Search

Практикум нацелен на развитие историко-политологического мышления и навыков работы студентов с историческими источниками, содержит задачи и упражнения, значительная часть которых основана на фрагментах из исторических текстов, трудов классиков исторической и политической мысли и работ современных исследователей. Для самостоятельной работы студентов при подготовке к лекционным и семинарским занятиям по предмету «Политическая история зарубежных государств», а также для мониторинга учебной деятельности.

В статье рассмотрены принципы и методы использования карт как средства формирования регулятивных учебных действий на уроках истории Древнего мира. Автор анализирует положения Федерального образовательного стандарта основного общего образования и характеризует навыки, которые входят в структуру регулятивных учебных действий.

Рассмотрена историография одной из наиболее противоречивых в нравственном плане и потому в некотором роде табуированной для проведения научных исследований социальной практики, которой является проституция, а точнее, ее отдельной разновидности – мужской проституции. Сделан вывод, что мужская проституция возникла с момента зарождения цивилизаций, став частью этнокультурной жизни некоторых народов мира.

Изучается позднее творчество Н. М. Никольского (1877–1959), рассматриваемое в тесной связи с вопросом формирования периферии в советской историографии Древнего мира. Анализируется процесс создания нового коллективного учебника по древней истории для учительских институтов (процесс длился с 1947 г. до публикации книги в 1952 г.), а также последующая реакция на него советских историков. Предполагается, что борьба Н. М. Никольского за особую интерпретацию восточной истории, равно как и критика концепции В. В. Струве, имела не те последствия, на которые рассчитывал академик, но привела к другому эффекту: она способствовала становлению периферии в советской историографии древности.

На территории Древней Греции формировались полисы-государства, самостоятельно строившие системы собственного управления. Ведущие эстетические категории у греков - красота, мера, гармония. Отсюда – соразмерность частей художественного произведения, органичное единство всех элементов.

In this paper, the author analyses Professor N. M. Nikolsky’s 1933 school textbook on ancient history. Nikolsky introduced a number of interesting innovations in his work uncharacteristic of scholarship of the time. He was able to combine the pre-revolutionary school tradition and elements of Marxism. Equally, the textbook matched the level of historical scholarship of the first third of the twentieth century. Nikolsky’s innovations were almost completely rejected in the 1930s because of the replacement of the pre-revolutionary Marxist tradition with Soviet Marxism. As a result, his contribution to the renewal of the national system of teaching ancient history has been underestimated. Many of his ideas were not unpromising, but simply unfinished. This essay discusses the rivalry between N. M. Nikolsky and V. V. Struve, which the former lost., Автор останавливается на сюжете появления первого советского школьного учебника по древней истории, написанного в 1933 г. историком религии и востоковедом Н. М. Никольским (1877–1959). Основная идея статьи заключается в сопоставлении этого издания с дореволюционной традицией гимназических учебников; этот анализ дополнен разбором особенностей личной и научной биографии автора учебника. Показано, что Никольский совершил ряд решительных инноваций как с точки зрения структуры, так и с точки зрения содержания исследования, которые гораздо больше соответствовали уровню развития мировой науки о древности в первой трети XX в., чем последующие версии того же учебника, созданные коллективом авторов под руководством А. В. Мишулина. Эти инновации были по большей части отвергнуты точно так же, как к середине 1930-х гг. оказалась почти полностью отвергнута и дореволюционная марксистская традиция, замененная советским марксизмом. Соответственно, и самого Никольского нужно оценивать как русского марксиста, раскрывшего свой талант в начале советского периода, но вынужденного постепенно трансформировать свои взгляды на протяжении 1930-х гг.

