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Central to the growing policy debate surrounding climate change is the role of fossil fuels in the energy sector. Chief among these issues is the role of hydraulic fracturing, or "fracking," which has drawn controversy for its negative externalities while also allowing the extraction of a new range of oil and gas reserves. This research applies the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), combined with grid‐group cultural theory (CT), to examine the similarities and differences in the ways in which the general public and policy elites' policy preferences are shaped by culturally nuanced fracking narratives. In doing so, we employ a unique online survey experiment using a sample of the general public (n = 1149) and local policy elites (n = 1110), where our experimental subjects are assigned to one of four groups: a control group which receives a standard list of facts regarding fracking, and three treatment groups, each of which receives an egalitarian, individualist, and hierarch fracking policy narrative, respectively. We utilize causal mediation analysis to comparatively examine effects of these narrative treatments on fracking policy preferences. We find that policy elites and the general public are influenced by narrative elements in different ways, suggesting how a potential gap in policy preferences could form even if the general public and policy elites are exposed to the same policy narratives. This has implications for fracking regulation policy processes as well as other environmental and energy policy domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A partir de 2018 el sistema político mexicano sufrió una profunda transformación tanto a nivel nacional como subnacional. El presente artículo se centra en este último para examinar si el avance de MORENA en el control de gubernaturas generó un cambio en las elites políticas de los estados. A partir de una base de datos original de candidaturas a gobernador de dicho partido entre 2018 y 2023 se analizan las cualidades personales (género, edad, educación), su trayectoria partidaria y en cargos públicos de quienes las ocuparon. Se concluye que quienes representaron a MORENA en las contiendas (y en la mayoría de los casos obtuvieron una victoria) no tienen características muy diferentes de los representantes de los partidos que dominaron el escenario político con anterioridad.

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

More than a decade since the outbreak of the revolution in 2011, Libya remains mired in a political crisis and institutionally fragmented, having been the scene of two civil wars. This paper looks at the interrelationship between the national and international dimensions of the conflict to illustrate how the various rival political elites project an image of the country to the outside world (branding) in order to boost their national and international legitimacy, obtain material support and strengthen their bargaining position in the peace processes. To that end, it studies the discourses of the Libyan political elites in three periods: the first Libyan civil war (2011) and the transition phase, the second civil war (2014-2020) and the failed attempt to hold presidential elections in 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Avaliando as vitórias nas disputas pelo Senado Federal e dividindo os partidos de acordo com seus posicionamentos na escala ideológica esquerda-centro-direita, objetiva-se demonstrar os padrões de recrutamento das bancadas ao longo de duas décadas. Observando suas diferenças em termos de diplomação e profissão, utilizando essas características da posição socio-ocupacional dos políticos para averiguar os níveis de experiência e os padrões de formação das carreiras políticas, constatou-se que há maior diferença entre os blocos ideológicos pelas profissões prévias em relação às diplomações, sendo que no Senado a expertise política foi um padrão, indistinto o social background dos políticos.

Neste artigo é desenvolvida uma investigação sobre o princípio da atividade política de dirigentes e candidatos de uma agremiação situacionista denominada Partido Social Democrático do Paraná (PSD-PR), cuja existência abrangeu os anos de 1933 a 1937. O objetivo deste estudo é avançar na compreensão acerca da organização interna e do desempenho eleitoral dos partidos estaduais que surgiram no contexto do Governo Provisório (1930-1934) de Getúlio Vargas. Há três argumentos sustentados neste artigo. Primeiro, é demonstrado que a direção do PSD-PR contou com a presença de indivíduos oriundos dos partidos governistas da Primeira República. Houve veteranos que tiveram destacada participação na estruturação desse partido. Segundo, cumpre salientar que a maioria dos candidatos eleitoralmente competitivos dessa agremiação era novata na cena política. Terceiro, é evidenciado que o PSD-PR pertenceu ao rol de partidos governistas eleitoralmente competitivos. Nessa época, foram poucos os dissidentes e oposicionistas históricos que conseguiram suplantar os candidatos situacionistas do Paraná.

