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Copyright of Stratum Plus Journal is the property of P.P. Stratum plus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the research paper is to investigate the collaboration between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and African nations in the military domain, examining the impact of ideological, socio-economic, international, and other elements. Scientific novelty. Based on documents and historiographical materials, the study analyzes the stages of development, characteristics, and content of the PRC's military cooperation with African countries. Conclusions. The PRC's with African countries has gone through a long and complex path. The first stage (late 1950s - mid-1970s) coincided with the rise of national liberation struggles in Africa, and China's involvement had an ideological character. The second stage, (late 1970s - 1990s) witnessed a transition to commercialization, but faced limitations due to resource constraints, low-quality weaponry, and concerns about relations with Western investors. However, cooperation with Western corporations to modernize the military-industrial complex and develop new weapons was disrupted by the events in Tiananmen Square in 1989. Instead, cooperation with Russia in the defense field intensified, which allowed China to update the military-industrial complex and develop new weapons systems. However, due to their low quality, they did not stand up to competition, particularly in the African arms market. From the mid-1990s, China involved European and American corporations in modernization process, under the condition of potential export opportunities. The third stage of cooperation began in the early 2000s and continues to this day. China has significantly expanded its military cooperation with African countries through various military training programs, participation in international arms exhibitions, arms loans, military equipment sales, and involvement in UN peacekeeping missions. Deepening military cooperation strengthens China's position in Africa and increases its competitive advantage not only in the African arms market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study provides a revision of the taxonomic composition (subgenuses, species) of the genus Ambostracon Hazel 1962 and a monographic description of the fossil (Holocene) and Recent marine ostracods of the genus Ambostracon of South and South-Eastern Africa. The material examined comes from geological stations on the shelf, continental slope and deep-water depression (32-3059 m water depth) of three areas (from the southern coast Mossel Bay to the eastern coast south of Durban, the outer part of Maputo Bay and the eastern coast of South Africa) and surface sediment samples from lagoons, estuaries and coastal lakes of the eastern coast of the South East Africa (Wilderness area, 0.2-1000 m water depth) (R/V METEOR M123-2016). The validity of the selection of the subgenus Ambostracon Patagonacythere is discussed. Two species (Ambostracon keeleri, A. flabellicostata) and one new species (Ambostracon frenzeli sp. nov.) were described. The systematic section provides data about synonymy (compiled on the results of a revision of the species volume), holotype (paratypes, syntypes), material, diagnosis, description, dimensions (linear, relative), sexual dimorphism, individual and geographic variability (fixation of the manifestations and the range of the variability of the morphological elements of the shell), comparison, remarks, localities, stratigraphical position, geographical distribution, environmental conditions of the site (for recent species), palaeoecology (for fossil species), zoogeography. SEM-images of external and internal structures of the carapace (macro- and mesosculpture, central muscle scar field, hinge, normal pore canals) are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically analyses Africa's 'Ports Race', the massive increase in port infrastructure investment taking place across the continent since the mid-2000s. It argues that the phenomenon shapes, and is shaped by, three interconnected trends: (1) an emerging material–political–institutional lock-in to a new extractivist paradigm of capital accumulation; (2) continental governments' growing embrace of state-led development strategies; and (3) the repackaging of globalized discourses of connectivity and idealized visions of modernity by elites to legitimize both their own political positions and what are often exploitative and environmentally destructive practices/processes. Taken together, these developments point to novel configurations of engagement playing out across the continent between transnational capital and political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Исследование направлено на обобщение доступных сведений о культурно-хронологической локализации и функциях раковины каури в территориально отстоящих от Западной и Южной Сибири обществах, изучение которых в данном контексте уже проведено. Внимание акцентировано на культурах и народах — носителях каури в Евразии, Африке и Северной Америке от древности до новейшего времени. Работа продолжила исследование, инициированное находками раковин каури в захоронениях нарымских селькупов, с этим вставших в один ряд с другими культурами в Сибири и за ее пределами. Будучи импортом символического, а не утилитарного значения, каури привнесли в Сибирь иную, не материальную ценность, обретенную ими во внешнем, географически отдаленном мире, организованном на других культурно-хозяйственных принципах и воззрениях. Расширение географии носителей каури требуется для осмысления места таежных поделок на примерах более изученных обществ, послуживших введению культурный оборот, сакрализации и символизации каури.