Издание содержит тезисы докладов и сообщений, сделанных на Всероссийской конференции молодых антиковедов и медиевистов, проходившей на базе департамента «Исторический факультет» УрФУ 25-26 марта 2016 г. Раздел I. ДРЕВНИЙ МИР [3]. БЕКМЕМЕТЬЕВ В. В. Аллегория брака Исаака как «трезвое опьянение» у Филона Александрийского [3]. БРАВЦЕВ Н. Г. Влияние эллинизма на формирование концепции иудейской теократии эпохи Хасмонеев [4]. ГИЦЕВИЧ Е. С. Эволюция плебейского трибуната в период кризиса Республики [5]. ГОРОХОВ А. Л. Воин, гончар, писец: социальный портрет жителей древнеизраильской Хирбет Кейафы (первая половина X в. до н.э.) [7]. ДЬЯКОВ А. В. Диктатура Корнелия Суллы: первый опыт римской монархии [8]. ДЬЯЧЕНКО А. Ю. Реформа гвардии Септимия Севера и ее значение [9]. ЗАЙЦЕВ Д. В. К вопросу об интерпретации Strabo. X. 1. 12 в контексте проблемы запрета метательного оружия в Лелантской войне [11]. ЗАЙЦЕВА Е. С. Религиозная принадлежность римских сенаторов по данным эпиграфики (284-361 гг.) [12]. КОНДРАТЬЕВ В. С. Взаимоотношения ионийцев и карийцев в свете античной нарративной традиции [14]. КОНДРАШУК Р. А. К проблеме датировки трагедии Еврипида «Гераклиды» [16]. ЛАСТОЧКИН А. С. Рождение индивида в античном полисе [17]. ЛОГИНОВ А. В. Суд в гомеровское время [18] МОЛОДЕЦ Д. С. К вопросу о роли наемников в Пелопоннесской войне [20]. НАЗАРОВ А. Д. Конфликты между легионерами и солдатами вспомогательных войск римской армии в I в. н. э [21]. ПОМЫТКИН Н. С. Обоснование власти и пропаганда Селевкидов [23]. ПОПОВА А. Л. Тиглатпаласар III и феномен возникновения Ассирийской империи [24]. РАССОХИН Ф. В. Битва при Гисиях и учреждение Гимнопедий в Спарте [25]. ТРОШИН В. А . К вопросу о возможности реконструкции политических воззрений Архита Тарентского по сочинению «О законе и справедливости» [27]. УТКИНА К. А . Значение и роль храма Юпитера на Капитолии в Риме Царского периода [28]. ФРОЛОВ РМ. Ah re publico removere: отстранение Марка Целия Руфа от должности претора в 48 г. до н.э [29]. ХОМЯКОВА К В. Особенности взаимодействия Сената и императора в период Юлиев-Клавдиев [31]. ЧУВАШЕВА А. С. Античная женщина: женский идеал в римских источниках I в. н.э [32]. Раздел II. СРЕДНИЕ ВЕКА [34]. АБРАМОВА Е. Ю. Изучение святых экзорцистов по «Золотой легенде» [34]. БЕЛОРУССОВА Т. Е. Начальный этап коммунального движения на юге Франции в XII в.: противостояние графа Гийома V и городской знати Монпелье [35]. БОГДАНОВА А. А. «Говорящие имена» в ирландском фольклоре на примере саг Уладского цикла [36]. БОГРАЯ В. М. Организация исландских поселений на территории Гренландии и Канады в X-XI вв [37]. БОРОВКОВ Д. С. Еще раз о династиях византийской служилой аристократии в X-XI вв.: семья Халкуцев [39]. ВОЗЧИКОВ Д. В. Византийские отражения венецианского мифа: Венеция в восприятии Лаоника Халкокондила [40]. ВОТЕВА А. С. Эволюция образа еретика в изобразительном искусстве средневековой Западной Европы (XIII-XV вв.) [42]. ГРАДКОВСКАЯ Е. В. Жители средневекового города Японии в новеллах Ихара Сайкаку [43]. ДАНИЛОВ Е. С. Символы безопасности в «Emblematum liber» Андреа Альчато [44]. ДОЛГОРУКОВА К. М. На границах литературы и истории: французский исторический нарратив ХII в. [46]. ЖИГАЛОВА К. Э. Хроника турецкого плена Григория Паламы [47]. ЗАЙЦЕВА А. В. Образ человеческою мира в трактате Бартоло да Сассоферрато «Processus satanae contra genus humanum» [49]. ЗИБАЕВ А. В. Восприятие географического пространства в «Церковной истории» Филосторгия [50]. ЗОТОВ C.O., Косякова В. А . Средневековая репрезентация власти: кафедра как проповедь [51]. ИЛЬИЧЕВ В. А. Эсхатологические образы в средневековых преданиях об Александре Великом [53]. КОСТИН К. О. Концепция «Симфонии властей» в наследии Максима Исповедника [54]. КОСЫХ Т. А. Эпоха Тюдоров в зеркале Георгианской эпохи: английский «золотой век» в работах С. Джонсона [56]. КРИВОЩЕКОВА В. Н. РИМ, Галлия и Ирландия: где искать «церкви Запада», о которых пишет св. Колумбан? [57]. ЛЕВИНСКАЯ Я. В. Униатская политика Михаила VIII Палеолога в восприятии византийских историков [59]. ЛОГИНОВА А. В. Охота в социокультурном пространстве Средневековья [60]. МОКРОПОЛОВА А. Д. Культ Святого Олава: проблемы изучения источников [62]. МУХИН В. И. Эволюция образа Александра Македонского в западноевропейской литературе эпохи Средних веков [63]. ПОЛУЯНОВ М. В. Ирландское монашество как фактор культурного подъема Западной Европы IX в [64]. ПОПОВА Я. А. Визуализация инаковости в миниатюрах «Кодекса Манессе» [66]. РУКАВИЧНИКОВА М. В. Иронический дискурс в «Истории о Михаиле и Андронике Палеологах» Георгия Пахимера [67]. САВИНА К. А. Костюм как социальный маркер в поздней Византии: высшие чины [68]. СТЕБЛЕВСКАЯ Е. В. Отношение ранних гуманистов к смерти [70]. УВАРОВА В. Т. Друзья или враги? Османы в сочинении Иоанна VI Кантакузина [71]. ШАВРИН Я. A. Liber ecclesiasticus: разночтения в списках латан ской Библии [73]. ШАДРИНА Н. А. Мавританский стиль как воплощение синтеза христианской и мусульманской художественных традиций [74]. ШЕСТАКОВА Н. Ф. Валлийская музыкальная традиция «Эпохи принцев» (XII-XIII вв.) [75]. СОДЕРЖАНИЕ [77].