Esta contribución explora cinco aspectos de la autocracia, enfocados en el jefe del Poder Ejecutivo del Gobierno ecuatoriano: poder militar, respeto a la libertad de reunión pacífica, robustez de la sociedad civil, confianza en el presidente y vínculos con los medios de comunicación entre 2017 y 2022. Desde la metodología, este estudio explora el procedimiento de congruencia tipo 2, propuesto por Van Evera, a la trayectoria histórica del poder estatal desde 1963 y la información alojada en las bases de datos Varieties of Democracy y Latinobarómetro. Los resultados evidencian que la autocracia funciona de manera independiente a la ideología del Gobierno de turno y que el rol tutelar de la democracia ya no recae en el poder militar, sino en las élites económicas y mediáticas que configuraron el poder nacional. Pese a que las protestas sociales de octubre de 2019 y junio de 2022 reflejan que la organización, estructuras y aliados del movimiento indígena son reactivos a estos escenarios políticos, la represión a la sociedad civil es y sigue siendo un indicador de autocracia en el país.

By studying the professional trajectories of 276 senior and elected officials and of 486 business leaders within fifteen economic groups listed in the index of the Mexican Stock Exchange, this article studies the revolving door phenomenon in Mexico between 2000 and 2016. It shows that there is mainly a one-way revolving door in the country, from private companies to the State and not vice-versa and analyzes the multiple forms of investment in the political-administrative field of power by the business leaders in the country, taking into account the structural diversity of the economic field of power. Thus, while the direct participation of business leaders in the electoral contest in Mexico tends to refer to individuals who have relatively limited influence in the economic field (economic actors of regional reach), the large owners or shareholders of the country’s main multinationals seek to align themselves with the influence practices of the large groups of the global North and prefer more discreet strategies of influence on public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article images the social profile of Andalusian political representatives with the aim of providing an answer to what they are like and how their sociodemographic profile has evolved from 1982 to 2022. The methodology applies statistical analysis to the BAPOLDATA database, which includes all the people who have occupied a seat in the Congress of Deputies and in the 17 autonomous chambers since the constituent legislature. A comparison is also made of the profiles of those parliamentarians who have held a seat in the Andalusian Parliament and of those who have held a seat in the Congress of Deputies for the Andalusian constituencies, showing that the Andalusian Parliament is currently older, with a higher level of education and a female representation of around 50%. In terms of professions, manual workers have practically disappeared, and teachers and lawyers have come to predominate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The article analyzes the internal structure and electoral performance of the Liberal Alliance (LA) in Paraná. In such a state, the activities of this association extended from 1929 to 1930. Through a case study, the purpose of this analysis is to produce knowledge about the forms of political action of oppositionists in the final years of the First Republic. There are four arguments presented in this work. First, in Paraná, the LA was controlled by former members of the ruling party. Second, the LA reached a degree of electoral competitiveness higher than that of the state parties that existed in that state during the 1920s. Third, the internal life of the LA unit in Paraná was not stable. The members of the ruling core of this association were quick to split. The fourth argument points out that, in the early 1930s, part of the leaders of the party acted in the field of opposition. The entry of these allies in the ruling group took place in the context shortly before the establishment of the Estado Novo.

Neste artigo é desenvolvida uma investigação sobre o projeto de reorganização administrativa do Partido Conservador, o qual data de 1867. Há três argumentos fundamentos neste trabalho. Primeiro, trata-se de demonstrar que na época anterior a essa reorganização existiam marcantes diferenças quanto à estrutura e ao funcionamento das unidades regionais do Partido Conservador. Segundo, é evidenciado que, em relação à reestruturação do Partido Liberal, a reorganização do Partido Conservador foi concebida por grupo politicamente menos homogêneo. Nesse contexto, houve menor interferência dos senadores conservadores nas mudanças administrativas efetuadas na agremiação. Terceiro, cumpre mencionar que tais mudanças não reduziram os poderes das elites provinciais para gerirem localmente o partido.

Resumo Este artigo procura identificar os fatores que influenciam a escolha dos ministros no Brasil, considerando a importância/saliência de cada um dos ministérios. Buscamos conhecer a influência dos aspectos regionais sobre tal escolha, controlando as características e trajetórias pessoais dos ministros, seja no que diz respeito aos aspectos políticos e técnicos, seja com relação à proximidade e à lealdade ao presidente da República. Para isso, utilizamos um banco de dados inédito, que abrange todo o período da Nova República.

Propomos neste artigo refletir sobre as estratégias e lógicas que presidem o empenho coletivo na heroicização/sacralização biográfica de lideranças políticas homenageadas postumamente por meio da atribuição de seus nomes a Fundações Partidárias (FPs). Mediante a análise do material laudatório produzido sobre os personagens a partir das entidades, observamos como biografias estratégicas são modelares e modeladas nas apropriações/construções de organizações coletivas formadas por agentes, interesses e fins diversos, porém tributários da positivação dos seus “ícones”. Abordamos as formas de registro/ativação da “memória” dos mortos celebrados e observamos o peso da associação a propriedades sociais, causas legítimas, eventos marcantes, “tradições políticas” e organizações partidárias como investimentos na capitalização de bens e representações competitivamente engendrados.