People with Albinism are often terrified as the nature and extent of this crime continue increasing. Africa is mainly dealing with this issue, and South Africa appears to be one of the countries grappling with this horrific crime. Thus, this study's main objective was to explore the Albnism killings of Umhlabuyalingana of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) Province, South Africa, focusing on the nature of this practice and the perceptions of community members on this scourge. This qualitative study adopted the case study research design, aided by an exploratory research objective. About Twenty (20) participants were selected in Umhlabauyalingana area, using the convenience sampling technique; they were all subjected to one-on-one interviews. The collected data were analysed using the inductive Thematic Content Analysis (TCA) method. This study establishes that albinism genocide has an adverse effect on the livelihood of people living with albinism in the community. This scourge do affects their daily lives, hugely affecting performance of their duties without fear of being abducted. Moreover, individuals closer to the potential victims also fear for the lives of their loved ones. Therefore, albinism killings affects the entire community and people closer to the potential vitims/victim. For recommendation: visible and responsive programmes must be established across South Africa [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problem of resource competition between the leading participants of international relations. It is shown that the entry of developing countries into the international arena and the growing competition for access to energy resources remain serious challenges to the system of relations that has developed in the world energy sector. In the second half of the XXth century the transition of the resource base of states under state control and management began. The revision of the conditions for access to their resources and the strengthening of the positions of national companies largely determined the change in the balance of power in the production of hydrocarbons. The rapid reduction of the planet's resource base largely determines the direction of development of the world economy and politics, as well as geopolitics. The current situation contributes to the growth of the interest of researchers and members of the business community in studying the essence of competition and the mechanisms of its action, as well as the approaches of researchers to its analysis. It has been proven that in the absence of urgent and coordinated action, the rapid increase in the inefficient use of natural resources will continue to create an incompatible burden on the environment. Today, there is an increase in the use of natural resources, unevenly distributed between countries and regions of the world. In this context, international exchange and cooperation can make a significant contribution to systemic change. Country leaders are responsible for shaping policy and decisionmaking and have the tools needed to bring about change for the better, including transformation at the local, national and global levels. A further test for the existing system of relations in the global energy sector may be the toughening of the positions of national oil and gas companies in the technological field. By making this strategic priority and invading areas that were previously considered the exclusive prerogative of the West, national companies are gradually shifting the center of gravity of competition in the industry to technology. Obviously, the ability of ambitions on the world stage and the ability to withstand competition for energy resources in the coming years will be tested precisely in these coordinates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The Covid pandemic had a great impact on the sharing economy. As a result, food delivery platforms continue to flourish. Today, several challenges recently appeared, and this research explores the ambiguous employment status of food delivery workers in Hungary. They are uncertain as to whether they are employees or independent contractors. Materials and methods. This research provided use of techniques including "word frequency inquiry" and "exploration diagrams," which are supported by the NVivo qualitative research software. Through interviews and participant observation this paper attempts to illuminate how food delivery workers perceive their employment status and the information is gathered directly from them. Results and discussion. This study attempted to determine how Hungarian food delivery workers felt about their status as independent contractors or employees. The data revealed that the majority of food delivery employees work full-time, but a large proportion of them do not view it as a long-term source of income due to concerns about their health and working conditions. Also, despite being referred to as "independent contractors," many of them claimed to be "employees," indicating that they were skeptical and confused about their employment status. Food delivery employees struggle in the sharing economy because they do not receive assistance from organizations such as labor unions. Based on these results, it appears that there is a need for more clarity and norms regarding the classification of individuals in the sharing economy. When it is unclear whether an individual is an independent contractor or an employee, they can be exploited, particularly if they have no other employment options. Also, the incapacity of organizations such as labor unions demonstrates the importance of finding alternative means to defend and support food delivery workers. This study helps us understand the issues that food delivery workers in the sharing economy face, particularly with regard to their employment and the absence of institutional support. The results demonstrate that policymakers must address these issues by implementing the appropriate rules and support systems to safeguard and assist workers in the sharing economy. Conclusions. Our research indicates that the attitudes of the food delivery workers are influenced by the trade-off between the flexibility of working conditions and the lack of employee benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews information from published papers and studies by the authors about placer diamond deposits. Original data were obtained in result of field and laboratory-analytical work carried out in various countries of Africa and South America. The main types of placer diamond deposits - fluvial, fluvioglacial, eolian, and man-made - have been considered and characterized. The main attention is given to fluvial continental placers, which are the most diverse, well-studied and have the greatest industrial importance. Primary, secondary and mixed deposits are distinguished according to the method of feeding; short, moderate and long transport deposits - according to the distance of the diamond-bearing material movement. It is noted that although the short transport placers (deluvial-proluvial and beds of short watercourses) have not industrial value, they are very informative for the searching for root sources. It is important to reliably diagnose these deposits by lithological-facies and mineralogical features during prospecting works. The concepts about the conditions for the formation of diamond placers in various landscape and geological conditions are developed and clarified. Alluvial-proluvial-lacustrine and proluvial-lacustrine types of placers studied in Yakutia and Brazil are characterized in detail. Their characteristic feature is that their productive strata, being re-deposited products of crustal weathering, themselves underwent a hypergenic change at the place of occurrence, which significantly masks the primary conditions of formation. Continental alluvial redeposition and long transport placers, as well as marine, yield the most high-quality expensive diamonds, the average value of which can reach $300-400 per carat. Often, such placers are formed due to the erosion of ancient Proterozoic placers, which belong to the category of fossils. The article summarizes the genetic and morphological types of diamond placers in the form of a principle diagram of the distribution of sedimentary reservoirs of kimberlite minerals. The landscape-dynamic zones of sedimentation are highlighted. A classification scheme of sedimentary reservoirs containing diamond placers has been developed. Continental, transitional and marine environments are distinguished, with further detalization of sedimentation environments - peneplain, alluvial-lacustrine accumulative plain, alluvial-deltaic plain and shelf zones of sea basins. It is shown that the formation of valley placers, their internal structure, thickness, granulometric composition and diamond content of alluvium are influenced by the dynamic phases of the formation of annual valleys. Visualization of the mutual relationship of different morpho-genetic types of placer diamond deposits is given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role and place of the African region as an object of international broadcasting. Various models of international broadcasting implementation in contemporary political conditions are shown on the example of countries -- former metropolises of colonial empires that covered African territories. Among other things, the author shows that international broadcasting in Africa can be considered as an element of neo-colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Объектом исследования стало Восточноафриканское содружество (ВАС) — экономическая ассоциация, объединяющая в настоящее время Кению, Танзанию, Уганду, Бурунди, Руанду и Южный Судан. Особое внимание уделяется рассмотрению интеграционных процессов в регионе в постколониаль-ный период, доктрине регионализма и федерализма в политическом дискурсе этих африканских стран. Рассмотрены причины, побудившие названные страны к консолидации, факторы, обусловившие кризис и распад ВАС в семидесятые годы прошлого столетия, а также экономические и политические причины реинтеграции ВАС. Особое внимание уделяется процессу эволюции ВАС от экономического альянса к политическому объединению и перспективе формирования на его основе федеративного государства. Автор выясняет факторы, обусловившие экономическую консолидацию ВАС, а также те детерминанты развития содружества, которые крайне затрудняют образование единого федеративного государства в Восточной Африке. Сделан вывод о том, что дальнейшей регионализации африканского континента и реализации федеративного проекта в Восточной Африке будут препятствовать такие факторы, как высокий уровень конфликтности в странах-участницах ВАС, трайбализм, культурная, конфессиональная и языковая неоднородность, амбициозность лидеров и политических элит.

