Search

Amidst mounting alarm over plastic waste’s impact on ecosystems and health, Thailand has gained global attention as one of the top six contributors to marine plastic debris. Narratives that Thai people are ‘addicted to plastic’ circulate widely in local and international media. This article unpacks this and related tropes by investigating their historical development and everyday usage. Based on ethnographic research among regulators, activists, plastic industry members, and recyclers in Bangkok, and a media analysis, I demonstrate how co-constructed civic epistemologies frame plastic waste solutions in Thailand. As public knowledge-ways that inform decision-making, these epistemologies drive plastic pollution by perpetuating neoliberal ideologies of personal responsibility and deregulation. In doing so, they reframe Thailand’s plastic waste challenges as a question of individual morality that requires consumer-based solutions rather than a question of structural production that requires a regulatory response. While scholars have addressed plastic pollution from technical, governance, and new materialist perspectives, this article offers a socio-cultural geography approach that accounts for the cultural narratives that mediate plastic pollution debates and drive plastic production and policy in Thailand and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For rural regions of British Columbia (BC) with a legacy of cannabis production, legalization brings insights into the dynamics of these rural communities, shedding light on the extent to which local residents are actively engaged in shaping their futures. Drawing on 56 interviews with government representatives and legacy cannabis participants from BC’s Kootenay region, a qualitative thematic analysis based on the underpinnings of transitioning economies and stakeholder participation highlights the necessity of building trust for successful legalization in the Kootenays. Three main issues, rooted in prohibition and centred around distrust, emerge as findings. First, federal government participants exhibited skepticism towards cannabis participants, which affected cannabis participants’ input during policy formulation due to a perceived criminal past and ties to organized crime. Second, cannabis participants largely reciprocated this distrust towards the federal government, understanding their believed past criminality led to exclusion from policymaking, and voicing their suspicion of government motives that favoured government participation, corporate interests, and taxation. Third, local government representatives expressed sentiments of exclusion from federal decision-making and dissatisfaction with Health Canada's management of personal medical license complaints during prohibition, revealing inter-government distrust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dialogue: Canadian Philosophical Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue de Synthèse is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article delves into the everyday dynamics of colonial rule to outline a novel way of understanding colonized–colonizer interactions. It conceives colonial management as a social field in which both the colonized and colonizers negotiate and exchange resources, despite their decidedly unequal positions within a racial hierarchy. Drawing their example from the West Bank, the authors argue that a Palestinian economic elite has proactively participated in the co-production of the colonial management of spatial mobility, a central component of Israeli colonial rule. The study employs interviews and document analysis to investigate how the nexus between Palestine's commercial-logistical needs and Israel's security complex induced large-scale Palestinian producers to exert agency and reorder commercial mobility. The authors describe and explain the evolution of a 'Door-to-Door' logistical arrangement, in which large-scale Palestinian traders participate in extending Israeli's system of spatial control in exchange for facilitating logistical mobility. This horizontal social encounter that entails pay-offs is conditioned, but not fully determined, by vertical relations of domination and subordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that public debt financing facilitated the appropriation of the territories of Indigenous nations in the British settler colonies and does so through a detailed examination of Prince Edward Island's public debt. The island's government used public debt financing as a technique to direct capital into the colony, but to receive loans, the colonial government first needed credit. Settler-colonial credit derived from colonial governments' claiming the territories of Indigenous nations as government assets. This history highlights the deeply racial characteristics embedded in the expansion of global public debt financing that characterized finance capitalism beginning in the 1820s. In this way, the unique history of the island and its "land question" can be placed into the broader global context of debt markets and processes of racial capital. Specifically, the 1853 Land Purchase Act used public borrowing to purchase lands from British landowners so that the island's government could hold the land title. British landowners had their ownership rights secured despite the eighteenth-century Peace and Friendship Treaties that guaranteed the Mi'kmaq