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The article considers what study of the styles, planning and planting of Brookwood Cemetery in Brookwood, England reveals about 19th century mindsets. Topics discussed include the development of the cemetery by the London Necropolis and National Mausoleum Co., its reputation as the largest cemetery in the world in 1854, and on how funerary monuments were used as expressions of differentiation and as a materialistic expression of success.

The article reconstructs the journey of McKim, Mead & White's Harmonie Club from West 42nd to East 60th Street in New York City. It explains why and how the exclusive Jewish club came to commission an architectural firm associated with Protestant interests. Topics discussed include the founding and early history of the club, its architectural design, and the rise of patrician anti-semitism and the Harmonie Club response.

This essay considers over 150 supplications submitted to the Avogaria di Comun of Venice from 1569 through 1657 by the illegitimate sons of noblemen seeking formal inclusion in the citizen class. Although law codes explicitly prohibited this practice, numerous illegitimate sons pursued inclusion in the citizen class and expected that they would be granted citizen status. Through an examination of these anomalous bastard sons a more nuanced understanding of the citizen class and its relationship with the patriciate emerges. Further, this article argues that bastardy was not always a debilitating stigma and illegitimate children had a place in their families and greater Venetian society. This type of citizen and his meaningful ties with the classes both above and below demonstrates that, legal prescriptions of class aside, in this society the walls between legally and culturally designated social classes could be quite porous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue in this article that the social and economic conditions in the Angkorian society of the tenth century or earlier contributed to the decline in status of some middle-level officials, as is evident from the mid-eleventh century. Many Angkorian inscriptions written between the late ninth and late twelfth centuries record purchases and donations of lands acquired for religious foundations. The texts often contain details of transactions and disputes seeking to validate title to these holdings. The buyers include middle-ranking loñ and vāp , and increasingly, higher-ranking officials. An analysis of the roles and activities of the officials reveals something of their relative status and helps explain the disappearance of vāp from the inscriptions in the eleventh century, and the relegation of loñ to temple roles by the twelfth century. The transfer of communal lands and lands owned by these officials to elites is attributed to hierarchical restrictions on land purchases, a reduction in fiscal immunities, and the need for taxes to be paid to the centre with high-value goods in Angkor's moneyless economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the richest men in the world at a time of vast economic inequality, Andrew Carnegie published "The Gospel of Wealth" in 1889. In it, he delineated how wealth should be redistributed from the hands of the few to the many. Given SPSSI's 2018 conference location in Pittsburgh, and a similar concentration of wealth among a small group of White men today, it is an opportune time to consider the legacy of one of Pittsburgh's most famous citizens. Specifically, the comparison (and contrast) between Carnegie and President Trump provides an interesting backdrop for examining our present historical moment. Specifically, over the last 20 years, there has been renewed interest in studying social class among psychological researchers. Continuing with the conference theme of "building bridges," this article will review the status of our knowledge about social class in order to provide a science and policy agenda for addressing poverty, wealth, and inequality in our time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a newly expanded set of 41 social tables from premodern societies, this article tries to identify the factors associated with the level of inequality and the inequality extraction ratio (how close to the maximum inequality the elites have pushed actual inequality). Strong evidence is found to show that elites in colonies were more extractive, and that more densely populated and less urbanized countries exhibited lower extraction ratios. Several possibilities are proposed, linking high population density to low inequality and to low elite extraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First World War precipitated an upsurge in temperance campaigning. Inspired by a dominant discourse of sacrifice and self‐denial, most state legislatures introduced