Историческая память французов о французской колониальной империи и ее распаде противоречива и ситуативна. Апологетическая версия исторической памяти трактует французский колониализм как цивилизаторскую миссию Франции на Черном континенте. В основе этой версии лежат мифологемы, сформулированные Ш. де Голлем и его сподвижниками Ж. Фоккаром, Ф. Уфуэ-Буаньи и др. Такой подход к оценке исторического прошлого влияет на официальную политику памяти Пятой республики. В той или иной степени ему сохраняют верность все президенты Французской республики от Ж. Ширака до Э. Макрона. На идеологической платформе этой «патриотической версии» национальной истории Французской Республики выстраиваются политические практики Елисейского дворца в африканских странах. Эти практики, получившие название «Франсафрик», представляют собой латентный механизм сохранения экономической и политической зависимости стран Тропической Африки от бывшей метрополии. Альтернативная версия исторической памяти трактует колониализм как преступление против человечества, а африканскую политику Елисейского дворца - как особую форму неоколониализма, призванную обеспечить политические и экономические преференции Франции в странах, бывших ранее ее колониями. Эта интеллектуальная традиция конструируется усилиями Ф.-К. Вершава и его единомышленников - исследователей, объединенных в неправительственной общественной организации «Выживание» («Survie»).

The understanding of Thomas Hobbes’s analysis on the importance of reason signifies the essence for the establishment of human capacity project, which will be rooted and reckoned with in the quest for the development of human thoughts. The quest for right reason in Hobbes is a necessary point in Georg Hegel, which stipulates reason as the determinant of development in Hegel’s dialectism that development can only be realised in union with the ultimate realisation of the Spirit as reason rules the world. This is the fact that the principle of development enables a being to produce and reproduce itself, and by making itself actually what it already was potentially. It is pertinent to understand from the outset the significance of knowledge-based society as the foundation for security in the quest towards the attainment of authentic development. This means that security of lives and property is founded on the establishment of adequate knowledge necessary for action. Thus, human security for development is based on the level, attainment and utilisation of knowledge in human society. This paper will, therefore, employ analytic methodology to thematise that human security is a conditio sine qua non in the attainment of authentic development among societies of the Global South particularly subSahara Africa. It is expected that the intent of the paper will interrogate the extent and the ways human security would be struggled for, in order for development to be guaranteed, which would be premised and thematised from the stand-points of Hobbes and Hegel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Based on the results of the first Russia—Africa Summit and Economic Forum, priority areas of economic cooperation, according to which concrete results can be achieved in the coming years, were identified. These are modern and high-tech mining and processing of minerals, geological exploration, energy (including renewable energy sources), infrastructure development (specifically the construction of railways and housing), agriculture, digital technology, medicine, science and education. Cooperation between Russian universities and African countries occupies a special place. Currently implemented by the Sergo Ordzhonikidze Russian State University for Geological Prospecting (MGRI), the scientific and educational initiative for the development of the mineral resource base of Uganda, presented in June 2019 to the country’s President Yoweri Museveni, is the basis for International cooperation between Russian universities in the East African region.