This article is dedicated to the problem of the status of pontificatus within cursus honorum in the Roman Republic (IV–I centuries BC). Roman statesmen in IV–II centuries BC did not consider places within collegium pontificum as honores. However in the first century BC we can track some changes in character of presentation of our sources. Sources of different types unequivocally specify that Roman nobility in first century BC included pontificatus in cursus honorum in the same row with magistracies. According to the author this situation shows a metamorphosis of political values of nobilitates in the case of post within collegium of pontiffs. The author connects this evolution with changes in a way of acquisition of priestly boards which occurred according to Lex Domitia 104/103 BC. The author suggests that the fact of transformation of pontificatus in an elective office (with carrying out of the intense preelection companies) has essentially changed the valuable attitude of political elite to this post.

Рассматриваются вопросы, связанные с реализацией судебной власти в римском гражданском процессе периода ранней республики.

Based on the analysis of written and archaeological sources the author suggests that at present it can be stated with confidence that Parthenium Cape, where the temple of Parthenos with the statue of the goddess was situated, should be identi¬fied with the area of Marmurova (Marble) Gully on the eastern border of Heracleian Peninsula, the territory partitioned by Chersonesites. Therefore, there are grounds why to return to the point of view of native scholars of 18th century who localized the out-of-city sanctuary with the temple of Parthenos right in this area. In support of this there is the following evidence: Strabo indicates the distance from Chersonesos to the Parthenium Cape, there is a number of archaeological data, and the antique tradition of building sanctuaries of gods-patrons of civic community on the borders of territorial estates of the early polises. Hopefully, such localization of the out-of-city sanctuary of Parthenos will be confirmed archaeologically one day, since the research on the Heracleian Peninsula has been underway on quite a wide scale and it is not rulled out that there will be new discoveries which will prove the described above with the new actual data.

The essay consists of following four sections: (1) background of the Crimean archeologic expedition of the Ural State University; (2) E. G. Surov’s role in creation of the Crimean expedition; (3) about the basic scientific results of excavation of E. G. Surov; (4) E. G. Surov as the researcher, the teacher and the person.

Translation on Russian, notes and index by Prof. V. T. Zvirevich. The fragment of «Saturnalia», devoted to the calendar history and a classification of days in Ancient Rome.

Die Reste der Altirrigation am Fluß Murgab hat A.G. Dobrin (Institut für Wüsteforschung, Aschchabad) am Anfang der 80er Jahre des 20 Jarhunderts entdeckt. Das sind fünf Abarten der Bewässerungssysteme, die zum Bronzezeitalter gehören. Der Autor analysiert diese Berieselungsgraben zusammen mit spätere Bewässerungskanale und stellt die Geometrie der Irrigationssysteme fest. Er charakterisiert sie als „grafisches Porträt“ der Epoche, das wurde von der ethnischen Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung bedingt.

The translation on Russian, notes and indexes by Prof. V. T. Zvirevich.

