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Why are there few people of color in library and information science (LIS)? This haunting question frames the context for critical reflection, and based on an application of critical race theory, inspires a thematic deconstruction "one brick at a time" to dismantle entrenched, white-centered power structures in American LIS educational programs. The power differentials that racism creates, and its underlying structures, need to be intentionally/systematically dismantled via deconstructing the following six foundational units (i.e., bricks): Decolonize privileged cultural inheritance of Anglo/Eurocentricity; dethrone highest situatedness of positivist/postpositivist paradigms; destabilize predominant "theory-building" without information actions; dismantle white privilege in the hiring "your own"; contest white faculty privilege demanding "equal" treatment without earned credentials; demand culpability for white (mis)appropriations of minority race/ethnicity-related content. Lessons are globally relevant since American racism is a legacy of an Anglo/Eurocentric colonialist/imperialist order shaping historical and contemporary neoliberal political, social, cultural, and economic intersections around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this study was to examine how athletes holding privileged racial identities understand their whiteness as they engage in racial justice activism. Drawing from 12 semistructured interviews with white collegiate athletes who have engaged in activism for racial justice, we identified four higher order themes which we situate within a broader discussion of how each theme either reinforces or disrupts racial power: articulations of (a) racial consciousness, (b) white privilege, (c) white empathy, and (d) white accountability. While the white accountability theme has the potential to disrupt racial power due to its relying on rigorous self-critique, the remaining themes pointed to limited understandings of the systemic nature of racism, which can thus inadvertently (re)produce white supremacy even when engaging in activism for racial justice. Limitations, implications, and future directions for research are discussed to empower more white athletes to reflect critically on whiteness and facilitate systemic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We bring the concept of internal colonialism—developed by Indigenous and racialised activist‐scholars in Abya Yala—into conversation with settler colonialism, white supremacy, white privilege, and Indigenous fleshed or embodied politics. Our goal is to incite fraught hemispheric conversations about the internalisation of coloniality by subaltern peoples, anticolonial struggles, and the relevance of internal colonial structures of dispossession in the making of Latin American nation‐states. We believe in the power of establishing dialogue/cooperation between grassroots Black, Indigenous, and racialised thought against colonialism in Abya Yala and Turtle Island. A reading of these contributions suggests that binary classifications—oppressor/victim, dominator/dominated—trap our imagination, destabilising commitments to decolonisation. We focus on the construction of the environmental state in Chile, conservation discourse in the Riviera Maya, the rise of corporatist rule in southern Mexico City, and cuerpo‐territorio mapping in the Ecuadorian Amazonia. We propose that a relational reading of colonial power dynamics enables opportunities for liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The division of the races, created for the economic and political purposes of justifying slavery and colonialism, is a deep, entrenched, social structure which creates and promotes white privilege and is one within which we all live. No one can be free from it. This presentation is rooted in the assumption that the problem of racism today is a problem of whiteness and that it is an examination of this construct, therefore, which needs to be central to seeking a solution to this destructive dynamic. The work required of whiteness and the letting go of privilege is essential if we are to dismantle the system of racism that is so embedded within our society. I argue this is no altruistic endeavour but that, whilst clearly doing untold harm to people of colour, such a system also limits and distorts the development and individuation of white individuals and the society in which we are citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is tacit acknowledgment that the psycho-social and educational challenges experienced by under-represented ethnic minorities in medical school are likely to be similar to those experienced by ethnic minorities in dental school. However, dental scholarship is not as expansive or comprehensive by comparison to confirm if this is the case. This paper addresses this research gap by presenting the findings of a small-scale exploratory study into the experiences of nine dental undergraduates from a variety of ethnic backgrounds studying at one UK dental school. A social identity theoretical framework was applied to the analysis of semi-structured interview data. The study reveals that dental school is a racialised educational space, where whiteness and white privilege are the norm and students from ethnic minority backgrounds occupy 'out-group' status through a process of depersonalisation and stereotyping. Their experiences reveal the existence of a climate of everyday racism perpetuated by students and faculty alike. This research calls on dental schools, and the dental profession more generally to address the lack of inclusivity as a pressing concern requiring immediate action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialized inequalities in organizations and workplaces are reproduced not only by the discrimination of non‐whites but also by behaviors among whites aimed at counteracting and resisting initiatives and measures aimed at achieving racial equality. On this background, the