Although secularization is the principle of most countries today, in this paper in the example of Egypt, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, we will show the connection of the religious community of Oriental-Christian Christians with the authorities of the selected states. The Church has been exploited for decades in these countries for political goals, reforms, ideas of revolution, etc. This paper, among other things is exploring status of copts and divisions in understanding their identities. Religious leaders relations with the authorities in the XX and XXI century have been a central point of work. The example of secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, which was followed by the separation of the church, proved that independent church in independent state is important element in controlling the masses and directing citizens in the desired direction. To a large extent, the paper is based on explaining the political situation in the elected states and the place of the church in those periods. It has been shown that the church often followed the authorities for the sake of survival and peace, but opposite examples are known too. The fates of these chiefs were often death, exile, or imprisonment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the study is to review and analyze materials regarding the concept of beauty in African tribes and the comparative characteristics of these standards for the best implementation of certain elements on the stage and on the silver screen. The research methodology is based on an experimental method (to determine the specificity of beauty standards through the analysis of literary sources, photos, popular science programs, etc.); the method of analysis (for the study of practical experience and further use of the materials obtained regarding aesthetic symbols on the theatrical stage and screen; comparative method (for understanding the differences of African concept of beauty from the point of view of Europeans). The scientific novelty of the study lies in the study of the unexplored specifics of beauty understanding by African tribes and application of this specific knowledge on stage and in movies. It was also analyzed that the Ukrainian directors used African motifs and African coloring repeatedly, but only as a way of understanding something wild and little-known, exotic. The concept of differences of beauty understanding of the particular individual tribes in Africa and their aesthetic-territorial differences was not reflected on Ukrainian stage. Also such visual characteristics of African beauty as scarification was investigated for the first time. Conclusions. Systematization of African symbols of beauty and the differences of these symbols regarding territorial and tribal characteristics will make it possible to use the information obtained to more accurately reflection of African life in theater and cinema. Indeed, one of the criteria for displaying realistic life on the stage and on the screen is accuracy and details, which undoubtedly affects the quality of the final product (theatrical performances, film productions, TV programs, etc.).

Приведены данные о морфологии, минеральном составе и алмазоносности недавно открытых кимберлитовых даек Лесной Гвинеи. Типоморфные особенности пиропа, пикроильменита и пироксенов из этих тел позволяют отнести их к лерцолитовому парагенезису. Различия в алмазоносности и количестве тяжелой фракции объяснены последовательным формированием даек, обусловленным затуханием процесса кимберлитового магматизма. Представлены сведения об алмазах и индикаторных минералах кимберлитов из аллювия р. Тавабо. Показано различие преобладающих габитусных форм алмазов из этих отложений и кимберлитов дайкового комплекса, что указывает на его незначительную россыпеобразующую роль. Присутствие в аллювии пиропов высокоалмазоносного гарцбургит-дунитового парагенезиса говорит о близком расположении питающих россыпь кимберлитов.

The article analyses the role, place and forms of African countries’ participation in the new China’s strategy “One Belt and One Road”. The author describes the existing partnership between China and African countries and their future interaction within the New Silk Road. China’s initiative pays special attention to identification of positive and negative sides of China-Africa cooperation.

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Copyright of Journal of Philosophy, Culture & Political Science is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Радња романа Олга Бернхарда Шлинка делимично се одвија у доба Немачког царства (1871–1918), које је настојало да се његова моћ демонстрира колонијалним ширењем на афричком тлу. Рад приказује процес колонизације Африканаца, припадника Хереро народа, као и однос немачких војника према њима, представљених као задојених идејама свога времена о снази, слави и доминацији немачког народа. Методолошки, рад се ослања на поставке теоретичара постколонијалних студија о колонијалном дискурсу (над)моћи, испитујући тезу да је однос између закаснеле империјалне силе попут Немачког царства и Африке представљен као однос који је међу (фиктивним) немачким војницима схваћен као интеракција цивилизованог и примитивног. Африка се као конструкт, попут Оријента, доживљава као идеолошка противтежа и оправдање за колонијалне подухвате, који, између осталог, резултирају ставом да се обојени човек не може поимати као људско биће већ да њиме и његовом територијом треба владати, што ће се анализом истаћи као један од значајних тематских аспеката романа.

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В статье раскрываются особенности страхов у детей старшего дошкольного возраста, проживающих на территории одной из стран Африки — в Мозамбике. Анализ трудов А. И. Захарова, А. Г. Маклакова, А. С. Спиваковской и др. позволил выбрать теоретическую базу для работы и определить путь исследования. Особое внимание уделено трудам Л. С. Выготского и М. Мид, в работах которых описываются социокультурные факторы, являющиеся ведущим аспектом в исследовании. В фокусе располагается феномен детства в Африке: особенности воспитания, образа жизни, культуры и социальной среды. Объектом исследования в данной статье являются дети старшего дошкольного возраста Мозамбика. Для реализации исследования была выбрана методика «Страхи в домиках» (А. И. Захарова, М. А. Панфиловой) и созданы анкета для родителей и «Карта наблюдений». По результатам исследования было выявлено, что: • все испытуемые имеют низкий уровень наличия страхов, при этом мальчики подвержены страхам в большей степени, чем девочки; • невербальные проявления страхов преобладают у девочек, вербальные — у мальчиков; • доминирующей группой страхов являются страхи животных, насекомых, сказочных персонажей; актуальными страхами являются страх причинения физического ущерба, страхи темноты и страшных снов; • все родители считают тему детских страхов актуальной и заинтересованы в ней, при этом родители мальчиков дают более полные, а девочек — более уникальные ответы. Таким образом, особенности формирования и проявления страхов у детей старшего дошкольного возраста в Мозамбике обусловлены не только возрастными и индивидуальными особенностями, а также социокультурными факторами: особенностями менталитета, воспитания, обучения, стиля детско-родительских отношений, взаимоотношений между поколениями, а также формирования национального характера, структуры самосознания, самооценки, которые зависят в первую очередь от культурных традиций и процесса инкультурации.