reduced trading hours for hotels. Queensland was the exception. Six o’clock closing was resisted in the northern state despite a vigorous and rancorous campaign for its introduction. This paper maps the contours of the debates around early closing and temperance in Queensland. Like so many other tensions induced by the war, the campaign both generated and was evidence for deep divisions in Queensland society around class, politics and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The nobleman Werner von Parsberg served the imperial town of Nuremberg between 1430 and his death in 1455 as a mounted retainer and (from 1442) as the town's imperial chief magistrate. In 1450 he carried Nuremberg's standard in battle during the Second South German Towns' War. This long record of close engagement with Nuremberg contrasts with the tradition of reading 'town' and 'nobility' in Germany as mutually exclusive and inherently antagonistic. In Parsberg's time this was a position advocated by Nuremberg's opponents amongst the territorial princes and rural nobility, and from the Enlightenment onwards a more rigid version of this dichotomy was projected back onto the late Middle Ages. This perceived opposition between 'town' and 'nobility' denied the possibility of meaningful cooperation between townspeople and rural nobles: all such relationships have consequently been described as the result of economic and political weakness on the part of the nobles concerned. Recent research, however, suggests that a re-examination of these relationships is necessary, and the case of Werner von Parsberg offers a model for such a reassessment. This article shows that Parsberg's service for Nuremberg was not a symptom of weakness, but part of an assertive strategy to advance the independence from princely authority of his family's lordship in the Upper Palatinate. Through this appreciation of the factors supporting town-noble cooperation in the late Middle Ages we are better able to understand the formation and development of the dialectic of town and nobility as a way of understanding German society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nineteenth-century melas (fairs) were evanescent public spaces that facilitated anonymity and unplanned encounters between castes, classes, men and women. By recognizing caste-passing in various mela clusters, historians gain insights into a range of subaltern debates about caste. Caste-passing involved lower caste adoption of the accouterments of upper castes and threatened social hierarchy. Opaque to police, associational life within fairs signified a society undergoing transformation. The figure of the Pardhan blacksmith embodied the unknowable fair-going crowd. Hailing from an adivasi (indigenous) community in the Central Provinces of India, these blacksmiths attracted police notice. Pardhan blacksmiths deployed their skills towards manufacturing imitation gold; at the fair they passed off as members of upper castes. For the police, Pardhan caste-passing within fairs threatened to unravel taxonomies of tribe and caste, region and religion. It was at the fair that hounded and persecuted Pardhan blacksmiths found some respite from the theft of their lands and labour. Through an analysis of caste-passing, a social history emerges of nineteenth-century fairs in colonial India that foregrounds experiences of those fairgoers who were members of 'criminal tribes' persecuted by colonial police, and the plebeian multitude that mingled in melas and participated in anti-caste debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historians of early modern Dutch Asia have displayed a great deal of interest in inter-racial marriage and sex in Dutch East India Company (VOC) settlements and trading posts. Less attention has, however, been paid to other ways in which the VOC and its representatives used marriage policies and laws to maintain order in Batavia. Characterised by people of a variety of ethnicities, jurisdictional statuses, and states of unfreedom as well as tremendous economic inequality, Batavia’s Dutch authorities simultaneously looked to marriages to preserve a precarious social order while also fearing that marriages might undermine that same social order. Because marriage was so important, looking at the contests and debates over it illuminates a great deal about the workings of Batavia’s European society. A focus on marriage shows that jurisdictional conflicts were common and that class and gender are more important categories for understanding Batavian society than has previously been recognised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A NEW GENERATION OF CIVIL RIGHTS HISTORIANS HAS BEGUN TO subvert the top-down, uplifting narrative that characterized the earlier literature. These scholars not only have extended the standard movement time [...]