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O presente artigo comporta uma investigação sobre os processos de formação e extinção do Partido Democrático Paranaense. Tais processos ocorreram nos anos de 1926 e 1927. Há três argumentos sustentados no presente trabalho. Primeiro, é evidenciado que a gestão de tal agremiação foi controlada por políticos veteranos que haviam pertencido ao situacionismo estadual. Segundo, cumpre demonstrar que essa grei não obteve irrestrita adesão de membros do campo oposicionista no estado. Terceiro, a dificuldade de formar ampla base eleitoral e a morte de sua principal liderança geraram a dissolução desse partido.

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This article analyses the spaces of sociability of the Colombian liberal elites during the Liberal Republic, such as clubs, cafés and the so-called casas liberales, frequented by actors linked to and recognised as circles of power, which developed and produced alliances and conflicts. These were spaces where decisions could be made or issues put on the public agenda in the context of mass society, the friction between tradition and modernity, or the discourses of the conservative, socialist or liberal-capitalist order. The observation of these spaces allows us to locate centralities, connections, patterns or mechanisms of selection and linkage, as well as of control of opinion and political culture of the time, decentring our gaze from the traditional ways of seeing the political, and at the same time, proposing it as part of a trialectic between society, time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Clio: Revista de Pesquisa Histórica (01024736) is the property of Universidad Federal de Pernambuco / Revista Clio and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Concatenando algumas das principais abordagens teóricas do campo político e da profissionalização política, conceitos primordiais no debate do modus operandi da democracia – assentado em instituições políticas formadas por lideranças escolhidas pelo voto, aprofunda-se a discussão da dicotomia entre representantes e representados, com o princípio de universalização do processo decisório, que tende a se traduzir na formação de agremiações tanto quanto elitizadas, mostrando a política como um meio social composto e regido por uma hierarquia política pouco maleável.

Neste artigo é analisada a composição social e o desempenho eleitoral da União Republicana, um partido que existiu no Estado do Paraná entre os anos de 1890 e 1895. O objetivo deste artigo é produzir um conhecimento sobre a acomodação das antigas elites provinciais no contexto da vida política da Primeira República. Nesse âmbito, é evidenciado que a citada agremiação foi um refúgio para membros do Partido Liberal que não conseguiram relevantes posições no partido situacionista do estado.

This article aims to identify the factors that influence the selection of ministers in Brazil, considering the number of portfolios and their importance and saliency. We identify the regional influence on such selection, controlling for ministers' personal characteristics and trajectories, including political aspects, expertise, and proximity, and loyalty to the president. We use an original dataset that covers the entire period known as the New Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Por más de 25 años, el Proyecto de Élites Parlamentarias en América Latina de la Universidad de Salamanca (PELA-USAL), dirigido por el profesor Manuel Alcántara, ha llenado un vacío en los estudios de opinión enfocados en las élites políticas. El proyecto busca conocer quiénes son los legisladores, cuál ha sido su trayectoria y qué opiniones, valores y creencias tienen con respecto a temas diversos como la confianza institucional, la satisfacción con la democracia, las relaciones ejecutivo-legislativo, la política exterior, el género o la ideología personal y partidista.

This article explores the influence of partisanship in the Portuguese governing elite's durability from 1995 to 2015. Through a survival analysis, we studied the ministers and secretaries of State of seven governments. The main results suggest that partisanship is not relevant to explain the durability of ministers. Nevertheless, the independent Secretaries of State are less likely to remain on the office until the end of the mandate. Moreover, the effect of partisan independence on the durability of secretaries of States is larger amongst women and those aged between 41-50. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O presente artigo comporta uma investigação a respeito das campanhas e do desempenho eleitoral de candidatos de oposição ao cargo de deputado federal pelo Estado do Paraná nos anos de 1915 e 1918. Por meio de um estudo de caso, a presente análise objetiva produzir um conhecimento sobre a natureza e os impactos das estratégias eleitorais de oposicionistas em um contexto marcado pela efêmera duração e baixa institucionalidade de partidos de oposição nesse estado. Nesse quadro, há três argumentos fundamentais sustentados neste artigo. O primeiro argumento afirma que, no Paraná dos anos 1910, a oposição ao partido situacionista era liderada por egressos do núcleo político governista. O segundo argumento ressalta que os êxitos eleitorais da oposição paranaense eram derivados do não preenchimento, pelos governistas, de uma chapa completa de candidatos a deputado federal. O terceiro argumento, por fim, afirma que uma semelhança entre a vida político-eleitoral do Paraná e a dos estados que também possuíam distrito eleitoral único era o fato de que, nos anos 1910, as oposições não possuíam base eleitoral para lançar chapas completas de candidatos a deputado federal. Nesse âmbito, este artigo classifica a elite politica paranaense dos anos 1910 como uma “oligarquia competitiva”, cujos conflitos internos geraram a polarização partidária no estado.