purpose of the present study was to empirically investigate expressions of white fragility, white counterreactions, and institutional resistance in organizational contexts in Sweden, as well as how these processes relate to system justificatory ideologies such as colorblind racism and meritocracy. In doing so, the study used a cross‐sectional design and a large sample (N = 2774) of adults from the Swedish labor market to test hypotheses about the investigated concepts. The results of the study provided support for the hypotheses that white fragility, white counterreactions, and institutional resistance are relevant concepts to the understanding of the racial dynamics and the reproduction of racialized inequalities in organizations also outside the North American context (in this case Sweden). In addition, the study shows that white fragility is positively associated with colorblind racism and belief in meritocracy and highlights the role of these ideologies in legitimizing and maintaining workplace inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how the experiences and observations of Indigenous people from Latin America who work as legal interpreters reveal the ways that the position of court interpreter is racialized. The meaning of the norms of the “invisibility” and “neutrality” of the interpreter and the role of the interpreter as erasing barriers become points of contestation in the context of interpreting Indigenous languages of Latin America, revealing the ways that dominant norms and practices governing interpreting privilege a white speaker. Organizations of Indigenous interpreters articulate these experiences as a language rights issue of a transnational movement and point to the way that institutional claims to neutrality are symptomatic of a larger historical pattern of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a plethora of evidence to suggest that academics of colour remain under represented in higher education; they are less likely to be professors and occupy senior managerial roles compared to White groups and report regular incidents of overt and covert racism. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion initiatives such as training programmes to progress the position of academics of colour into senior roles have been used to address their under representation. Drawing on Critical Race Theory this paper examines how within the neoliberal marketised university, such training programmes are used for the benefit of White groups to perpetuate White privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the psychological study of men and masculinities (PSMM) field has continued to develop (Addis et al., 2010; Valentine & Wong, 2023), notions of white masculinities have remained mostly uninterrogated (Liu, 2017; Wong & Wang, 2022). In this article, we emphasize the unexamined "whiteness" and assumed Americanness of masculinities research and scholarship (Liu, 2017) and use a racial–spatial framework to explore how systemic racism renders differential racialized experiences for white men when compared with the racialized experiences of men of Color (Liu et al., 2023). We critique the use of intersectionality to understand the asymmetric dominance of white men and masculinities. Additionally, we describe how the construction and maintenance of whiteness in the United States and the protections offered to white men, due to their whiteness, provide them with spaces of comfort and privileges that are unique to them and their masculinities. We contend that future psychological research in men and masculinities could be conceptualized within a racial–spatial framework of systemic racism wherein white racial power and privileges are explicitly interrogated. We offer seven recommendations that underscore the critical examination and naming of whiteness in researchers' and practitioners' theoretical assumptions, methods, practices, and positionalities. Public Significance Statement: This article discusses the unexamined "white" of masculinities research and scholarship (Liu, 2017), and explores how "whiteness" renders differential racialized experiences for white men when compared with the racialized experiences of men of Color (Liu et al., 2023). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whiteness has a kind of non-verbalized contract, in other words, a narcissistic pact whose main purpose is to maintain the economic and symbolic privileges of white people and to exclude black people. This research is in the field of Applied Linguistics, inside the large field within Language and in the subarea of Portuguese Studies for Speakers of Other Languages. In fact, this research aims to analyse racism and language taking the Provoking Elements (PEs) used in the oral test of Celpe-Bras (Certificate of Proficiency in Portuguese for Foreigners) focusing on 20 PEs from the edition of the first semester of 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The compounding effects of the COVID-19 pandemic alongside racial unrest in 2020 created an unrelenting need for scholarly analysis of the internal and external impact these experiences had on my life. My daily struggles of being a Black woman in America intensified during these unprecedented societal shifts which impacted my experience as a Black mental health clinician in a predominantly white workspace. This scholarly personal narrative conceptualizes these historical events, examined through the lens of Critical Race Theory. The two vignettes provided are lived experiences and illustrate the ways in which white privilege intersects with prolonged racial unrest--compounded by the deleterious effects of COVID-19 on Black clinicians. This scholarly analysis highlights the negative impact that racial injuries can have on Black clinicians who lack protection from repeated racial offenses. Recommendations for critical self-care practices and implications for future research are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore how the entanglement of Protestant