Heracles was one of the popular heroes in Ancient Greece. In many myths he came forward as a Soter—Saviour. In Greece cult of Heracles-Saviour was very widely used (temples, inscriptions, coins, etc.). This cult was spread at the North Side of the Black Sea in the end of IV century B.C. and was connected with the idea of the chtonical Heracles (as a god of the fertility). Bosporian myth about Aphrodite Apaturos confirms this fact. All this sides of Heracles’es cult led to the great worship of this hero-god in the states of Bospor and Chersones.

The article is an attempt to analyze the communicative relations issues that city states had to address and to describe the role of slaves, women and metics in that process.

The article is devoted to the mysterious image of Aristeas Proconnesus. Discussed the questions of Aristeas’ dates of life, shaman features of his image, description and the route of his traveling. Here is marked the parallels between classical tradition, coming up to Aristeas, and Chinese Taosian tradition. The route of Aristeas’ traveling is known as following: Proconnesus— Cyzicus—South and East coasts of the Black Sea—Colchis—passes of Caucasus—Kuban and the steppes of South-Eastern Europe—the partially-wooded steppe of Ural and Irtysh. Also discussed the problems concerning the history of the Alazones and the Chalybes, the Colchi, the Cimmerians, the Scythians in the times of Aristeas. Taking into account the fact of disparity between “Scythian” archaeological culture and ethnic culture of the Scythians, and also personal interpretation of Aristeas’ information about the Amazons, the author gives the new version of explanation of changes, happening in the steppes during the “transitional” epoch (VIII-VII B.C.). According to the author’s view, the Issedonians lived in the Ural steppes. Issedonian’s “geography”, taking from Aristeas’ words, is orientated along the main river of the Issedonians—Irtysh-Ob: at the foot—Arctic ocean, upward—Altai (Rhipaean mountains). Possibly in the view of Aristeas, Hyperboreans are the Chineses. In Aristeas’ tradition there is also information about the places and peoples who were on the way to Hyperboreans-Chineses.

In the second part of the article there are investigated the problems of taxation of Lakedaimonion perioikoi. The author arrives at a conclusion that an ordinary perioikic obligation συντελεˆιν τˆη Σπάρτη) (perhaps βασιλιϰός φόρος) was a quite another tax than extraordinary είσφορά, which was charged on both spartiatoi and perioikoi.

In the first part of the article the author investigates general problems of definition of the status of the Lakedaimonion perioikoi, a terminology having any relation to this social group, the questions on the origin of perioikoi, economy and social stratification in their communities. The second part will be published in the next volume of «Issedon».

In the article there is considered the development of Russian historiography on the Goths in the North Black sea area in AD. III–IV. The author analyzes sights of the following Russian researchers: F. Braun, M. P. Bulgakov, I. I. Tolstoj, N. Kondakov, A. A. Kunik, E. Ivanov, Ju. A. Kulakovskij, A. S. Bashkirov, F. I. Uspenskij, S. P. Shestakov, V. G. Vasilievskij, B. V. Kene, N. M. Karamzin, I. E. Zabelin, A. F. Veltman, E. F. Shmurlo, N. Nadezhdin, V. V. Hvojka, V. V. Shkorpil, E. R. Shtern, K. N. Bestuzhev-Rjumin, N. P. Dashkevich, A. N. Veselovskij, A. N. Pypin, M. K. Karger, A. Smelovskij, E. E. Golubinskij, A. A. Vasiliev, D. I. Ilovajskij, E. Gorchakova, D. N. Belikov, N. N. Mazurkevich, P. Keppen.

The author on the basis of the analysis of the certificates of sources and extensive literature has tried to give the answer to a question - what attitude connected Àntony and Cleopatra. Final conclusion: for Àntony it began as political necessity, but then he has carried away by empress and became dependent from the queen, though it and was not love, and faster by passion and habit. Cleopatra actually never him loved, he is simple was necessary to her and to the her state, for queen it there was a political account, and she was free with feelings to him.