The aim of this study was to assess the impact of social and occupational status on the BMI of the gentry and peasantry in the Kingdom of Poland at the turn of 19th and early 20th centuries. Use was made of data on the height and weight of 304 men, including 200 peasants and 104 gentlemen, and 275 women, including 200 from the peasantry and 75 from the gentry. Gentlemen were characterized by a greater body height than peasants (169.40 cm and 166.96 cm, respectively), a greater body weight (67.09 kg and 60.99 kg, respectively) and a higher BMI (23.33 kg/m2 and 21.83 kg/m2, respectively). Landowners and intelligentsia had a greater BMI than peasants (23.12 kg/m2 and 24.20 kg/m2 vs 21.83 kg/m2, respectively). In the case of women, there were no statistically significant differences in mean height, weight and BMI by their social position, and in BMI by occupational status. Underweight occurred less frequently in the gentry and more frequently in the peasantry (0.97% and 2.04%, respectively). Overweight was five times more common in gentlemen than in peasants (26.21% and 5.10%, respectively). Differences in the BMI of gentlefolk and peasants resulted from differences in diet and lifestyle related to socioeconomic status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has a divided social welfare state split between public programs and tax subsidies for private benefits. Moreover, this separation is mapped onto divisions of political party and socioeconomic class. Democratic elites prefer creating and expanding public programs that assist the working poor and Republicans prefer using tax subsidies to help wealthier citizens pay for social services and benefits. Are these relationships among partisanship, socioeconomic class, and patterns in social spending reflected in public opinion? Do Democratic voters and the working poor favor public social programs over private? Are Republican voters more likely to support tax subsidies for private welfare over public spending? My analysis shows that while both public spending and tax breaks enjoy similar levels of support in the aggregate, there are partisan and class differences in support for direct social spending versus tax subsidies for social welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses original survey data to explore the landscape of support for a number of aspects of what might be called "the American Dream:" the notion that hard work is rewarded, and individuals succeed and fail due primarily to their own efforts. In general, I find that Americans generally endorse the idea that hard work leads to success and that economic mobility is possible for those willing to put in the effort, but that there is significant individual and contextual variation in support for those beliefs. I find that most variation in support for meritocratic belief is a function of simple partisan politics: differences between liberals and conservatives, and between Democrats and Republicans, are far more important to explaining meritocratic belief than any other sociodemographic factor. But attributes of the context in which one lives matter as well. Among other things, this paper highlights the importance of local economic decline as an important topic for future research: those who live in communities that have seen their relative economic fortunes drop over the past decade are less likely to believe in meritocracy than those who have seen their communities thrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the statement of the American political scientist Morris P. Fiorina regarding the political system and economic condition in the U.S. Topics mentioned include the shifts between the social disruption and politics associated with the prevalence of violence in the country, the partisanship of the Democratic Party due to the performance of the Johnson Administration along with the changes in the Nixon Administration and the influence of social identity to the voting rights of the minorities and liberals.

Common markers of social class include income, wealth, education and family background. Though these capture staple pedestrian elements of class, they understate something substantial - social class is produced by political experiences. Building on this observation, I argue that social class is constructed and reinforced via political institutions that differentially affect the daily experiences and life trajectories of Americans. Viewing class through this lens (instead of more simply as a function of income or education) enables clarity on two critical features of the American political system: (1) its deeply racialized institutional practices (2) its dual inclusionary/exclusionary governance structures. Most broadly, this essay pushes us beyond a view of class as a set of variables that affect political outcomes and towards inquiry into the ways that political institutions produce class. Ultimately, such a conceptual pivot illuminates additional pathways for transforming economic and political relations in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores on the importance of the intersectionality in the social categories of gender, race and class. It examines the intersections within feminist theories and social sciences in relevance to the distribution of power. It also cites the attachment of the African descended people to their ethnicity and class rules.

»Klassifikations-Lagen. Lebenschancen in der neoliberalen Ära«. This article examines the stratifying effects of economic classifications. We argue that in the neoliberal era market institutions increasingly use actuarial techniques to split and sort individuals into classification situations that shape lifechances. While this is a general and increasingly pervasive process, our main empirical illustration comes from the transformation of the credit market in the United States. This market works as both as a leveling force and as a condenser of new forms of social difference. The U.S. banking and credit system has greatly broadened its scope over the past twenty years to incorporate previously excluded groups. We observe this leveling tendency in the expansion of credit amongst lower-income households, the systematization of overdraft protections, and the unexpected and rapid growth of the fringe banking sector. But while access to credit has democratized, it has also differentiated. Scoring technologies classify and price people according to credit risk. This has allowed multiple new distinctions to be made amongst the creditworthy, as scores get attached to different interest rates and loan structures. Scores have also expanded into markets beyond consumer credit, such as insurance, real estate, employment, and elsewhere. The result is a cumulative pattern of advantage and disadvantage with both objectively measured and subjectively experienced aspects. We argue these private classificatory tools are increasingly central to the generation of „market-situations", and thus an important and overlooked force that structures individual life-chances. In short, classification situations may have become the engine of modern class situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1669 and 1686, René-Robert Cavelier de La Salle undertook several expeditions in North America. During his journeys, he relied on the services of numerous individuals who were under his control. Some were Indian slaves whom he exchanged like chattel during cross-cultural negotiations while other enslaved natives worked as guides, hunters, and interpreters. His European companions were also enmeshed in unequal relationships that ranged from contracted voyageurs to donnés who labored for Catholic missionaries. This article employs the records left by those who traveled with La Salle to reconstruct the varieties of bondage that they encountered in the heart of the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Merovingian society lacked longer periods of peace such as during the Pax Romana. The military was of central importance, not only on the field. Although the militarisation of post Roman society has never seriously been in doubt, the Merovingian elite has not yet been studied more particularly in consideration of its military role. This paper analyses which military groups could be considered part of the elite and which criteria might be used to define it from a modern perspective. As the military and the secular increasingly converged, this is indeed not an easy task. The study argues that even though several groups may be categorised as being part of a military elite, this is much more difficult at less elevated levels of the upper social strata, in which the transition between the elite and the rest of the freeborn, militarily active population is fluid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a March 15-18, 2016 conference on transgressions of social class hosted by the Konstanzer Arbeitskreis für mittelalterliche Geschichte e.V. medieval historical society in Constance, Germany. Topics of presentations delivered include the medieval history of class divisions, interclass relationships, and the alleged role of class in control of Switzerland by the Habsburg family.