El objetivo del trabajo es abordar algunas problemáticas recurrentes y alternativas para el diseño muestral de poblaciones de porte medio en el campo de estudio de elites. El trabajo parte de la problemática clásica de la fundamentación de los dos grandes tipos paradigmas teóricos-metodológico de muestreo, el cualitativo y el cuantitativo, revisión somera que tiene como meta mostrar la existencia de un zona de estudios de muestras de porte medio (entre 90 y 300-390 casos) donde las fronteras entre ambos se hace borrosa y por tanto es pertinente discutir la posibilidad de uso de muestro con métodos mixtos. A continuación se presenta el campo de estudio de las elites como un área fértil para el desarrollo de métodos mixtos y en particular en el procedimiento de muestreo. Por último se describen algunos aportes desde la experiencia y práctica de investigación en el campo de las elites políticas y económicas para resolver y buscar alternativas de mejora de las muestras en poblaciones de mediano porte, a saber: a) la explicitación de criterios objetivos en la construcción empírica del objeto de estudio, b) la aplicación de juicio de expertos para la validación de la muestra, c) el uso de pares expertos como instrumento de investigación. The purpose of the article is to address some recurrent and alternative problems for the sample design of medium-sized populations in the field of elite studies. The paper starts from the classical debate of the two great types of sampling based on the qualitative and quantitative methodological-paradigms. A brief review aims to show the existence of a study area of samples of medium size (between 90 and 300-390 cases) where the boundaries between both becomes blurred and therefore it is pertinent to discuss the possibility of using samples with methods mixed The field of study of the elites is presented as a fertile area for the development of mixed methods and in particular in the sampling procedure. Finally, some contributions from the experience and practice of research in the field of political and economic elites are described to solve and look for alternatives to improve samples in medium-sized populations, namely: a) the specification of objective criteria in the empirical construction of the object of study, b) the application of expert judgment for the validation of the sample, c) the use of expert peers as a research instrument.

La mayor parte de los estudios sobre trayectorias políticas centran su atención en la entrada o el desarrollo de estas. Los trabajos sobre la salida de la política, en general, y en el caso de los presidentes, en particular, son prácticamente inexistentes. Este trabajo tiene como propósito analizar las trayectorias de los expresidentes latinoamericanos a partir de dos estrategias metodológicas: el análisis estadístico y la revisión documental. Para ello, se elabora una clasificación tipológica, reconstruyendo las trayectorias de los expresidentes de dieciocho países latinoamericanos desde las transiciones a la democracia hasta el presente (1978-2018), partiendo de la premisa de que los expresidentes latinoamericanos tienden a seguir su carrera política al dejar el cargo. Si bien hay determinados rasgos objetivables que diferencian a los expresidentes que se desempeñan en el sector público o abandonan la vida pública de aquellos que lo hacen en la esfera privada, esta última no representa un impedimento para seguir teniendo presencia política.