Cicero is one of the earliest and fully remained Roman authors, who gives us the capability of complex source study and statistical analysis of tribunatus institute in epoch of the Roman Republic crisis and Cicero’s attitude to it. The analysis of Cicero’s point of view also allows to reveal its influence on the subsequent Roman tradition. Cicero keeps on expressing his attitude to tribunate already in his early works (de inv. II.52; in Verr. I.15 sq.; II.5, 143, 163; etc.). His position is defined in full in dialogues De re publica (II.57 sqq.) and De legibus (III.19–26). The Cicero’s estimation of tribunate oscillates between acquitting of institute as the constituent of the constitutional equilibrium and verdict to it, as to revolutionary entity. In dialogue De re publica tribunate appears as the spokesman of will of the populus (plebs) and its libertas and, as the opposition to excessive consuls authority. As to the last function, it appears at the end (Leg. III.15 sqq.), as tool of precluding to the excessive authority of a separate magistrate in arms of optimate government. The conclusion of reasoning in dialogue De legibus is the statement, that tribunate isn’t only negative, but also useful, because it allows to constrain cruelty of the plebs. Thus, in Cicero’s reasoning different times features of tribunate are merged dichotomically; however in light of his own days, a conservative function of tribunate directed to preservation of authority boni, instead of the libertas plebis, is the main for him. The appendix gives a statistical analysis of the Cicero’s use of the terms tribunus plebis and tribunatus, as well as some connected with them, which allows to develop conclusions of the source study analysis. In our countings, there are 331 mentions of the term tribunus pl., and 95 tribunatus (pl). We find them from the first work (De inv.) up to the last one (Phil. XIV), which demonstrates the importance of the institute in the political life of this period, and in the life of Cicero himself. The most of mentions is in speeches—218 and 58 accordingly. The greatest number of mentions (in years) is in the 63rd—44 (3), in 57th—40 (9), 56th—50 (24), 54th—37 (10). From the years 63rd to 43rd the mentions become annual. As to his works, the maximum number of mentions is in speech Leg. agr. I–III—34 (1) De domo suo—27 (8), Pro Sestio—39 (21). The third on rate is the term potestas tribunicia—17. However, it is mostly associated with negative concepts (vis, furor, terror, latrocinium, crudelitas, adventus, mucro), which indicates the negative relation of the author to the tribunate.

The article is devoted to research a question why the Athenes and Mytilene in their dispute for Sigeion have chosen as the arbitrator Periandros, tyrant of Corinth, and a question on a position of the intermediary.

Huius operis auctor Ciceronem Romanos Graecosque inter se comparare dicit. Ei Romani homines pragmatici et Graeci homines loquaces esse videbantur. Cicero dignitates Romanas dignitatibus Graecis serie fabricante complet: otium—negotium, ars—virtus, studium (litterae)—forum, philo-sophia—vita, sapientia—eloquentia, verbum—res. Complementum tale S. L. Utsenko syntagmatis scalas nominavit. Idem Cicero Romanos viros Stoicos et Graecos Epicureos putavisse videtur. Hinc Catonem et Plautum sequens virtutes Stoicas contra Epicu-reorum vitia ponit: virtus (laus, honos, gloria, fides, iustitia)—voluptas (quaestus, emolumentum, fructus); virtus (prudentia, temperantia, libera-litas, fortitudo et reliqua)—vitium (malitia, immanitas, effusio, audacia et reliqua). Contrarium tale idem S. L. Utsenko paradigmatis scalas appellavit. Unde huius operis auctor dignitatum Romanarum scalas duas Ciceronem habiusse conclusit.

Interest to the problems of ancient warfare and the Spartan Army as the part of it has increased lately. A. K. Nefiodkin from St. Petersburg wrote some articles on the topic: Spartan Uniform: the Peculiarities of the Lacedaemonian Military Equipment in the 7th–4th Centuries BC. One of the aspects, chosen by the author, is highly attractive as it touches upon the problem of so-called “heroic nudity”. It is a well-known fact that iconography of classical period often presents warriors either half-armored or even naked. Some of the scholars tried to prove that in those times Greeks did not used body-armor, such as the corselet and greaves. However, iconography cannot be considered as a true and representative historic source. At least it is important to take into consideration the peculiarities of this kind of art. But still, even modern scholars in their works try to ignore the specific characteristics of the Epoch. For example, the mentioned above scientist Nefiodkin, being captured by the stereotypes, concludes that the Spartan warriors of late 5 century BC used no armor but for the hoplite shield and pylos-helmet. Moreover, Nefiodkin considers that the warriors fought absolutely naked. Emphasizing the sacral motivation of nudity with Greeks, the author comes to quite doubtful conclusions, projecting them onto the reality of the Martial Art. Quotations, given to prove the author’s idea, seem to be either doubtful or sometimes even controversial. Nefiodkin states that the warriors had no footwear—figures of the written tradition prove it used to be vice versa. Finally, he turns to the iconography, but does not take into account the very peculiarities of the above. There’s nothing to do but to admit that the old idea, being criticized so many times finds no confirmation.