This article uses the case of Iceland to study how neoliberal globalization impacts class discourse in the political field and broader perceptions of class division. Analyzing a leading newspaper and parliamentary debates from 1986-2012, I show how neoliberal globalization-especially by increasing economic inequality-created a disjuncture between an increasingly differentiated social space and a national habitus cultivated in a small, homogeneous, and egalitarian society. This undermined taken-for-granted assumptions of relative classlessness and heightened perceptions of class division during a neoliberal ascendancy period from 1995 to Iceland's economic collapse in September 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relation between feminist history and the historiography of capitalism. Topics include the role of gender in historical analysis, the relation between gender and social class in historiography, and scholarship on the relationship between slavery and capitalism. The relation of sexuality to the history of slavery is noted.

The concept of domesticity is a cultural and historical construction with many layers of meaning. Having been variously negotiated both in intellectual and political contexts, the boundaries of the notion are blurred. The idea of domesticity should be disentangled from western concepts of kinship and gendered divisions of labour. I shall explore gender roles as negotiated among domestic servants or slaves in the southern Swahili world, that is Northern Mozambique, specifically in the Island of Ibo and its close hinterland. At the turn of the twentieth century a number of creole women were prominent landholders. All the wealthy houses held domestic slaves and, later, servants who worked in their quintal (home compound). These were denominated ‘people of the quintal’ and during their life cycles negotiated social mobility for them and their offspring. Marriage could be a means of social mobility. In this context of dependency, masculinity and femininity held different facets and ranges of opportunities in relation to the home of the masters, which was also the home of these dependents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the radicalization of the Cuban medical class in the context of the economic and political crises of the late 1920s and early 1930s. Organized under the Cuban Medical Federation, physicians targeted Havana's Spanish-run hospital system for its low wages and unfair practices. During these years, an active campaign to overthrow the dictatorship of Gerardo Machado influenced a new generation of young doctors and medical students, who pushed the federation to link its class interests to the broader political and social problems of the Cuban people. I argue that the social forces unleashed with the 1933 fall of Machado transformed the medical class, leading to increased support for the radical reconfiguration of Cuban medical practice. After a painful medical strike, the failure of international mediation efforts, and increased government hostility to the federation, the Cuban medical class increasingly pushed for the radical expansion of the public medical sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses second wave feminism focusing on feminist movements in Europe and U.S. It talks about women's liberation movement and New Left activism against male domination. It talks about the economic crisis in 1930s dealing with topics such as capitalism and neoliberalism. Its also talks extensively about social classes and social democracy.