Christianity and race and racism is manifested in contemporary Dutch society, and to identify which themes for introspection this yields for majority white Dutch Protestant churches. We argue that introspection on perceived superiority of white Dutch Protestantism is crucial to uncover subtle, unconscious mechanisms and ideas that are present in majority white Dutch Protestant churches and that contribute to maintaining racism. Furthermore, we argue that contemporary topical issues such as racism and colonial history run the risk of being pushed to the margins again as long as there is no systematic review of power and privilege of white Dutch Protestantism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on tenets of Critical Race Theory such as Whiteness, interest convergence, intersectionality and White supremacy this paper examines how some academics of colour are able to accelerate their success in higher education by performing Whiteness by using their privileges and capitals as a means by which they are able to identify with their White colleagues which enables them to perform Whiteness (albeit as outsiders). At the same time, by allowing privileged academics of colour entrance into the White space of higher education, White groups are able to perform inclusion. Drawing on interviews with 34 academics of colour, this paper argues that by performing and enacting Whiteness, some academics of colour mirror successful White behaviours within White normative frameworks. As a result, they are rewarded and gain entrance into the White space of higher education, but the main beneficiaries from this process are White groups, leaving the structures and institutions of racism intact. Consequently, they are complicit in upholding White supremacy, and by doing so protect the interests of White groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although White allies attempt to support racial justice movements, their behaviors can be interpreted as performative rather than genuine by racially minoritized individuals. In the current work, I discuss how White individuals' personal connection to their racial identity and the power it confers—White identity form—shapes their allyship behaviors. Specifically, moving beyond conceptualizations of White identity as centrality, I call for a study of White identity that incorporates power‐relevant ideologies, understanding how White individuals make meaning of their unearned privilege and incorporate it into their self‐concept. I suggest that a power‐cognizant identity form, which involves personally connecting the self to Whiteness and unearned power, is necessary for White individuals to engage in genuine anti‐racist allyship. I discuss White identity measurement issues as well as potential interventions for promoting a power‐cognizant identity form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, social scientists have long understood the importance of national symbols and the role they play in both the construction and maintenance of the nation, but in-depth analysis of the national flag has been overlooked. In particular, the cultural significance of the British flag that sits within the Australian national flag warrants focused consideration, as it symbolises the moment Australia became a British possession in multifarious ways. In this article, a critical analysis of the Australian flag demonstrates how the primary symbol of the nation can heighten White privilege through its official point of honour. Vexillology and Indigenist Standpoint Pedagogy provide a framework from which to deconstruct the Australian flag. This article conducts a critical examination of the social, institutional and historical frameworks that support the flag to argue that it is an ongoing signifier of White cultural power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This phenomenological study explored how five participants used their Texas state-approved definition of dyslexia to identify children with dyslexia as different from those with other global reading difficulties. Drawing on theories from disability studies in education and dis/ability critical race theory, I interviewed participants who identified dyslexia in terms of sociocultural differences, beliefs about intelligence, and reading ability. They frequently left unexamined concerns of race and how explanations of dyslexia privileged white, middle-class children over children of color and children in low-income schools. This study contributes to research that critically examines how these definitions of dyslexia segregate students with reading difficulties based on beliefs about intelligence, sociocultural factors, and the lack of conversations about race. Implications suggest that a growing focus on dyslexia may exacerbate inequalities already present in school systems. Stakeholders should critically examine their identification practices of reading difficulties to ensure that all children receive reading support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze RuPaul's Drag Race: UK vs The World (UKVTW), part of the larger RuPaul's Drag Race franchise—one of the most popular current media representations of queerness. UKVTW features participants from different countries competing to be "Queen of the Mother-Tucking World." We examine the intersection of queerness and whiteness, exploring the tension between national identity, racialization, and drag performance. Building on scholarship about reality TV and authenticity, we argue the series queers conventional notions of authenticity in reality TV by privileging fluid gender identities. Developing the notion of "strategic Westernness" we examine how the series presents a postracial imaginary that obfuscates race by foregrounding nationality: seemingly progressive representations of gender ultimately privilege white and Western participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The California Racial Justice Act of 2020 recognized racial and ethnic discrimination as a basis for relief in