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Every few years in the West – in the media and in political circles – there is a moral panic about the rise of China. Africa often plays a central role in this: as a supposedly predatory China is counterposed against representations of hapless and powerless African victims. As Deborah Bräutigam notes in her paper, this currently takes the form of the meme of 'debt-trap diplomacy', which is largely unjustified. However, intensified relations of dependence are being established between China and Africa, and increasing levels of debt are both a vector and an outcome of this, which in some instance may result in a debt trap. The construction of a debt trap implies intentionality, but while this may not be the case, development outcomes may include excessive overseas borrowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the changing role of regional communities in the formation of trade flows of intra-regional trade of Africa in the last 25 years. It’s revealed that the growth of intra-regional trade turnover of the majority of regional integration groupings reduction of the share in world’s trade and the growth of intra-regional trade turnover. Commodity structure of integration groupings in intra-regional trade is more diversified, than in international trade.

The article devoted to the analysis of change of status of Mayotte with signing of the Treaty on the possession of Mayotte to France in 1841 continuing until Mayotte’s departmentalization in 2011. Relations between France and Mayotte are essentially different from traditional cooperation “Metropolitan-colony”, due the fact that Mayotte was an important strategic territory of France in the Indian Ocean since 19th century. The article contains the detail analysis of specifics features of French colonial administration. The legislative changes of territorial status of Mayotte traced on the basis of researched decrees, laws, resolutions. The status of Mayotte had changed with the expansion of the colonial Empire: from autonomy up until 1912, to the dependent and controlled up until 1946. In the next 20 years Mayotte crosses swords for the expansion of autonomy from France. Besides it, in this chapter of the article considers the processes of formation of various people's movements, such as “Mouvement du peuple mahorais”, which purposed to get from metropolitan France the status of the French Overseas territory. After the fall of the colonial system, France tried to prevent the final breakdown of the Empire, for that French Republic takes root intro their colonies in a structure of France by legislation. In 1975 Comoros gained independence, and entered immediately into a confrontation with France with regard to Mayotte. The international community headed by the UN required return the island to the Comoros, despite it France referred to a popular referendum during which the residents of Mayotte had expressed a desire to be a part of France. Hurriedly, France granted to Mayotte the status of the Overseas community of France. Despite the new status, Mayotte continued to be a backward region of France up until 1990s. In the 21st century starts a new period of changes. There is an active development of the island in such spheres as administration management, economy, culture and social integration with metropolitan France which ultimately will lead to the departmentalization in 2011. The conclusion examines the processes of integration of Mayotte with France and the EU after departmentalization, prospects of development and reinforcement of role of the island as a political and economic zone of France in East Africa.

This study proposes to retrace Boko Haram atrocities in Cameroon as well as the history of international cooperation against the Islamist sect since the declaration of the war against it in 2014. The principal internal counter-terrorist efforts are shown, including establishement of “Operational Com-mand” missions, partial reorganization of the territorial map of the army’s command, the expansion of defense policy at the subregional level and the gradual redefinition of military, the allocation of re-sources and tools adapted to these new missions. Cameroon engages in a process of multilateralization of the challenges of counter-terrorism coopera-tion, which gives a new dimension to the action of the defense and security forces as well as the multi-lateralization of the stakes of cooperation. The role of major powers and the countries of the subregion as well as the African Union and the United Nations is revealed. Cameroon is a traditional beneficiary of French military assistance. Counter-terrorist assistance also came from Russia, US, UK and Germany. The role of the Multinational Joint Task Force of Commission of the Lake Chad Basin (LCBC) is shown. The author also shows that the war against Boko Haram seems to produce exceptional results that force both admiration and criticism of the Cameroonian people and the international community. The case of criticism by the NGO Amnesty International is analysed in details.

The history of South Africa as a unified state is intertwined with the events of international scale. The colonization of South of Africa is linked to the resettlement of the Dutch and the English, engaged in various entrepreneurial activities - trade, mining, agriculture, etc. The formation of South African Union was preceded by a long period when the idea of uniting the British colonial possessions in southern Africa was consistently formed and created by long-term plans. At the same time, several powers competed for economic penetration into South Africa, for instance, albeit to a lesser degree, the United States of America in addition to Germany and England. From 1869 to 1886 the world's largest deposits of diamonds and gold were discovered, which produced a staggering effect on the whole world and radically changed the situation in the region. Conflict of interests in the struggle for control over the richest resources led to war (both campaigns are sometimes called the Boer War), which was the first one in the 20th century. The Anglo-Boer War, the largest international event is of interest from a wide variety of points of view, had left a notable mark in the history of Russia. The Russian government sought to support the Boers and take advantage of the difficulties of their then main rival in the world arena at a time, and the Boers in turn needed the support of world powers in their struggle. Although diplomatic relations with Russia were established the Russian embassy in Pretoria never appeared, due to the fact that a year later the war began. As a result of the war and the processes taking place in the southern part of Africa, emerged the British dominion - South African Union. The approval by the British Parliament of the “South Africa Act” liquidated the last obstacles to the establishment of the Union, and on May 31, 1910, the establishment of a new state, the South African Union, was officially proclaimed. Therefore the socio-economic and political processes that took place in South Africa were reflected in the world politics of that time and had serious consequences of the global scale. They had an important influence in shaping the foreign policy strategy of a new state as yet the dominion of Great Britain.