Der Aufsatz ist der Frage über die Zeit der Entstehung der Kollegialität in der römischen Magistraturen gewidmet. Die Autorin polemisiert mit dem Schluß, der in der neuen Werken von R. Bunse erhaltet: „Die Kollegialität gehört nicht in die frührepublikanische Geschichte“. Die Autorin behauptet folgendes: Die römische Kollegialität (par potestas), deren wesentlicher Inhalt ius intercessionis war, entstand im Jahre 451 v. Chr. Die erste Magistrate mit der par potestas waren decemviri consulari imperio legibus scribundis. Die Kollegialität wurde mit der Zulassung der Plebejer zum Oberbeamt verbunden. Die Autorin motieviert die paritätische Teilnahme der Plebejer und Patrizier im zweiten Kollegium der Dezemvirn.

In the article devoted to the Pyrrhus activity, the situation after the battle of Ausculum is observed. The pause which followed at that time, accordingly to the author‘s opinion is explained by the state of things in Greece, Macedonia and Sicily. The author proves that the Sicily, which took a special part in Pyrrhus‘ plans, was chosen by the king, due to its great possibilities and large re¬sources. The Pyrrhus‘ chois of the Sicily was also caused by panhellenic ideas, which guided him during the West campaign. Thus precise estimation of the political situation on the island, allowed Pyrrhus to score great success in the struggle with Carthageniens.

Herodotus (VIII.138) de sexaginta habentibus folia (vel petala) rosis in regis Midae hortis narrat. Tertullianus autem “centenarias rosas ex Midae horto lectas” commemorat (De cor. 14.4). Timotheus D. Barnes credit Quintum Septimium hoc ex ipso Herodoto hausisse: “The error ought to be ascribed to direct derivation”. Sed hanc derivationem directam loci a Barnes citati parum demonstrant. Tertullianus, fortasse, de centenariis rosis dicens numero “centum” ut “rotundato” usus est perinde Herodotus de sexaginta tradens “numero rotundato” Babylonici systematis rationis usus erat. “Error” Carthaginiensis causam non in eius recordatione lectionis Halicarnassii annis iuvenilibus habet, sed a compilatore mutuatus est. Nobis notae rosae damascenae centifoliaeque sunt, et rosas in hortis Midae puto his similis fuisse.

The author of the article analyzes distinctions in the status and internal organization of various communities in the provinces of republican Rome (III– II B.C.).

At the third quarter of the I c. A. D. foreign political situation of Tauric Chersonesos become complicated because of tributary of Sarmatians to the Crimea peninsula. In that situation town couldn’t inquire with this threat by its own and was forced to ask governor of Moesia province for help. At the answer of ask of Tauric Chersonesos, legatus of province T Plautius Silvanus made resolute actions. As a result «Scythians» tsar was drive away from sieged Tauric Chersonesos which is behind the Borisphenus» (CIL, XIV, ¹ 3608). At the base of the information we have, the time of T. Plautius‘ Silvanus‘ cam¬paign may be referred to the years 63-64 A. D.. After landing operations with a participation of marines from the ships of Ravennas‘ fleet, barbarians, we may say Sarmatians, were crashed and danger for the city was liquidated. Materials, which we have at the present time, give us opportunities for reconstruction of situation. Nomad Sarmatians whose tributary observed at the first half of I c. A. C. until the middle of the century, in a military way subordinated late Scythians. We may see it from destruction on late Scythians hillforts of first quarter - first half of I c. A. C. Than they settled down on this hillforts and together with late Scytians began to threaten to Tauric Chersonesos. The town ask for the help of legatus of Moesia T. Plautius Silvanus. But despite of resolute actions of Roman troops, absence of ancient settlements and hillforts of I c. A. C. in the Southwest and Northwest Taurica give us opportunity to speak about absence of territorial spreading of Chersonesos state. Southwest Taurica as at the previous time was under control of barbarian, mainly Sarmatian population. Possibly that military operations of Romans combined with a negotiations as a result of which were put some peace arrangements. Those arrangements were in general observed until the beginning of the II c. A. C. As an evidence we may say was very active development of economical connections between Tauric Chersonesos population and population of South-West Taurica at the second half of I c. A. C. At the result of T. Plautius‘ Silvanus‘ campaign Tauric Chersonesos strengthened contacts with a Moesias‘ administration and at the second half of I c. stayed in the orbit of Roman policy.