capital cases, expressly permitting several types of statistical evidence to be introduced. This statewide study of the influence of race and ethnicity on the application of capital punishment contributes to this evidence. We draw on data from over 27,000 murder and manslaughter convictions in California state courts between 1978 and 2002. Using multiple methods, we found significant racial and ethnic disparities in charging and sentencing decisions. Controlling for defendant culpability and specific statutory aggravators, we show that Black and Latinx defendants and all defendants convicted of killing at least one white victim are substantially more likely to be sentenced to death. We further examined the role that race and ethnicity have in decision‐making at various points in the criminal justice system. We found that prosecutors were significantly more likely to seek death against defendants who kill white victims, and that juries were significantly more likely to sentence those defendants to death. The magnitude of the race of the defendant and race of the victim effects is substantially higher than in prior studies in other states and in single‐jurisdiction research. The results show an entrenched pattern of racial disparities in charging and sentencing that privileges white victim cases, as well as patterns of racial disparities in who is charged and sentenced to death in California courts that are the natural result of California's capacious statutory definition of death eligibility, which permits virtually unlimited discretion for charging and sentencing decisions. This pattern of racial preferences illustrates the social costs of California's failure to follow the Supreme Court's directive in Furman v Georgia to narrow the application of capital punishment over 50 years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sport management classrooms prepare practitioners and decision makers to work in Sport for Development (SfD). A core issue within SfD is a lack of critical racial reflexivity, particularly with racially White professionals, which maintains inequitable power structures and keeps SfD programs from reaching their intended goal of facilitating positive outcomes. This study, informed by critical Whiteness studies, aimed to understand how White undergraduate sport management students critically reflected upon race while participating in an SfD service-learning course. Analyzing written reflections completed in the course, we found that students utilized Race Evasiveness and Race Explicitness, despite course content and SfD practice explicitly focused on race. Implications for research and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the historical and contemporary instances of immigrants and their descendants engaging with the far-right, whether through long-distance nationalism or country of residence politics, migration scholarship has surprisingly paid very little attention to this process. In this paper we argue that insufficient engagement with instances of the far-right attracting and mobilizing immigrants and ethnic minorities is a theoretical omission in both migration scholarship and scholarship of the far-right and is related to the reproduction of reified notions of "majority"' and "minority," normative assumptions about immigrants' political activism as inevitably progressive, and methodological nationalism implicit in studying the far-right from a political science perspective. Through an analysis of a case study of Polish immigrants and their descendants in Britain, we demonstrate that these omissions can be bridged by paying more attention to relational processes of constructions of whiteness, the role of systemic racism, and the increasing transnationalization of the far-right. The cases we describe, captured through the notion of integration-through-racisms, are therefore a symptom of both increasing complexities of migration-driven diversity with threatened white privilege as the focus and dynamic changes in global far-right ideologies and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whiteness in the US is often conceptualized largely as the absence of a meaningful cultural identity. Research from my own lab suggests that overlooking the nuances inherent in White identity (e.g., differences between ethnic groups) can induce feelings of threat and backlash against multiculturalism among dominant group members. Based on this research, I argue that conceptualizing Whiteness as multifaceted—for example, by acknowledging not only interethnic but also religious and socioeconomic differences—may mitigate dominant group members' threat perceptions and increase their comfort amidst growing discussions of diversity, equity, and inclusion in institutions and organizations. Further, attending to the complexities of White identity may produce more positive intergroup outcomes, such as reduced racial/ethnic prejudice and greater perceived personal contributions to diversity, and may benefit groups that are classified as "White" on demographic forms but often do not perceive themselves as such (e.g., Middle Eastern and North African Americans, Hispanic/Latino[a] Americans). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racism has been woven into the fabric of American life for centuries, and social work practice is not immune to its pernicious effects. Recently, the field has acknowledged the need for White clinicians to become more culturally competent, leading to anti-racism training that attempts to address and acknowledge privilege and biases that interfere with providing ethical and just services. This paper examines reactions to anti-racism training in multi-racial group settings, identifies the absence of trauma-informed practices in such trainings, and proposes separate anti-racism training for different racial groups incorporating expressive art and journaling as an effective method to educate White clinicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explore predictors of variations in White parents' racial socialization messages, we collected data on racial socialization practices, attributions for racial inequalities, and views about White privilege from White parents of White children between the ages of 10 and 14 (N = 194). After controlling for education and political ideology, endorsement of external attributions for racial inequality was related to sending more frequent messages about awareness of racism and White privilege, whereas endorsement of internal attributions was related to sending more frequent messages about colorblindness and preparation for bias. Further, beliefs about White privilege were associated with socialization regarding awareness of racism and acknowledgment of White privilege and negatively related to colorblind and preparation for bias messages. Results highlight the ways in which White parents' racial socialization approaches reflect underlying views of race and racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As global migration and transnational mobility have increased steadily in the recent few decades, interests in equity-based theories and pedagogies have intensified to respond to racially and linguistically diverse student needs in today's classrooms. Raciolinguistic ideology is a theoretical framework challenging monoglossic language ideologies and the 'White gaze' that privileges White speaking and listening subjects (Flores, N., & Rosa, J. (2015). Undoing appropriateness: Raciolinguistic ideologies and language diversity in education. Harvard Educational Review, 85(2), 149–171. ). While raciolinguistic ideologies aim to critically examine the idealized monolingualism, the framework is typically adopted to analyze racial realities in Western or European educational contexts. In this study, we intend to (re)imagine raciolinguistic ideologies situated in non-Western educational contexts by examining language-in-education policies in Turkey and South Korea. Using raciolinguistic ideologies and Kaplan and Baldauf's (Kaplan, R. B., & Baldauf, R. B., Jr. (2005). Language-in-education policy and planning. In E. Hinkel (Ed.), Handbook of research in second language teaching and learning (pp. 1013–1034). Lawrence Erlbaum) language-in-education planning framework as our analytical lenses, we interrogate raciolinguistic ideologies manifested through language-in-education policy and planning in Turkey and South Korea, where transnational mobility and diversity are drastically increasing to shape language education. The analyses suggest broadening the definition and viewpoint of race to understand space-specific and localized interpretations of raciolinguistic ideologies while dismantling new contemporary racism in non-Western educational contexts. Recommendations and implications for future critical examinations of racial regimes and educational policies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Drawing from research with 11th-grade history students, the authors illustrate how students' racial/ethnic and language experiences influence their analysis of Mexican American discrimination. Latinx students' experiences with white privilege helped them understand why 1940s Mexican Americans claimed whiteness to access better schools. However, students' experiences with instruction for Emergent Bilingual (EB) students interfered with seeing language segregation as a proxy for racial/ethnic discrimination. Methods: The first author collected three days of classroom field notes, conducted 15 student interviews, and collected 177 student work samples. The authors used a grounded theory approach to identify how students' racialized experiences help or hinder their historical analysis. Findings: The findings suggest that students' racialized experiences interplay with the disciplinary concepts of contextualization and presentism. Our findings complicate how disciplinary concepts alone do not sufficiently help students analyze how systemic racism manifests differently across historical moments. Contribution: This paper offers implications for how historical thinking skills can make space for students' racialized and linguistic experiences. Incorporating raciolinguistic analysis in tandem with historical thinking skills can lead to more nuanced conversations in the classroom about race/ethnicity and language in the past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian Americans are conventionally described as "middle-man minorities," outside of dominant racial paradigms of White and Black, adjunct to White privilege and exempt from the brunt of systemic violence directed against Black people. Historical accounts of the in-betweenness of Asian Americans trace their origins to how Asian coolie labor has served to triangulate White capital and African slavery over the course of European modernity. If this is the material history of in-betweenness, what is the psychic corollary of the middle-man thesis? Through an analysis of the Netflix dark comedy series Beef, as well as case histories of Asian American patients and students, we argue that the psychic effects of occupying a racially intermediate position implicate an unexplored terrain of racial rage and racial guilt that Asian Americans are insistently socialized to hold on behalf of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nearly 20 years have passed since this journal's last review of Latino politics. Today, American politics have shifted dramatically, even alarmingly, with Latinos absorbing and contributing to many of these changes. Yet American politics research still overwhelmingly privileges non-Hispanic Whites and their political opinions and behavior. We argue that this marginalization of Latino politics research has even fewer excuses in this era when data, methodologies, and other resources have expanded, making theory-based, empirically grounded research on Latino politics more feasible. We also argue that to better grasp what happens in contemporary politics today and tomorrow, a deeper understanding of Latinos' political psychology