This article deals with the role of Nigeria and Ghana in ECOWAS specific fields of integration since its creation in 1975. It showed the relevance of Nigeria as a regional leader and the importance of Ghana as a key factor in ECOWAS integration process, and their respective foreign policy stand towards West African integration process in the present century. In order to evaluate and present the role of Nigeria and Ghana in ECOWAS integration process, the authors set out three main tasks to actualize it. The first task is to identify the main areas of ECOWAS integration process, namely: economic integration, security formation and political reformation using qualitative methodological analysis to achieve this task. The second task is the review of ECOWAS operational structure, which explained how Nigeria was able to exert its hegemony status in ECOWAS, and how Ghana is able to remain useful in ECOWAS despite the overwhelming influence of Nigeria. The third task is using historical analytical method to present facts and explain the various contributions by Nigeria and Ghana in ECOWAS economic liberation process, peacekeeping operations, and political interventions in ECOWAS member states which have brought relative peace and security to the region. The authors draw conclusion based on the result of the research analysis that, in spite of ECOWAS compositions which include the Francophone countries in the region and its leadership structure, Nigeria and Ghana have led by example, by devoting much attention and commitment to the ECOWAS integration process through mediations, peacekeeping, political intervention and economic cooperation.

The article discusses the corruption ties between the political elites of France and a number of sovereign African states that were part of the French colonial empire until the middle of the last century. An analysis of the reasons is given that prompted the first President of the Fifth Republic, General Charles de Gaulle, to begin the formation of a special military and political phenomenon, later named “Fransafrique”. The nature of this phenomenon is revealed as a special combination of latent lobbyist networks of the military-political and economic influence of the Elysee Palace in the countries of the Black Continent, on the one hand, and as a specific mechanism for implementing the French version of neocolonialism in political practice, on the other hand. The point is made that the threat of the loss of all military and strategic, political and, in particular, economic preferences of France in the newly independent African countries, prompted the Elysee Palace to semi-legal, illegal, and often criminal methods of defending the interests of France in the region. In practice, this meant the construction of a system of integral dependence of the formally independent countries of Tropical Africa from the former metropolis, the formation of a tuple of client-states with corrupt power elites. The latter were designed to provide the French energy giants with virtually unlimited access to strategic natural resources, control over the political parties of these countries. The main emphasis in this French model of neocolonialism was made on the total bribery of the emerging political elites of African countries. The French special services used such methods maintaining control over the situation as blackmail, political assassinations or direct military aggression when the direct bribery of African politicians proved impossible or insufficient. Particular attention is paid to the problem of the influence of corrupt African leaders, in their turn, on the political class of France at different stages of the history of the Fifth Republic. It is concluded that the post-war policy of the former metropolis in the now sovereign states of Africa has led not only to the corrupting of dependent African leaders, but also to the corrupt decay of the leaders of the French political system.

Staying Somalia in a state of instability is a serious threat for the security of the international community, including countries and institutions of the West. At the modern period, its key element is the activity of the international terrorist structure Al Shabab. Germany and its EU partners face with the problem of the revitalization of Al Shabab terrorists. The methodological basis of the paper is the theories of armed conflicts resolution and the con-struction of armed forces (at the example of the Somalian national army). The key research methods are the event-analyses and the comparative analyses. The aim of the article is the research of the German approach to resolving the “Somali problem”. In this regard, the first task is to study the previous experience of Germany in counteracting with in-stability in Somalia in the 1990-s and since the late 2000-s. (in the framework of counteracting piracy). The second task, on the solution of which is paid the main attention in the article, is the research of complex usage by Germany of its political, military and economic tools for the weakening of Al Shabab. The article studies German participation in the EU mission for the reform of the security sector of Somali. At this base, the article concludes about the military participation of Germany in the struggle with the international terrorism. The article covers the course, problems and prospects of using the national army of Somalia for fighting against Al-Shabab in the south, as well as separatist currents in the northern part of the country. The paper researches German promotion in restoring the structures of power in the country and the process of federalization as the key direction of the stabilization in Somalia. The article covers the features of German economic participation in the decision of deep internal Somali problems, which mainly led to the appearance and strengthening of the Al Shabab positions. The research paper concludes about the measures, which are needed from Germany for the full de-feat of Al Shabab and future minimization of the terrorist threat from the Horn of Africa states for Ger-many and the EU.

In February 2016, the Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu declared Israel’s come-back to Africa and Africa’s comeback to Israel. He stressed that the Jewish State is ready to help African countries both in security and development domains. Netanyahu sees these domains, fighting the forces of terror and seizing the opportunities of tomorrow, as interrelated. Due to the recent Israel’s traditional partners’ grievances of Netanyahu’s unwillingness to make compromises on the Palestinian policy, Israeli government is looking toward extending the sphere of influence, adding new partners from Africa, Latin America and Asia. This paper examines the Israeli-Kenyan cooperation as an example of a successful partnership between the Middle Eastern country and the East Africa - its priority region. Special attention is paid to Israel’s military and non-military assistance to Kenya. For strengthening its national security, the Kenyan govern-ment is seeking to gain an access to Israeli military know-how and a vast Israeli counterterrorism expe-rience. Extending military cooperation with Israel, Kenya is also open to Israeli development innovations, especially in the field of agriculture and medicine. The Jewish state is trying to get some economic and trade preferences from Kenya, a diplomatic loyalty in the United Nations, and, finally, a support in de-terring Iran’s African ambitions. The aim of the study is an analysis of the contemporary Israeli-Kenyan cooperation in security and development domains. It was examined official documents of Israeli Foreign Ministry, Knesset and the Kenyan Parliament. The author concludes that to maintain a positive course, Israel and Kenya should con-tinue to deepen their cooperation demonstrating mutual respect for each other's national interests.

