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Over the past decades, the geography of comparative welfare state research has transformed. Whereas scholars used to focus on a limited number of advanced industrialised democracies, they now increasingly study developments in Europe’s periphery, East Asia, and Latin America. So, does this mean that the welfare state has spread around the world? To answer this question, we analyse different ways to measure welfare states and map their results. With the help of International Labour Organization and International Monetary Fund data, we explore measurements based on social expenditures, social rights, and social security legislations and show that each of them faces serious limitations in a global analysis of welfare states. For some measurements, we simply lack global data. For others, we risk misclassifying the extent and quality of some social protection systems. Finally, we present a measurement that is grounded in the idea that the welfare state is essentially about universalism. Relying on a conceptualisation of the welfare state as collective responsibility for the wellbeing of the entire population, we use universal social security as a yardstick. We measure this conceptualization through health and pension coverage and show that a growing number of countries have become welfare states by this definition. Yet, it is possible that at least some of these cases offer only basic levels of protection, we caution.

How do inclusion and exclusion dynamics unfold in social security systems? Which groups are covered by social security, and in which chronological order are they included? This pilot study of a larger research project on Ideational Dynamics of Inclusion explores these questions through an analysis of old age protection in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey. Inclusion into social security systems either happens through the inclusion of ‘groups’ (‘social categories’ or ‘target populations’) into existing programmes or through the creation of new programmes for certain groups. In legislation, programmatic texts or public debates social rights are ascribed to certain groups of people. Such group construction processes are not trivial and may show much diversity: in social security law, groups may be constructed around diverse dimensions such as employment, profession, gender, age, merit, citizenship, location, or ascribed identity. Through an analysis of primary legislation and programmatic texts, this paper seeks to understand the sequence of inclusion into old age protection in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey. We observe a transformation from a system aimed at protecting state elites towards a system covering diverse societal groups and aspiring universal social protection. This long, gradual and halting process rested on the construction of a multitude of groups mainly but not exclusively along the dimension of employment status. The Ottoman Empire institutionalised its centuries-old system of protection of elderly state employees surprisingly early, through pension funds in the late nineteenth century. This narrow and deeply stratified pension system was transformed from the mid-twentieth century onwards. A close look at the sequence of inclusion reveals similarities in the shifts in political inclusion and the inclusion profile of old age protection. Key expansions in the scope of old age protection mirror shifts in the political regime. Inclusionary dynamics involved both, the expansion of existing programmes to new groups (e.g. employees working in small firms) and the creation of new programmes for new groups (e.g. the self-employed), producing new stratifications in turn. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) 24

Turkey’s social policy response to the Covid-19 pandemic combined various conventional and unconventional social policy tools. In a context of already persistently high unemployment rates, the government put an emphasis on labor market reforms to protect employment, with a short-time work scheme playing an important role. For those left unprotected by protective labor market policies, the government provided relatively meagre one-off social assistance payments that reached large parts of the poor. While these policies cushioned the social impact of the pandemic to some degree, they also amplified already existing inequalities: Labor market insiders (regular employees) were far more effectively protected than labor market outsiders (self-employed, people in informal employment). In addition to these social policy instruments the government also implemented ‘social policy by other means’, which included boosting consumer credit. With regards to future prospects, it remains unclear whether the social policy response that was devised as a temporary intervention will be unwound or result in more permanent changes to the country’s welfare regime. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) 12

Refah devleti yazınındaki yaygın kanıya göre sadece sanayileşmiş, yani kalkınmış ülkelerde refah devletinin oluşması mümkündür. Ancak, kalkınmakta olan ülkelerdeki refah devletleri hakkında da giderek genişlemekte olan bir yazından söz etmek mümkün. Bu tez, iki araştırma sorusu üzerinden bu çelişkiye açıklık getirmeyi amaçlamaktadır: Kalkınmakta olan ülkelerde de refah devletleri var mıdır? Ve eğer varsa, bu olağan dışı vakaların gelişimi nasıl açıklanabilir? Tez, bu araştırma sorularını ardışık karma yöntemli ile cevaplamaktadır. İlk aşamada, karmaşık küme analizi ile kalkınmakta olan ülkelerdeki refah devletleri tespit edilmektedir. İkinci aşamada ise karşılaştırmalı tarihsel analiz ile kalkınmakta olan üç ülkenin – Güney Afrika, Brezilya ve Kosta Rika – refah devlet oluşumu incelenmektedir.Araştırmada refah devletine giden iki yol saptanmaktadır: (1) sosyal demokratik yol olarak tarif edilen biçimin ortaya çıktığı ülkelerde; merkez-sol partiler demokratik bir rejim içinde refah devletini kurmuştur. (2) Bismarkçı yol olarak tarif edilen biçimin ortaya çıktığı ülkelerde ise devlet elitleri demokratik olmayan bir rejimde refah devletini kurmuştur. İlk yol güç kaynakları teorisini andırsa da, sendikaların rolü klasik güç kaynakları teorisine göre farklıdır. İkinci yol ise devlet elitlerinin önemini vurgulayan devlet merkezli çalışmaların bulgularını desteklemektedir. Ancak, devlet merkezli çalışmalarının öne sürdüğünün aksine, devletin yüksek bürokratik kapasitesi refah devleti oluşumu için bir ön koşul olarak görünmemektedir. Son olarak, çalışma bu olağan dışı vakalarda dahi, refah devleti oluşumunun sanayileşme ile bağlantılı olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Çalışmada incelenen her üç ülke de refah devleti olduklarında, artık tipik kalkınmakta olan ülke olmaktan çıkmışlardı. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmanın bulguları da, belli bir düzeyde kalkınmanın, refah devleti oluşumunun ön koşulu olduğunu doğrulamaktadır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Kalkınma, Karmaşık Kümeler Analizi, Karşılaştırmalı Tarihsel Analiz, Refah Devleti, Sosyal Politika Are there welfare states in the developing world? According to conventional wisdom there cannot be. The 'orthodox model' of welfare state emergence assumes that only industrialised countries can become welfare states. Yet, there is a growing literature on welfare states in developing countries. In this dissertation, I address this puzzle through two research questions: are there welfare states in the developing world? And if there are, how can we explain the emergence of these deviant cases? I explore these questions through a sequential mixed-method research design. First, I conduct a large-n fuzzy set analysis to identify welfare states in the developing world. Second, I undertake a small-n comparative-historical analysis to explain how three developing countries - Brazil, Costa Rica and South Africa – became welfare states.I find two pathways to welfare stateness in lower income contexts: (1) a social democratic pathway in which centre-left parties build the welfare state in the context of democracy (2) a Bismarckian pathway, in which state elites build the welfare state in a non-democratic context. The first pathway resembles power resources theory, but labour's role is different. The second pathway partially supports state-centred research. However, contradicting theoretical expectations, I find that state capacity is not a precondition for the welfare state. Finally, even in these deviant cases, welfare state building is connected to industrialization. By the time they became welfare states, the three cases were no longer low income countries. Therefore, I conclude that a moderate degree of development is necessary for welfare state emergence.Keywords: Comparative-Historical Analysis, Development, Fuzzy Set Analysis,Social Policy, Welfare State 380