is indispensable because they are a highly diverse, minoritized group whose members are acutely sensitive to structural, temporal, and situational pressures. Finally, in an overwhelmingly quantitative, empirically oriented field, we urge Latino politics scholars to more earnestly consider the normative implications of research on this growing pan-ethnic population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jordan Peele's horror movie, Us, takes moral ambiguity to its logical extreme by creating a world, or, rather, two worlds, in which good and evil mirror each other on multiple planes—the narrative, the visual, the spatial, the racial, the ethical—and by its use of a biblical verse—Jer 11:11. The Wilsons, who inhabit "our" world, view the "Tethered", who inhabit a nether world, as evil insofar as they have emerged from the shadows to terrorize and kill them. The Tethered, however, view the humans as evil, insofar as they take for granted the ability to enjoy and act in the world. Like the prophet Jeremiah, the film draws the audience's attention to its own iniquity—and the consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nikhil Anand (2020:50), in a discussion of the modernization of water systems in Mumbai, conceptualizes urban infrastructure as a network of "political assemblages" that can be deconstructed to understand how power is articulated within spaces. Following Anand, we analyze the technopolitics of utility infrastructure and waste disposal in the New Orleans neighborhood that became Storyville, the city's famed red-light district (1897–1917). Storyville, as a byproduct of the city's Progressive Era efforts to engineer physically and morally salubrious urban spaces, was built on an inherent contradiction: it attempted to racially segregate social space, even as it also reserved sex across the color line as a privilege of white men. The material record helps to demonstrate the dissonance between the facades of the imagined Storyville and the diversity of everyday life there, even as that dissonance has reverberated through cycles of urban redevelopment in the neighborhood during the century since the district closed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship among White antiracism, colorblind racial ideology (CBRI), and White privilege awareness. We use Critical Race Theory (CRT) to frame the historical context of racism in the U.S. and the emergence of racist ideologies. We examine the extent to which White privilege awareness mediates the relationship between CBRI and antiracist practices among White people. We found that (1) participants' antiracist practices were increased the more they rejected power‐evasive forms of CBRI, (2) people who were more aware of their White privilege were also more driven toward antiracist practices, and (3) respondents' awareness of their White privilege was enhanced as they rejected power evasive forms of CBRI. We also found that White people were more likely to participate in antiracist practices when they rejected power evasion CBRI partly because rejecting CBRI enhanced their awareness of White privilege. Our results suggest that the fight against racism requires White people to acknowledge and dismantle the privileges that come with being a member of a dominant group. We contend that CRT is a powerful framework for psychology because it helps resolve the problem of understanding how structural phenomena become ideologies that shape the way people believe and behave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to protest and freedom of expression are core principles of democracy; however, on January 6th, 2021, the right to protest spiraled into a full-fledged assault on American ideals. While the smoke was still smoldering, millions were left dumbfounded—the actions were way beyond a traditional protest, instead, the attack on January 6th was classified as an insurrection. Months prior, during the Summer of 2020, then President Trump threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act of 1807 to curb the mostly peaceful Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests. Thus, a clear paradox emerges. On one hand, an unjustified insurrection was met with minimal force, but on the other hand, peaceful protests against state-sanctioned murder were quelled almost immediately. To hypothesize about the insurrection of January 6th without examining the racism and racial privilege embedded in the actions would be immoral; this is especially true considering the historical importance of slave insurrections in advancing Black liberation. Thus, we argue that advancing the narrative of the January 6th insurrection as justified is a disservice to the legacy of protests, rebellions, and insurrections. Utilizing Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a framework, the article analyzes and compares the BLM protests against the insurrection of January 6th and draws attention to ways in which race served as a tool of oppression. The insurrection of January 6th, along with the rhetorical construction and justification of the events that unfolded that day, is steeped in privilege and white supremacy—luxuries that were not afforded to racial justice protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genealogy is now a global industry, accounting for $3 billion every year in the US market alone. Enhanced via public record digitisation, crowd-sourced data input, and consumer genetics testing, interest in one's ancestral roots has never been higher. Recognising the public interest in personal lineages, the BBC launched the docuseries Who Do You Think You Are? in 2004. Focusing on celebrities' family backgrounds and how their hitherto-unknown forebears' experiences shaped their lives and careers, the format was quickly adapted for other national audiences with nearly 20 versions around the world. This article examines the phenomenon of mediated genealogical research through the twinned prisms of race and postcolonialism. Employing close readings of episodes