Tracing the political and academic treatment of the notion of class, in this article I emphasize overlapping continuities and discontinuities from the socialist period. I argue that in Serbia, class preserved its policy relevance at least until the mid-1990s, since there was a peculiar melding of nation and class in public discourse. Key to these developments was the rise of Milošević as a reformed communist already in the late 1980s. Milošević's agenda was heavily reliant on class-based appeals and the mobilization of workers for its legitimacy. Even though formal democratization began in 1990, with an accompanying mobilization of nationalism, the category of workers remained politically relevant, present in the patronizing rhetoric of most political sides. Only after 2000, with renewed democratization and neoliberal reforms, did public discourses begin to downplay class in the conventional sense, while young scholars took up issues of class in new, more critical ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the concept of class and class analysis in sociological research in the last few decades in Slovenia. It reveals the specific reasons for the relatively marginal role of this sort of analysis before and especially after 1990. First, it lists a selection of the key class and stratification studies during the communist era. Second, it describes the class and stratification studies that occurred before and around the regime change (1980-1991). Third, it describes a number of stratification research studies after 1991 (to the present), with many international components. The research efforts of a few influential research groups in Slovenia that have engaged in class and stratification studies, following special approaches, are presented and commented on: the Marxist tradition, a Bourdieuian approach focusing on symbolic discourse, and a structurally based labor process approach. In the conclusion, both a substantive and methodological account of relative achievements in the field are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The onset of the Velvet Revolution in 1989 led to a radical transformation of the social structure and new types of economic inequalities in Slovakia, but the media, academia, and civil society initially rejected any talk of these developments in terms of class, seeing the topic as potentially toxic to democracy. There was a tendency to veer away from the study of new social stratification toward research on postmaterialist topics such as environmental protection, civil rights, and alternative subcultures. Those social scientists who did study the changing social structure mostly analyzed statistical data without linking this to a broader theoretical framework. Social classes came to be discussed in gradational rather than relational terms, without discussion of how one group's new privileges comes at the expense of others. In the early 2000s, radical neoliberal thinking became prominent, leading to the pervasive presentation of the poor and working poor as themselves responsible for their own fate. A backlash against that led to the triumph of the SMER party in 2006, which allowed topics such as poverty and social justice to return to everyday political discourse, and in this sense allowed for the return of class into politics. A younger generation of Slovak social scientists now regularly criticize the cult of the market and argue for an alternative political economy, though ongoing neoliberal hegemony in public discourse continues to make it hard for these new voices to be heard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Birkbeck Freehold Land and Building Societies were launched in 1851 in the London Mechanics' Institute, secured its survival, and eventually replaced its premises with the architectural 'phantasmagoria' of the Birkbeck Bank. Prior to its collapse in 1911 'the Birkbeck' was a major element in the English property-based financial system and contributed significantly to the suburban growth of London. The Institute, Societies, and Bank shared a Utilitarian vision of social progress through self-help that was at times hotly contested by the radical champions of the social classes that they were initially formed to assist. Their parallel histories are attested today by 'Birkbeck' toponyms (including roads, pubs, and a railway station) in the London landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the context of a series of conduct books written by Sarah Ellis known as "The Women of England (1839-1843). Topics discussed include the reputation of Ellis as a cultural and social influence on 19th century British women readers and her analysis of the relationship between happiness and utility. The article also explore's Ellis' views on social class and Christian duty.

This essay explores the argument that David Scott FitzGerald and David Cook-Martín make in their bookCulling the Massesabout the relationship between liberalism and racism, in terms of a balance between inclusion and exclusion. I challenge their dismissal of approaches that see an integral connection between the two and of approaches that see liberalism as inherently opposed to racism. I also discuss their characterization of Latin American ‘racist anti-racism’ and finish by questioning the way that they separate racism from economics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The transformation from public to private executions is generally understood as a consequence of the rationalization of authority in conjunction with growing class tensions and the emergence of bourgeois sentimentality. What is missing from this analysis is the role gender played. The exclusion of women from the execution site captures a more general tension around womanhood in the nineteenth century, but that tension was expressed differently depending on women's class and race locations. Using newspaper coverage of executions as my primary data source, I show that the interpretive challenges posed by women at the execution site varied by the social positions they occupied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1930s Depression caused an enormous growth in urban poverty in colonial Java. Informal neighbourhood networks could no longer cope with the unemployed, the homeless and the destitute. Politically conscious Indonesians were convinced that the colonial state was concerned only with poverty among Europeans. They responded by creating new charities focused on the Indonesian lower classes. Many provided middle-class women with opportunities for leadership denied them in the political and labour movements. However, those who managed the charities had no concept of empowering the poor. In dispensing support they made a clear distinction between the deserving and the undeserving poor. Nevertheless their charitable work enabled thousands of Indonesians to survive the Depression years. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the history of sleep in the Western world. Details on biphasic patterns of sleep common before the Industrial Revolution are presented. Particular focus is given to changes in sleep behavior during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Topics discussed include insomnia, the effects of technology on sleep patterns, class differences in sleep behavior, time, the physiological aspects of sleep, and the treatment of sleep in popular advice literature.