The article describes the missionary work of Charles de Foucault, the French Catholic monk and priest who lived in the second half of XIX – early XX century. In Charles de Foucault’s practice one can see not only traditional forms of mission of the time but also a special form of bearing witness, which later became known as “missionary presence”, the presence of Christ among non-believers. Charles de Foucault could let Christ be present give himself as well as through the Holy Gifts of the Eucharist and through the neighbour, commanded to be loved. Charles de Foucault’s major dream was the birth of brotherhoods which would spread the message of Christ among non-believers. His dream came true later, but not in his lifetime.

The article is devoted to a changing nature of India-Africa relations and a role of Indian Diaspora in Africa. Indian Diaspora in African countries for many years was regarded by the Indian government more as a stumbling block for development India-Africa relations than as a source of opportunities. New policy to Diaspora was elaborated in the very beginning of 2000s but it was Narendra Modi, Indian prime-minister from 2014, who started promoting Diaspora as one of the priority in his international agenda. Indian government initiated in October 2015 third India-Africa Forum-Summit which happened to be much larger event than two previous forum summits in 2008 and 2011. However energetic policy of N. Modi has not brought India-Africa relations to a new level yet. While planned visit of N. Modi to a number of African countries in July 2016 is seen as a step to achieve this goal, his meetings with representatives of Indian communities in these African countries could be regarded as a sign of a new approach to the Indian Diaspora as “Ambassadors of India”. That could bring some controversy as many South African Indians consider themselves only citizens of their country and no more. Besides, the Indian government should take all necessary measures to prevent racist attacks against Africans in India which greatly tarnish the Indian image in the eyes of Africans.

The happening paradigm shift of development both the kernel of world economy, and its periphery appearing by the hostage of limitation of financial resources updates task of judgment of the happening processes, especially with participation of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) or the countries of the “big economies” which are looking for new formats of entry into worldwide policy. Also the problem of correlation of the monopolar structure of a world economic system which has arisen in the conditions of globalization of economies at the end of the 20th century with processes of forming of the new centers of world economic power is actual, including - in Africa, under the influence of an exit to the world scene of China and other countries of BRICS, disappearance of the so-called “second world”, opposition mitigation “East-West” and increase of contradictions on an axis “North-South”. The countries of Africa at the beginning of the second decade of the third millennium are more and more considerably involved in process of globalization which signs can be found everywhere on the African continent. First of all, it is necessary to pay attention on much the increased dynamics of political process, especially in North Africa where under the influence of “the Arab spring” scales and depth of the happened transformation of a socio-political context were shown, civilization breaks and perspective scenarios of development were more accurately designated. To conformably new challenges questions of regional integration have come under the spotlight in Africa, search of solutions of global problems of mankind in Africa is conducted (poverty, hunger, diseases, refugees, etc.) new formats of interaction of the states for the benefit of effective development are developed. It is possible that in so dynamic and turbulent socio-political and economic situation regional vector of interaction and interregional international cooperation (within BRICS, etc.) will become that a basis on which perspective strategy of economic development for the African countries will be created, giving it threefold measurement: global, regional and local. Studying of forming of the BRICS Agenda for Africa within activities of Merging of BRICS as instrument of really deep reorganization of a world order in line with transition to a polycentric world order, initiation of process of development of the new model of a democratic peace arrangement considering conditions of the global world of the 21st century, its multicivilization nature is almost significant.

Professor Leonid L. Fituni was born on the 27th of September 1953. He graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, MFA of the USSR in 1975. He is Deputy Director of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Concurrently, he heads the Center for Strategic and Global Studies there. He is the author of 18 books and about 300 articles, is fluent in English, French and Arabic. Interview with Doctor of Economics, Professor L.L. Fituni is devoted to the most topical issues of Russian-African relations, as well as key features of interaction in historical perspective. According to Leonid Leonidovich, at the moment we can not say that these relations are at their peak, however, there can be traced a certain rise in the past decade. Professor also touches upon Russian debt relief to African countries and the presence of Russian business on the African continent. L.L. Fituni in details describes the economic potential of African countries and the prospects for cooperation with Russia. Particular attention is paid to the world scientific schools of African research and training in this area, including the national school of African studies.

Active growth of trade volume between India and Africa which has increased in twenty times since the beginning of the twenty-first century or in seventy times since 1991, certainly actualized a question of features of the modern Indo-African relations. In this regard the purpose of article is consideration of features of policy of India to the African countries. The author does the short historical review of the Indo-African relations, and considers key spheres of realization of modern regional strategy of India on the African continent - humanitarian projects, foreign trade and investments. The main methods of research are the comparative-historical approach and the statistical analysis, being used for identification of positive or negative dynamics of development of the Indo-African cooperation. Now the African region takes strategic significance for India. Rapid economic development of the African countries and increase in a standard of living of the population turn the continent into a perspective sales market of the Indian goods and services. Besides, India actively develops humanitarian projects and renders the financial help to many African countries. However, India faces set of problems and factors - geographical remoteness, the discrimination and racism, instability of political systems of many African countries and the African policy of China. The active economic policy of China on the African continent has compelled India to develop cooperation with the countries of Africa more actively. In recent years India also as well as China tries to make active and modernize the economic and humanitarian policy in Africa. Struggle for commodity markets of the goods and services in Africa makes Africa by strategic region not only in the Indo-Chinese relations, but in foreign policy of India as a whole.