from the American (Emmitt Smith) and South African (Jabulani Tsambo/HHP) adaptations, as well as the original British series (Naomie Harris), this intervention interrogates the ways in which power and privilege in white settler colonies are unpacked through carefully-curated spatial narrations of private pasts meant for popular consumption. Using approaches drawn from more-than-representational geography, I view these seemingly 'individual' performances of genealogy as instead affect-inducing 'collective' journeys to sites of pain, prejudice, and power(lessness), which in turn serve to shape transnational perceptions of place and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Los Alamos, New Mexico has an enduring and complicated relationship with its past. During World War II, its residents worked to create the world's first atomic weapons. The nuclear legacies of the Manhattan Project are global, but in contemporary Los Alamos the Project is often primarily considered a local history before a national or international one. The community's modern identity is constructed in part through creating its history, and this article studies two children's performances of the Manhattan Project past. The plots of these performances attempt to sidestep difficult history by avoiding nuclear weapons, which can ironically raise their uncanny specter in the imagination of the audience. The community history created in the performances privileges white scientist perspectives and at times flattens differences between past and present. This performed Manhattan Project is not only domestic – Los Alamos domesticates its complex history through these performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a review of four books that offer valuable perspectives on the history and current issues surrounding drug use in the United States. "Whiteout" explores the influence of race and capitalism on the opioid crisis, while "The Prescription-to-Prison Pipeline" examines the impact of medicalization and criminalization of pain on mass incarceration. "Quick Fixes" analyzes the cultural and historical significance of psychoactive substances, and "The Long War on Drugs" delves into the history and concept of prohibition. These interdisciplinary books contribute to our understanding of the enduring significance of drugs in America, but could benefit from further exploration of the links between prohibition, labor relations, racialization, and disability studies. [Extracted from the article]

Public understandings of race in the United States have evolved, at least among some, to acknowledge that whiteness confers privilege. In contrast to the negative racial stereotypes that animate racial resentment, white privilege inverts the lens by focusing on whites and the notion that whiteness confers unearned advantages. Given the centrality of race in American politics, we investigate white privilege denial and whether it matters politically. Our inquiry shows white privilege denial is a distinct racial construct and that nearly half of whites are at least somewhat in denial with nearly one-third rejecting all the white privilege items. We found that white privilege denial is politically consequential, helping explain white attitudes across a range of political attitudes including support for political leaders, parties, and public policy. To capture the range and complexity of racial attitudes among whites, we recommend that studies of racial attitudes in politics include white privilege denial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Educación para la Justicia Social is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article calls for a shift of educational approaches from colorblind deficit models to asset-based models that reconsider antiracist art educational narratives. Topics discussed include perpetuation of systemic racism with colorblind deficit-oriented positionalities, strategies for transitioning from deficit-based toward asset-based perspectives about Black, Indigenous and people of color (BIPOC) students, and cause and motivation to change White privileging practices.

The normative institutional practices of White, native English speakers have been explored in detail by CRT scholars in US academia, and these practices perpetuate a system which maintains White privilege to the detriment and systemic exclusion of the Other. Consequently, students of colour and non-native English speakers are inclined to face a number of forms of inequality, inequity, discrimination and harassment based on Whiteness and nativism including English speaker centrism, and this eventually serves to reproduce Whiteness and White racial domination. To better understand this institutional practices based on Whiteness in US academia, this paper explores how structural inequity based on linguistic racism and White privilege is reproduced by patterns in everyday institutional practice in US academia, and how intersectional structural inequity influences non-White, non-native speakers of American English such as international students from Asia by interviewing an Asian international ELL Ph.D. student, and exploring his counterstory in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens to problem‐solution pathways when racism is prominent in a public policy issue and a group of stakeholders—the majority of whom are White—dialogue about desired policy changes? I examine this question through a case study of community dialogues about policing, safety, race, and White privilege after Philando Castile was killed by a police officer. Through longitudinal, ethnographic analysis, I trace how a series of deliberative dialogues made White complicity in racism visible, leading to problem‐solution pathways expanding beyond an initial focus on policing reform to also incorporate White residents' making deeper commitments to anti‐racism and inclusion. This shift occurred through the sequencing of topics, slowing down the pace of problem definition, building relationships, dialogue norms