nation rights to their territory, which included Epekwitk, what the British named Prince Edward Island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of research has documented how extractive resources are governed once their exploitation has begun, how transnational actors and factors play a role in extractive industries, and how states stick to a path of dependency towards fossil fuel exploitation. However, most of this previous research has not taken sufficiently seriously domestic politics. Furthermore, there has been little work on how dependency is constructed before exploiting these resources. This article fills that gap by showing how oil exploitation has been constructed as an economic imperative in Uganda. Building on a research design with a broad range of empirical fingerprints, this article shows that construction of oil as an economic imperative in Uganda is based on two processes: 1) embedding the meso level within the macro level through a long-term horizon; and 2) rendering the contingent necessary through a combination of material and immaterial strategies of state political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bac kground: The Government of Canada's Online Streaming Act attempts to incorporate online streaming services into the "single system" of the Broadcasting Act. The legislation has been heavily criticized for a variety of reasons, and constructive debate has been hampered by the lack of a clearly defined policy rationale or public interest objective--in large part because the term "broadcasting" is ill-defined in the internet context. Analysis : This article applies Georgist political economy to reinterpret Dallas Smythe's concept of the "audience commodity" for the purpose of integrating emergent theories about the economics of attention and freedom of speech in the context of broadcasting and online media regulation. The principal argument is that a resource-centric view of human attention creates a technology-neutral conceptual basis for determining the scope of what is and is not media broadcasting. Conclusions and implications : The conceptual framework developed aligns the audience commodity concept with the contemporary business reality of content creators and helps draw some defining lines around the concept of "broadcasting" in the era of Internet platforms. Transitioning the fundamental basis for the definition of "broadcasting" from one of transmission methods to one of controlling the bottlenecks of attention would make it far easier to construct meaningful legislation in the public interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison's 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America , in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour. La désindustrialisation est devenue un enjeu politique pressant et un objet de recherche presque simultanément en Amérique du Nord. Cet article interroge les origines intellectuelles et les racines radicales de la thèse de la désindustrialisation au Canada et aux États-Unis. Bien que les deux pays partagent beaucoup de points communs, leurs formulations distinctes du problème désindustriel dans les années 1970 et 1980 reflétaient des différences économiques et politiques essentielles entre eux. Les économistes politiques radicaux du Canada et des États-Unis se sont tournés vers la théorie de la dépendance et la fuite des capitaux, respectivement, dans leur théorisation de la désindustrialisation. Le livre de Barry Bluestone et Bennett Harrison de 1982, The Deindustrialization of America , en particulier, est un texte fondateur pour le domaine en plein essor des études sur la désindustrialisation. Nous pouvons apprendre beaucoup en renouant avec cette première bourse. Ce faisant, cependant, nous devons combler le fossé analytique persistant entre les histoires de travail au niveau micro des communautés ouvrières et les études au niveau macro de l'économie politique et de la division internationale du travail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on the concept of “left-wing melancholia”, introduced by Enzo Traverso, this paper explores Eric Hobsbawm’s melancholic perspective on the short twentieth century. It evaluates Hobsbawm’s hypothesis about the role of fear of communism in social­‑democratic reforms and argues that social-democratic intellectuals, both in history and political economy, share his pioneering diagnosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of research has documented how extractive resources are governed once their exploitation has begun, how transnational actors and factors play a role in extractive industries, and how states stick to a path of dependency towards fossil fuel exploitation. However, most of this previous research has not taken sufficiently seriously domestic politics. Furthermore, there has been little work on how dependency is constructed before exploiting these resources. This article fills that gap by showing how oil exploitation has been constructed as an economic imperative in Uganda. Building on a research design with a broad range of empirical fingerprints, this article shows that construction of oil as an economic imperative in Uganda is based on two processes: 1) embedding the meso level within the macro level through a long-term horizon; and 2) rendering the contingent necessary through a combination of material and immaterial strategies of state political control.

