cultural proximity and cultural discount theories, this study analyses the reasons and outcomes behind Turkish television viewers’ ongoing tendency towards the video-on-demand platforms, such as Netflix, HBO, Hulu, Amazon Prime Video or their domestic counterparts, like Puhu or Blu TV, under Turkey’s ongoing modernization process. The results suggest that video-on-demand platforms provide particular interest for television viewers while offering relative freedom from state-controlled public media or strictly regulated private channels. Nevertheless, these platforms have appealed to both Turkish upper-middle-class viewers and younger viewers who have the cultural background to enjoy and appreciate the content on offer. This study also indicates how access to streaming platforms in Turkey mainly relies on the class status of television viewers, and that this kind of cultural flow, to some extent, creates a digital divide in Turkey.

Grounding on Derrida’s conceptual framing of hospitality as a continuous tension between its conditional and unconditional forms, this article examines the city as a space of welcome located halfway through the continuum explored in this Special Issue. Through an analysis of the institutional narratives fostered by Brighton and Bologna’s local governments, this piece reflects on the tension between narratives and practices of welcome. By unpacking the accounts of local government’s representatives in both cities, I demonstrate how the notion of ‘welcome’, apparently very wide-encompassing, emerges as rather selective. In addition, I reflect on the benefits that cities can achieve when employing such narratives.

Contains fulltext : 234923.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) This study examines mechanisms and conditions under which ethnoreligious identification is related to support for out-group violence. It uses unique survey data collected among religious minorities and majorities in conflict and non-conflict regions in Indonesia and the Philippines. We find that strong ethno-religious identification is positively related to support for out-group violence. This relationship is fully mediated by the perception of out-group threat, suggesting that ethno-religious identification facilitates the perception of out-group threat, which, in turn, is positively related to support of violence. While the experience of communal violence increases support for interreligious violence, it does not influence the relationship between perceived group threat and support for violence. Interestingly, there is some evidence that the negative influence of intergroup contact on violence support is weaker for those who experienced communal violence. 30 p.

Sustainability has become important in the operation of the global economy and its regulatory structure, leading significant shifts in the way powerful ‘lead firms’ in global value chains approach sustainability. In this paper, I argue that private, value chain-oriented forms of sustainability governance are not addressing the environmental problems they are putatively designed to solve. Through the analysis of how lead firms stimulate environmental upgrading along their value chains, I show that the mainstreaming of sustainability in business operations has allowed global buyers to accumulate ‘green’ profits and capital in ways that extract value from suppliers – especially those based in the global South. Drawing from analyses of the wine and coffee value chains, I show how lead firms push the hidden costs of sustainability compliance and related risks upstream towards producers. These processes have important redistributive repercussions as they raise entry barriers for smaller, less organized and/or more marginalized actors. Under the mantle of achieving environmental sustainability, lead firms in value chains stealthily capture value for themselves, while extracting more demands from their suppliers and promoting a further consolidation of their supply base. In the meanwhile, serious environmental challenges remain unaddressed.

This paper provides an empirical classification of migration-related diversities in 166 European cities. The local turn in migration studies has shown that migration-related diversity may take varied forms in different cities. Our understanding of how and why cities differ is lagging behind the wealth of existing conceptualisations. This is partly because most studies look only at one kind of city, in particular, superdiverse global cities. This paper takes a systematic inductive approach to map the diversity of migration-related diversities in urban setting and understand the reasons behind such variations. Applying quantitative classification methods to European cities in France, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy, we search for a new meaningful classification of the urban diversity configurations based on measures of volume, variety and spread of migration-related diversity. Five empirical clusters of cities of migration are found: superdiverse cities, migrant minority cities, new diversity cities, low-migration cities and non-diverse cities. Subsequently, we develop a better qualitative understanding of these clusters by examining typical cities, their economic positioning, migration history, their policy and political structures, as well as their social and geographical position. A thorough classification, we argue, is necessary to have a more differentiated view of the existing urban diversities and go beyond one-size-fits-all solutions for urban governance of migration-related diversity.

Recent warfare in Eastern DRC, especially since 2015, is marked by violence inspired by ‘race’ narratives. Identity politics around ‘race’ is used to legitimise ‘expressive’ or reprisal-oriented violence against ‘Hamitic’ or ‘Tutsi’ minorities. The case of the Banyamulenge of South Kivu is examined in this article. Following Autesserre, we show that one-dimensional narratives – in this case of ‘race’ – tend to over-simplify the dynamics of political violence. Anti-Hamitic racism is derived from colonial ideas around race hierarchies, and has resulted in systematic killings of Banyamulenge civilians in what resembles a ‘slow genocide’. Expressive violence has, in turn, produced a lack of concern for the plight of Banyamulenge civilians among the military, humanitarians, media, scholars and NGOs. Given armed alliances between local Maimai forces, Burundian and Rwandan opposition and the DRC army, such ‘race’ narratives cruelly legitimise violence against civilians from ‘Tutsi’ communities, associated by neighbouring communities with Rwanda. Resultant displacement, starvation and killing of Banyamulenge civilians in this context amount to an on-going, slow-moving genocide. As the COVID-19 crisis unrolls, the decolonisation of identity politics in Eastern DRC, and in South Kivu in particular still seems very remote.

Civil servants in local governments across the globe are increasingly expectedto engage the public. Engagement processes lead to tensions between therising expectation to engage the public on the one hand, and the bureaucraticand managerial expectations, which still largely characterise municipal organisations, on the other. Based on focus groups totalling 73 frontline civil servants in ten Dutch municipalities, this article explores what tensions arise andthrough what practices civil servants handle them. We contribute to the recentdebates on public engagement, showing that civil servants do not just use theirdiscretion to deal with the tensions surrounding rules and policies, departmentalisation and performance management. They negotiate with colleagues and align people, structures and resources inside and outside their organisation to make public engagement work. In addition, the findings suggest that tensions mostly surface in interactions between civil servants. A real challenge in engagement, therefore, lies in developing shared resolutions with one’s colleagues.

Social network research can help us understand intractable problems central to the challenges of today’s health care system: silo-working, bottlenecks, gaps, poor communication, professional isolation, and other social processes with the propensity to compromise patient safety and quality care. In this paper, we discuss practical and ethical challenges to designing and collecting quality network data faced by health services researchers. The paper develops high-utility recommendations to address these challenges. Design decisions are discussed in light of the dynamism and complexity of health care and the need for more longitudinal, mixed-methods network studies.