and facilitation methodologies, and BIPOC participants' labor. I conclude with suggestions for more constructive democratic processes to support anti‐racist governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spring 2021, we taught a course called Honors White Supremacy and Privilege to university honors students at our higher education institution in Florida. Aimed at helping students process intellectually the Black Lives Matter events of the preceding year, the course took place just as a reaction was gathering momentum against anti-racist teaching. We present the materials used in the 1-credit course and contextualize the experience in ongoing Republican legislative efforts, particularly in Florida, to undermine the ability to teach courses like this. Much of the essay addresses the lessons we took away from the reading material and classroom discussions. These include the non-essentialism of race, the benchmark "normality" of whiteness, the material consequences of white supremacy, connections of the Trump presidency to a history of white supremacy, the recurring reactionary responses to challenges to the racial status quo, and the need to teach about white supremacy and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the long history of contention over the meaning of race and the continued discomfort about what role it plays in the structure of inequality, I endeavor to clarify the origins of the association of race with skin color and other physical features by briefly discussing the historical record by which race became codified in law. My focus is the U.S. and specifically Colonial Virginia, where the codification of racial categories in law was especially consequential. I also discuss the existence of a racial hierarchy in which Whites are dominant and Nonwhites of various types are subordinate. I argue that the continued existence of this racial hierarchy not only has a legacy from the past, but it is reproduced in the present and continues to have major effects on the life chances of those thought of as belonging to different racial groups. I also discuss the elasticity, ambiguity, and contested nature of racial classifications, as well as the internal differentiation among those thought to belong to the same racial groups and the changes and variations over time that are continually remaking the meaning of race. Because of the political significance of race, I also clarify the meaning of key concepts that have been receiving recent attention: White privilege, White supremacy, and White colorblindness. Finally, I discuss race as a process rather than as a classification and briefly discuss how Whites and men can become allies, advocates, and activists in support of social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My article examines Imbolo Mbue's novel Behold the Dreamers (2016), as a literary representation of the American Dream myth from two opposite sides: the old-stock, white Americans and the recent African immigrants. Through the lens of the protagonist's legal status, social class, race, and gender, I explore the factors that obstruct the attainment of the American Dream, revealing its gaps and elisions. I argue that Mbue's novel is both a representation of and a critical response to the Dream's appeal premised upon the notion that it is as difficult to attain as to maintain the American Dream. By discussing those aspects that still support the Dream in the 21st century's socio-economic environment, and illuminating those that debunk its myth, I assess its vitality and aspirational power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this qualitative study, the experiences of students of color at a predominantly white university in North Carolina are used to expose the ways in which white homogeneity and white normativity work to maintain hidden white privileges in various campus settings. Through the counternarratives obtained during nine focus group meetings with a total of thirty-one selfidentified students of color, these students are able to expose and describe a host of unnoticed burdens associated with being Brown and Black in white campus settings. They experience racial othering, extreme visibility, and stereotypes associated with their race and gender, and they explain ways they have devised to navigate through the university in the face of daily and routine manifestations of racism. Their voices effectively counter the ideologies of majoritarian stories that consistently deny the existence and effects of racism, to reveal some of the ways in which college life is in an unequal, racialized experience. The paper concludes by acknowledging limitations of this research as well as by discussing implications for the use of experiential knowledge through counterstories of those affected by injustice to help oppose false ideologies that work to promote racialized college experiences and outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The privilege walk is a pedagogical tool used to teach students about often-ignored aspects of privilege. Despite their popularity, privilege walks are under-examined in the scholarship of teaching and learning. This leaves open questions about the efficacy of the walk, and whether, and to what extent, the walk yields different results among students from different backgrounds. This paper critically examines the privilege walk by reflecting on our experience of teaching the walk and analyzing student learning reflections about the exercise. We draw on critical race theory to interpret our data and also to help introduce the concept of slippage. We use slippage as shorthand for systematic issues long described by critical race theorists, such as meritocracy, that are reframed as individual responsibilities. We conclude by discussing how educators might prioritize teaching about structural power by integrating ideas from critical race theory, and abandon intellectual traditions that center Whiteness or the individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]