Copyright of Ileti-s-im is the property of Universite Galatasaray, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Large scale agricultural projects driven by a high modernist ideology have been closely interlinked with the process of state building at the Ethiopian lowland frontier since the second half of the twentieth century. This paper provides a diachronic analysis of the political economy of agricultural development and the associated frontier effect in the western and north-eastern lowlands of the country across three different political regimes. A comparative assessment of these patterns suggests that the high modernist paradigm should be applied with some qualification to the agenda of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the coalition that ruled Ethiopia from 1994 to 2019. The EPRDF was far more pragmatic than its predecessors; the oscillation between different degrees of state intervention was based upon past experiences of success and failure in the territorialization of state power in contested borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, and especially in Africa, twentieth-century dams were typically imagined through high modernist ideology as the premier development project, but this ended with the decade-long hiatus in dam construction from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s. However, dam-building is back. Does this mark the resurgence of a modernising ideology, of grand plans of mega-infrastructures implemented from an enlightened vanguard? This article analyses this question using Rwanda and Tanzania as case studies. It makes a twofold contribution. The first, to the literature on why the resurgence of dams is happening. Using theory, it shows how to understand the influence of ideology alongside other strategic factors and conceptualises the application of high modernism to dam building. This allows a more precise assessment of the influence of ideology on dam resurgence, with the cases of Rwanda and Tanzania demonstrating significant contrasts with past tendencies to aggrandise the infrastructure itself as the harbinger of progress. The second contribution to this special issue is on the ideology influencing a raft of 21st century illiberal states in Africa that have embarked on grand development missions. The article compliments other texts in this issue, demonstrating the presence of an evolved illiberal modernisers ideology that combines tenants of the past with more recent norms. Thus, an assumption of technologies' ability to linearly generate development is combined with contrasting ideas about sustainability, the importance of the private sector's role and hydropower's limitations. This demonstrates the way today's illiberal modernisers, engaged in global debates, adapt and update development ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article soutient que l'économie politique marxiste est un cadre théorique fondamental pour comprendre les conditions contemporaines du travail culturel. En m'appuyant sur les concepts fondamentaux de Karl Marx, la théorie du procès de travail et une étude de cas effectuée avec des pigistes, je soutiens que le débat classique sur l'autonomie et le contrôle du travail culturel ignore l'exploitation dans la relation entre le travail et le capital, un processus crucial façonnant le travail culturel. Pour démontrer les avantages de cette approche, j'analyse deux méthodes utilisées par les entreprises médiatiques pour extraire la plus-value des journalistes pigistes: l'exploitation du travail non payé et l'exploitation de la propriété intellectuelle par des politiques agressives de droits d'auteur. Je soutiens qu'un cadre marxiste peut révéler les dynamiques qui transforment les industries culturelles et les expériences des travailleurs et des travailleuses. Dans cette perspective, le travail culturel est conçu comme un terrain de luttes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an economic and geographical cross-section, this article on the Tangier-Med complex and its array of new activities is positioned in a reflexive perspective. It focuses on the difficulties of linking an economic structure that is almost imposed by the state, foreign direct investment, global value chains, and the local political economy, which is in a sense required to accommodate what neo-liberal discourses promote as opportunities. The hypothesis that structures the reflection can be formulated as follows: the strong connectivity that Tangier-Med allows and organises undermines the very foundations of the “proximity synergies” on which the consolidation and productive unification of the territory rests. This accounts for the weakness of the state in the face of local economic and social development issues. In the Moroccan context of a middle-income country, as a result, we question, through a multi-scale analysis, the relationship that exists between economic infrastructures and territories, between networks (logistic networks and production networks resulting from the international division of labour) and territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Review of Social Policy / Revue Canadienne de Politique Sociale is the property of York University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The growing and significant economic development, recorded in the 18th and 19th centuries in France, offers numerous reflections to conduct a diachronic study on the meaning evolution of the expression économie politique. This research is conducted primarily by consulting some French monolingual dictionaries, among the general and specialized ones, published in the 18th and 19th centuries. The earliest dictionary is the Dictionnaire universel by Antoine Furetière (1702) and the latest one is the Nouveau dictionnaire d'économie politique by Jean-Baptiste Say and Bert Chailley (1891). The thoughts of lexicographers and the studies of economists have given us the chance to trace the semantic evolution of économie politique over two centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Africa Journal of Public Sector Development & Governance (AJPSDG) is the property of African Management Development Institute Network (AMDIN) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Theories