Gender quotas have substantially changed the distribution of women in Latin American parliaments, as well as party recruitment guidelines. However, little analysis has been made of the impact of this phenomenon within the parties. This research analyses data from the Latin American parliamentary elite with the aim of giving particular attention to the assessment of elected women in relation to the gender balance dynamics within their political parties. It is shown that a glass ceiling prevents them from occupying major decision-making roles within the party, reducing the opportunities for rising within the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the perceptions of the parliamentary elites in 17 Latin American countries on moral and gender issues through surveys conducted between 2012 and 2019. In particular, it analyses opinions on inequality between men and women, public policies to reduce it, the possibility of building a career within the party, and abortion and same-sex marriage. The analysis shows the differences between countries and whether gender, party ideology and age variables help explain the answers. The findings suggest that in many countries gender is a factor in explaining the differing opinions on the inequality between men and women and, to a lesser extent, same-sex marriage. Ideology is the variable that influences the perception of the other three issues. The conclusions reflect on programmatic and descriptive representation for each topic and country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El Estado y sus élites han sido objeto de varios estudios, mediante los cuales se renueva y profundiza el conocimiento sobre las formas de gobierno y de acceso a los puestos de la alta administración pública del Perú. Este análisis se centra en los ministros nombrados en las principales carteras, encargadas de los temas de desarrollo económico y social entre 2001 y 2020. En ese sentido, se propone profundizar en el conocimiento de una categoría específica de agente estatal, fuertemente construida a nivel social y simbólico. El trabajo prosopográfico y el Análisis de Correspondencias Múltiples, con el enfoque multidimensional y relacional subyacente, permiten objetivar un poco más el peso de las trayectorias y perfiles profesionales de los ministros peruanos en el acceso a estos cargos político-administrativos. El artículo también sugiere la hipótesis de un espacio fuertemente organizado en torno a dimensiones sociales y generacionales, que no son ajenas a las dinámicas de construcción socioprofesional que tienen lugar en otros espacios. Por último, el trabajo permite situar en el espacio de los ministros peruanos los diferentes ministerios estudiados, así como las presidencias (Toledo, García, Humala, Kuczynski y Vizcarra) para identificar las características propias de estos ministerios y presidencias.

This article investigates the processes of formation and extinction of the Democratic Party of Paraná, between the years 1926 and 1927. First, it is evident that the management of such a union was controlled by veteran politicians who had belonged to the ruling party. Second, it must be shown that this party did not obtain unrestricted support from members of the oppositionist group in the state. Third, the difficulty of forming a broad electoral base and the death of its main leadership led to the dissolution of this party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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No ano de 2016 realizaram-se no Brasil inteiro eleições com vistas a preencher os cargos de prefeito e vereador nos mais de cinco mil municípios do país. Momento em que as elites políticas competiram para melhor se posicionarem no campo político local. Nesse sentido, o presente estudo ao ter como foco a competição eleitoral no município de Pelotas, busca responder algumas questões clássicas da ciência política, como: Os partidos políticos são importantes? Seria possível apontar alguma, ou algumas, candidaturas que eram favoritas no início do processo eleitoral, no município em foco? A luz dos dados empíricos recolhidos sobre a eleição e, da bibliografia clássica da ciência política, foi possível chegar a algumas respostas a respeito das questões elencadas. Autores como Braga, Codatto, Perissinoto, Cervi, Leoni e Marenco Dos Santos, serviram como amparo teórico na interpretação dos dados recolhidos. Além disso, se fez um amplo mapeamento dos partidos políticos atuantes na competição eleitoral da cidade, qual o perfil dos atores que constituíam os mesmos. A principal fonte utilizada foi o site do TSE – Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, e variados sites especializados em notícias políticas, como UOL, bem como as páginas dos próprios políticos.

Este apartado presenta una exploración sobre los regidores de Ciudad Juárez durante el periodo de gobierno del año 2010 al 2013, presenta algunos de los rasgos demográficos y familiares, de su percepción sobre la democracia, del sistema de partidos y de la corrupción. La investigación es de corte empírico descriptivo y se realiza a partir de la aplicación de un cuestionario personalizado a una muestra del cuarenta y cuatro por ciento de los actores de la elite política. Los resultados dan cuenta de la existencia de enclaves autoritarios en las esferas locales y del distanciamiento entre el gobierno y la sociedad.

According to the article "Global Gender Gap Report 2020" of the World Economic Forum, on gender equality ranking roles by country, women's political participation in Vietnam has dropped ten places, from 77th in 2018 to 87th in 2019. Research results show that the majority of respondents believe both genders should play equal political roles in the country, although certain differences were observed in the attitudes of different groups of respondents on gender, age, and education level. These sub-groups also demonstrate certain notable trends when discussing measures to promote women's political participation in Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research maps the business and political elite networks in Mexico to understand the social organization and influence capacity of Mexican elites, and to open up avenues of research on power elites in Mexico. First, a study of the internal cohesion of the business elites is carried out through an analysis of networks of interlocking directorates and ownership ties. Secondly, we examine several cases of revolving doors through a prosopographic analysis of biographies and trajectories. The results reveal that the Mexican business elites are cohesive and that a group of individuals fluctuate between the public and private sectors. In addition, the combination of both analyses shows that corporations or business groups with access to the State via revolving doors are well-connected firms in the network of interlocking directorates. Findings suggest the emergence of a public-private ruling class in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Semata: Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)