Der Aufsatz ist den wesentlichen Eigentümlichkeiten der römischen auß erordentlihen Macht gewidmet. Die Autorin kam zum SchlüЯ , daß der Unterschied zwischen der auß erordentlihen Macht und der ordentlihen Macht in keiner Vollmacht (imperium), sondern im politischen Mechanismus der Realisierung des Imperiums besteht. Die Autorin stellt fest, daß die Institute der römischen auß erordentlihen Macht als ganzes System waren, das die Verbindungen zwischen den Teilen und seine Evolution hat. Meinung der Autorin nach, das Prozeß der Formierung der auß erordentlihen Ämter entwieckelte sich parallel dem Prozeß der Formierung der ordentlihen Ämter und die außerordentlihe Magistraturen waren keine Etappe der Bildung des Konsulats.

Images of the Spartian heroes Helen, Menelaios, Castor and Pollux became popular in the Roman culture of Second – Third Centuries AD. They were spread not only in elitist genres of art (like sculpture) and in «mass» culture also. Images of Helen, Menelaios and Dioscures became the popular theme of funeral art not only in Italy and on Danubian limes also. Appearance of these images on military tombstones was not only the reflection of fashion on «Hellenic classics». Choosing the «classic» themes for decoration of tombstones the Roman warriors tried to underline their attachment to the Roman civilization. It was very actual for them because majority of soldiers were the people of provincial and semi-barbarian origin. The study of the Roman military tombstones shows that soldiers with successful career and veterans with social state of decurion prefered «heroic» themes for tombstones more often. The specific «militarian» society that was formed on European limes in II–III Cent. AD. in some characters of their mentality – masculinization of religious life, domination of military and aristocratic deities and heroes, demonstrative etatism and loyalism – was similar to Spartan community during Classical period.

The ancient tradition names Thaletas “the man expert in the legislation” (άνήρ νομοθετιϰός) because he was the carrier of ancient secret knowledge allowed him to act in Sparta as a re-organizer of the Gymnopaediae and in this connection in the role of the founder of a new music and poetic direction, in the role of a healer who banished the plague, and also in the role of a suppressor of internal conflict and an installer of social order. The activity of Thaletas on making the social order completely coincided with his activity in musical, poetic and ritual spheres. In other words Thaletas has expelled a sedition and has established the civil peace with follow modes: he united the citizens in choruses, has taugth them correct joint dancing movements, rhythms and songs, transformed street conflicts into the competitions made by precisely established rules within the framework of Apollo’s cult, and also forced the citizens to recognize that henceforth the annual performance of such uniting is the debt and indispensable duty of a community before Apollo - the god-purificator, healer and suppressor of strife. The close consideration and detailed analysis of the information kept in the ancient texts about Thaletas’ activity help to understand peculiarities of the constitutional experience of archaic Sparta. Its characteristic feature was active and regular use of the potential of ecstatic religious cults with the purpose of preservation of the social peace and establishment eunomia.