of the environmental state – treadmill of production and ecological modernization – have dominated discussion of the political economy of environmental change. While the former contends that the state's mitigation of labor–capital relations engenders ecological instability, the latter posits that the state's use of business-friendly incentives can goad producers and consumers to adopt sustainable practices. However, these theories largely focus on dynamics related to class, labor, and markets, and thus overlook the role that race and racism play in the political economy. In contrast, this article argues that racial politics are not peripheral influences, but rather are central to the political economy in which environmental policy formation occurs. The author advances the argument with the concept of the racial fix, which refers to the idea that race and racism are mechanisms for circumventing barriers that slow the treadmill of production. Synthesizing long-standing and emerging research, the author outlines three dimensions – spatial, political, and cognitive – that constitute the racial fix. Overall, this article not only shows how race and racism serve as building blocks for environmental state formation, but also articulates new theoretical paths for studying the relationship between race and environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Les industries de staples ont dominé le secteur forestier québécois avec l'appui de l'État qui a concédé à de grandes entreprises exportant une matière ligneuse peu transformée l'exploitation quasi-exclusive des forêts publiques. Une nouvelle loi en 2013 modifie le régime forestier et suggère une transition du secteur vers une économie post-staples. Or, en examinant le rôle de l'État de la période menant à la loi et de celle suivant sa mise en place, une lecture plus nuancée du nouveau régime émerge. En s'appuyant sur deux typologies d'État, ricardien et schumpétérien, cet article dépeint une trajectoire non-linéaire du secteur forestier québécois. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incarcerated workers across Canadian prisons have organized and conducted strike actions. These actions, however, have been rejected by the Canadian state, on the basis that the incarcerated workers are not legally employees. The court ruling (Guérin et al. v. Canada 2018), while accepting evidence of the prisoners' material hardships from their low pay and from reprisals for striking, excluded them from the legal protections of employees and thus devalued the prisoners' labour. The selforganizing efforts reveal the levels of inequality experienced by incarcerated workers in the ruling order of global apartheid, "in which race and mobility feature as primary variables for which heightened security and militarization are the answer" (Besteman 2020, 1). This article discusses the effects of prisoners' organizing in the larger context of social justice. In so doing it examines cultural texts that document interactions between organizers inside and outside prisons and their contribution toward alternatives to carceral cultures. This article argues that the cultural production by prisoners and their supporters express the conditions in which prisoner selforganizing is necessary for larger social transformation. The creation and nurturing of collective relationships with one another, both within and across prison walls, clarify common grounds for liberation struggles, and connect envisioned freedoms to overthrow the various forces that enclose communities and hold significant numbers of us captive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Configurações is the property of Centro de Investigacao em Ciencias Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing concern worldwide is whether or not urban sustainability policies promote social equity. In Western countries, sustainability policies are at the forefront of an emerging regime of urban governance. While some researchers have shown how such policies support, counter or ride along with predominant neoliberal trends, others suggest that they may form a beacon for progressive politics. However, these studies do not investigate whether the political economy of urban sustainability policies promotes equity on a national scale. The present article addresses this gap by investigating 'sustainable city' discourses in 11 Canadian municipalities. Contrary to recurring hopes, these policies do not fully embrace a return to social equity. Instead, they overwhelmingly privilege a form of 'environmental neoliberalism' by focusing on a creative, educated and professionalized urban community. The article examines how these policy discourses conceive social equity around the themes of economic growth, housing, income and democratic participation. Today's urban compromise leaves little room for social equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's 1990s financial crisis proved psychically traumatic for many men, their trauma exacerbated by decades of falling fertility rates and related sociospatial attenuation. The crisis disrupted a range of heteronormative practices that had stabilized post-war gendered identities, especially marriage and stay-at-home motherhood. Some men consequently began seeking comfort in the company of youthful-looking, large-format, hyper-feminized commodity-dolls of which there are two psychical kinds: 'infantile' dolls used largely by precariously positioned young men for comfort and play; and expensive 'Oedipal' silicone sex dolls associated with Japanese salarymen whose jobs had become less secure. Both have worked emotionally for two reasons: dolls are evocative of the maternal - the basis of intersubjective (be) longing/Eros; and the dolls are owned, ownership allowing pleasure and control more securely to intertwine. Following the oil crisis and the de-industrialization that followed, men in racially and economically privileged terrain across the US and Europe turned to similar kinds of commodity dolls for comfort, if for differently sexed and racialized reasons. Japanese men's doll markets therefore speak to certain particular and general conditions of masculinity and geopolitical economic trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)