The central political claim of Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism is that class actors, through the instruments of the democratic process, can modify capitalism. Where working-class mobilization is strong, left parties have sufficient electoral support in the political arena to alter markets politically in ways that decommodify and thereby empower workers. The decline of traditional class voting, however, has profoundly changed this dynamic of welfare politics. We show that the political support coalition for welfare states has been reconfigured through two processes. On the one hand, the Left may have lost support among the traditional working class, but it has substituted this decline by attracting substantial electoral support among specific parts of the expanding middle class. On the other hand, the welfare support coalition has been stabilized through increasing support for the welfare state among right-wing political parties. We discuss the possible consequences of this ‘middle-class shift’ in the welfare support coalition in terms of policy consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains how surname distributions can be used as a way to measure rates of social mobility in contemporary and historical societies. This allows for estimates of social mobility rates for any population for which we know just two facts: the distribution of surnames overall, and the distribution of surnames among some elite or underclass. Such information exists, for example, for England back to 1300, and for Sweden back to 1700. However surname distributions reveal a different, more fundamental type of mobility than that conventionally estimated. Thus surname estimates also allow for measuring a different aspect of social mobility, the underlying average social status of families. This is the aspect that matters for mobility of social groups, and for families across multiple generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recurrent use of violence on the part of plebeian knights during their confrontations, with their peers as well as with other social groups, could be understood both as one of the most complete expressions of their unrest and as one of the favourite strategies to achieve their goals. The question is if these actions and disputes, by themselves, would enable one to elucidate what social class those who held and accomplished them belonged to. The stated answer aims at considering not only the actors performance but also their role in the political mechanisms which structured the social relations of production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the evolution of class voting in Switzerland from 1971 to 2011. It shows that class cleavage (working class versus owners/employers) has weakened in Switzerland. The existence of a large right-wing party with strong support among the working class contributes to blurring the traditional class divisions in voting. However, the analysis indicates that class cleavage has not completely disappeared. The centre-right parties display much continuity in their class basis over time, thus contributing to the persistence of class cleavage. Besides taking into account the diversity of the right-wing parties, the article also offers a new perspective by including nonvoting. Class differences in turnout are important in Switzerland, but the findings suggest that the most important change over time concerns party choice and not turnout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the meaning and use of generation in migration studies. It argues that the term is useful to examine how migrants create linkages between their pre- and post-migration lives. The article draws on Mannheim's notions of ‘generational units’ and ‘fresh contact’ to scrutinize how Peruvians engage resources from their previous lives in Peru to achieve social mobility in the USA, Japan, Spain and Argentina. In particular, the article focuses on the role of education, ethnicity and conflict in Peruvians’ efforts to create support networks and form migrant institutions. It suggests that generational units grow out of migrants’ shared experience of mobilizing the same resource to establish fresh contact with their receiving society. The article concludes that while generational belonging can generate a strong sense of solidarity among some groups of migrants, this often happens at the cost of the unity and inclusion of the migrant community at large. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article studies the important role of Paraguayan women during the Chaco War (1923-1935). It studies the relationship between "Godmothers of War" and their "Godsons" during the war, outlining how urban elite Paraguayan women corresponded with rural lower-class men in the name of patriotism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between gender, class, & space during the closing decades of the "Age of Sail" (1760-1810). Using onboard diaries of male and female Quaker itinerant ministers, it explores the relationships between cabin and steerage passengers as well as those between passengers, captain, and crew. It argues that many passengers attempted to recreate the gendered and classed divisions observed on land as a way of engineering stability and security--two feelings lost to the disorientation of a transatlantic voyage. Thus, far from being a space of exception, life at sea proved to replicate and reinforce the social space of land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]