O. Igho Natufe is a Nigerian-born Sovietologist and a specialist in International Relations and Soviet/ Russian Foreign Policy. Dr. Natufe is an alumnus of the People's Friendship University, a former university professor of Political Science (University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana, 1978-1980, and the University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria, 1980-1989) and senior advisor to the Government of Canada (1970-1978, 1989-2011). He is author of several of scientific research, including “Soviet policy in Africa: from Lenin to Brezhnev”. In his interview he speeks about IR studies in Africa, about mutual perceptions of Russians and Africans, about his recent book on Soviet and Russian Foreign Policy, about scramble for Africa between great and emerging powers. He expects Russia, the USA, and China to enhance their influence in Africa, at the expense of Britain and France. Prof. Natufe pays a special attention to the role of African Diaspora in Development of African countries.

Historically, Africa is known to be backward in adoption of technology. History has it that Africa trailed behind in the use of new technology for newsgathering. Africa is the 2nd largest continent after Asia with over 60% of its population living widely dispersed in hinterlands whose insecure terrains, inaccessibility, and distance from cities, make it impossible for journalist and media broadcasts to cover their socio-economic, cultural and political activities. In addition to these factors, scarcity of journalists, costs and conflicts, inability of media industries to train and/or recruit enough journalists, government indifference and pro-urban communication policy made newsgathering in African hinterlands almost impossible. However, the evolution and reign of Internet-based technologies, which enable citizens to contribute to news-making, and information gathering and exchange became a solution. Nevertheless, it is confronted with pro-urban middle class relevance due to epileptic power, poor network, low level of education and technology skills, and lack of formal framework for newsgathering in the hinterlands. This paper, therefore, explores the dynamics of newsgathering in the technologically-driven internet era, with a view to identifying inherent limitations in African hinterlands, and therefrom offers profitable recommendations. Geographically, the study considers African rural communities. Thematically, the paper is an investigation into the acquisition and use new information technologies particularly phones with internet facilities to generate and circulate news from African hinterlands, factors hindering the practice and possible ways of enhancing it. Periodically, the study covers the 21st century i.e. 2000 to date, which has witnessed ICTs massive penetration of the hinterlands and their use as primary medium of communication. In exploring the digitalisation of communication in rural Africa where majority of the population lives without regular or formal connection to organs and channels of governance and events in the entire world, this paper is significant to the extent that it assess and exposes the challenges modernisation is facing in trying to provide solution to the scenario. It explores areas of investments in media and communication in rural Africa, and attempts to provide viable alternatives to the problems hindering internet-mediated-technologies approach to newsgathering in rural Africa. It provides approaches to the democratisation of newsgathering and circulation, which opens up rural Africa to the global community and for participation in e-governance, global dialogue and discussions in every aspect of human development, rights and politics. This paper adopted logical inquiry, survey of literature and expost facto methods of data gathering. Central to these methods, extensive literature review was primarily adopted as data gathering processes. This is because of the wealth of literature, debates and criticism available on the new media, newsgathering, and the African experience particularly the hinterlands. This will explicate new areas of investments in communication technologies and provide valid framework for newsgathering across Africa, which will inevitably advance globalisation into and enhance development in African hinterlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this study is to add to recent calls to develop indigenous knowledge of peace system and culture development to promote culture of peace in Africa. It assesses the indigenous Gadaa system peace concept and culture, identify its peace related values, philosophies, traditions, institutions, etc for nurturing and sustaining peace in the Oromo society, with the neighbouring ethnic group, and its relevance to creating peace culture in Africa and beyond. It relates Gadaa peace system with the UN peace system initiative and framework in demonstrating the relevance of Gada peace system to peace building in multiethnic conflicts transformation in the Horn of Africa and beyond. Oromo people were traditionally a culturally homogeneous society with genealogical ties. They governed themselves in accordance with Gadaa (literally "era"), an outstanding democratic socio-political system long before the 16th century, when major three party wars commenced between them and the Christian kingdom to their north and Islamic sultanates to their east and south. The Gadaa system elected males from five Oromo miseensa (groups), for a period of eight years, for various judicial, political, ritual and religious roles. Retirement was compulsory after the eight-year term, and each major clan followed the same Gadaa system. Women and people belonging to the lower Oromo castes were excluded. A male born in the upper Oromo society went through five stages of eight years, where his life established his role and status for consideration to a Gadaa office. Under Gadaa, every eight years, the Oromo would choose by consensus an Abbaa Bokkuu responsible for justice, peace, judicial and ritual processes, an Abbaa Duulaa responsible as the war leader, an Abbaa Sa'aa responsible as the leader for cows, and other positions. Gada concept of peace, truth, values, principles, and conflict resolution techniques need to be restored and promoted. It should be documented and made part of education system. The academics should do research and disseminate these values. The regional state government and civic societies should develop a peace education program based on these values and traditions so that they should be restored quickly and sustained among Oromo community in all corners of east Africa where Oromo community lives. The concepts of gender equality and participation in sustainable development of the society needs to introduced into the Oromo culture and Gada system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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