The media, from newspapers and magazines to television, radio and the internet, have become central sites of contestation over one of the most controversial issues in European public debates: Islam and Muslims in Europe. Mutual Misunderstandings seeks to contribute to this debate by questioning the widespread assumptions that permeate it: that there is a clearly delimited “Europe”, that this “Europe” is opposed to a bounded “Muslim world”, and that conflict is written into the history and present of all interactions between these two supposedly distinct “worlds”. And finally, that the media therefore has to reflect this deep-seated enmity in its coverage. This volume therefore attempts to unpack these highly aggregated, yet ultimately unhelpful categories. It explores the historically and politically contingent ways in which “Islam” has come to be the major frame of reference for debates on Muslims and Europe, and highlights the role of the media in this process.The collection does so by suggesting a novel geographic scope of inquiry. It looks from Europe to the Muslim world, but also from Muslim majority countries to Europe: from France and Germany to Bosnia Herzegovina, Turkey and Egypt. This choice reflects an intention to decenter the conventional focus on the ArabMiddle East and Iran, by considering cases from South East Europe such as Turkey and Bosnia, as well as looking at Egypt, rather than at the more specific but over-reported case of Saudi Arabia. With this focus, Mutual Misunderstandings provides a fascinating exploration into five very distinct cases of media systems dealing with their respective internal and external others., Les médias, qu’il s’agisse de la presse écrite, de la télévision, de la radio ou d’Internet, sont devenus des espaces incontournables de participation à l’un des débats les plus brûlants de l’Europe : l’Islam et les musulmans en Europe. Mutual Misunderstandings offre une contribution à ce débat en revisitant les hypotheses très répandues qui le traversent : qu’il existe une « Europe » facilement reparable et que cette « Europe » s’oppose à un monde musulman prédéfini, et que le conflit existe dans toutes les articulations passées, présentes reliant ces deux « mondes » apparemment distincts. Enfin, que les médias doivent donc laisser transparaître ce très profond antagonisme dans leurs reportages. Le but de ce livre est de décortiquer ces catégories à la fois fortement associées et pourtant peu utiles.L’ouvrage examine ainsi les différentes manières historiques et politiques par lesquelles l’« Islam » est devenu le cadre principal des débats sur les musulmans et l’Europe, tout en mettant en lumière le rôle des médias dans ce processus. Le recueil fait le pari d’une approche géographique innovante. Il s’agit de mettre face à face la vision européenne du monde musulman et celle des pays à forte majorité musulmane sur l’Europe, de la France et l’Allemagne jusqu’à la BosnieHerzégovine, la Turquie et l’Egypte. Ce choix relève d’une intention de déplacer l’attention traditionnellement portée sur le Moyen-Orient arabe et l’Iran vers lespays de l’Europe du Sud-Est tels que la Turquie et la Bosnie, ainsi que l’Egypte, plutôt que de se concentrer sur la situation plus caractéristique mais surmédiatisée de l’Arabie saoudite. Mutual Misunderstandings décrit un voyage fascinant à travers cinq études différentes des systèmes médiatiques et de leurs relations avec leurs homologues respectifs internes et externes.

International audience; The identity of any nation-state is inextricably linked with its borders and frontiers. Borders connect nations and sustain notions of social cohesion. Yet they are also the sites of division, fragmentation and political conflict. This ambitious study encompasses North Africa, the Middle East, South and South East Europe to examine the emergence of state borders and polarised identities in the Mediterranean.The authors look at the impact of political boundaries upon the region, along with pressures from European and economic integration, the resurgence of nationalism, refugees and security concerns. The authors explore the politics of memory, and ask whether echoes from the imperial, Ottoman and colonial past, could provide the basis for conflict resolution, region-building and economic integration.