This article is dedicated to the problem of roman censors’ possession of auspicia maxima (i. e. the grand auspicies). Thus, if in the european historiography this question was more postulated, than resolved, then in the russian science of history it was set up as soon as in the time of the debate of the report of the prof. V. V. Dementieva on the XI-th Sergheev’s Lections (Moscow State University, jan. 2001). However, at last summer’ conference in the Russian Academy of Science (Moscow, jun. 2001): «The narrative source and modern science of antiquity», was made by prof. V. V. Dementieva (Yaroslavl’) the new report («The ancient narrative tradition: the illusory contradiction of source’ information») in which at whole the censors’ possession of auspicia maxima was rejected in principle (conform the Dementieva’s analysis of A. Gellius’ fr. N.A. XIII. 15). The article of Ya. Melnichuc it is the reply (and refutation) on the Dementieva’s report. The Author, on the analysis of the narrative tradition (and Gellius’ fragment too) makes deduction that the censors were pos¬sessed the auspicia maxima. The following facts speak of this: 1. For many time (untill 351 BC) the plebejans did not to pretend to the appointment of the censors and endeavoured of this, – afterwards, the cooptation in the collegium of decemviri sacris faciundis only, and afterwards, the obtaining the right on the magistrature of censors (367 BC). On the other hand, the question about the consular tribunes (TMCP)’ possessing of auspicia maxima at this time did not resolved neither russian nor the european historiography. 2. During the time of proceedings of the legislative Assemblies the augurs were situated in Villa Publica, the edifition which was built by censors at 435 BC. In according of these, in the fragment of Gellius was wrote most clearly, that the censors were possessed of the auspicia maior; well, the censors belong to the cathegory of «magistratus major». Therefore, the relationship between the censors and the auspicia maxima is undoubted. 3. The augur Messala Rufus writes: «auspicia in duas sunt diuisa potestates», i. e. he defines the auspicia – potestas’ connection, and did not the auspicia – imperium. Therefore, the Dementieva’s objections that auspicia maxima belong to magistrates cum imperio only – is not correct. Well, potestates of consuls, pretors and censors were equal (pares), but not identical. 4. In the Roman Sacral Law which was connected with the Public Law strictly, the possessing of imperium was not defined the position of a magistrate in the «Roman Constitution», but, vice versa, the main meaning have the rank of auspicies and the rank of the comicium of election (Cic. Leg. agr. II. 11. 26). 5. On the benefit to censors’ possessing of auspicia maxima speaks the conduction by the censors the ceremonies of lustrum and census. This lustrum, connected with operation of census carryed out and the secular function, i. e. the constituation of the Roman army (exercitus centuriatus). In the place of the census’ conducting (extra pomoerium) the tribunes of plebs were not a possibility to use the right of veto and ius auxilium. In such of manner, the right of command of the Roman army in the time of the ritual parade on the Campus Martius was connected with auspicia maxima, but not with presence or absence of imperium (Varro, L.L. VI. 87-88, 93). 6. The sources (Liv. XLII. 3. 3; Dionys. IV. 22. 2; Cic. pro Sest. XXV. 55: sanctissimus magistratus; Plut. Cam. II. 2; XIV.1; Paull. XXXVIII; Flam. XVIII; Cato Mai. XVI; Suidas s.v. timetès; Athen. Naucrat. de hypnosoph. XVII. 79 (P. 660 C.); Polyb. VI. 53. 7) directly attested as the censors as «sacral magistrates». The plebejans, possessing a possibility to be elected in the censorship at 351 BC, were not to conduct the ceremony of lustrum until 280 BC. This fact also certify that the censors had the auspicies of the highest rank.

In the VIII–VIIth centuries B.C. an iron meteorite have fallen in place, named Kaaly, on island Saaremaa. This event can explain the Greek myth about Faethon. The main idea of the article is confirming by the investi¬gation of ancient written sources and archaeological data about amber.

It is well known that the Peloponnesian War began with the invasion of the Spartans and his allies into Attica under commandership of Spartan king Archidamus. That is why first period of the Peloponnesian war bears a name of this Spartan king. Thucydides portrays Archidamus as man of intelligence who understood seriousness of the coming conflict with Athens and correctly foresaw its difficulties. Archidamus, as Thucydides informs us, was not a fervent champion of war with Athens. In his speech on the eve of war he strongly advised to the Spartans to keep in with the Athenians. Sparta, he think, was not ready to war this moment. She had not the same financial resources and naval forces. Spartan traditional military tactics consist in devastation enemy’s territory and in pitched battle as well. In his speech Archidamus doubted in success of these methods. Thus, the war with Athens, he thought, menaced to be a long one. Nevertheless Sparta declared a war. Archidamus was appointed on commandership of the Peloponnesians. Thus, Spartans that were guilty of the beginning of the war. Being aware of it Archidamus tried his best to restore peace with Athens. His military actions was often qualified as mistakes or typically Spartan slowness. But thorough analysis demonstrates this actions were rather well-founded. Archidamus efforts would be more effective, but his opponent was Pericles.

Lacedaemoniae mythicae personae, Castor, Pollux et ceteri, non talia odia Patrum in se converterunt, ut dei et heroes aliorum gentium (exempli gratia dei Romanorum et Aegyptiorum). Non est mirabile Menelaum, qui in imperio Romano illustrem cultum non haberet, meruisse sui generis laudem Tertulliani: illum esse multo gloria digniorem haeretico Simone. Dioscuri autem, patroni nautarum, qui erant passim venerabiles non minus quam Ceres vel Aesculapius, non accusabantur sic ardenter a Patribus, ut ii di. Explanatio huius rei potest quaeri in eo facto, ut Tyndarides non essent, instar Mithrae, adversarii Christi; in honorem geminorum non facerentur mysteria, denique ii non essent similes bestiarum vel odiosarum personarum, instar meretricis Larentinae et Sterculi. Sparta non dedit mundo deos, qui minabantur christianitati suam gloriam. Lacedaemon non habebat neque suum Delphicum oraculum neque sua Eleusinia sacra. Locales cultus et ritus Spartae non excitabant studium ethnicorum et iram Christianorum.