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The article provides a comparative analysis of the republican system of Estonia and Finland, each of which has certain historical parallels with Ukraine (Finland was part of the Russian Empire during the 19th-early 20th centuries, Estonia was part of the USSR in the 40-80s of the 20th century). It is emphasized that the established experience of solving the problem of stabilization of the domestic and foreign political situation defined by the constitutions of the countries is successful, Finland and Estonia are members of NATO and the EU, therefore there is an opportunity to use their experience in Ukraine. The principles of the organization and functioning of the state bodies of the specified states, the rights and duties of citizens, the peculiarities of the activity of the parliament, the peculiarities of the exercise of executive power, the powers of the country's presidents, the peculiarities of their election and legal status are considered. It is concluded that there are structural and substantive similarities and differences between the republican system of Estonia and Finland. It is shown that such features include the unitary nature of states, a fairly broad list of rights and freedoms of citizens, the provision of the principle of habeas corpus, the appointment of Prime Ministers and ministers by parliaments, the exercise of executive power by governments, the accountability of governments to legislative bodies, the election of the Presidents of both republics for only two terms «consecutive» terms. It is outlined that the differences include different ways of electing Presidents (in Finland ‒ by parliament, in Estonia ‒ by direct elections); different terms of office of presidents (the President of Finland for 6 years, the President of Estonia for 5 years); differences in the form of government (parliamentary republic in Estonia and mixed semipresidential republic in Finland); different number of state languages: one (Estonian) state language in Estonia and two (Finnish and Swedish) in Finland; granting the President of Estonia the status of head of state by the Constitution and the absence of such status in the Basic Law of Finland; exercise of executive power in Finland by the President of the Republic together with the State Council, in Estonia ‒ only by the Prime Minister and ministers. It is emphasized that Estonia and Finland differ in solving the problem of citizenship and the rights of national minorities. Finnish autonomy is not just a special status, but a mini-constitution of the islands, under which a system of counterbalances of state and local (autonomous) interests operates, which is not typical for Estonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the political situation in Senegal, focusing on President Macky Sall's presidency and the challenges faced by the younger generation. It discusses the accusations and legal cases against opposition candidate Ousmane Sonko, as well as President Sall's attempts to consolidate power and secure a third term. Despite the concerns raised about the democratic model in Senegal, the article highlights the resilience of democracy, as demonstrated by the peaceful election in March 2024. The text concludes by emphasizing the importance of institutional reform and greater inclusion of women in the government. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the recent Egyptian presidential elections, in which President Sisi was re-elected with a large majority. However, there are concerns about the legitimacy of these results due to a history of repression and electoral manipulation. The country is currently facing a severe debt crisis, with the economy struggling and high inflation. The regime's attempts at political and economic reform have been unsuccessful, and there is a growing militarization of the state and political system. The military has gained more power, weakening other branches of government, and there is a lack of civilian control. The regime's focus on mega projects and refusal to reform the economy worsens the crisis, and the burden may fall on the poor and middle class. There is a potential for increased repression and protests if popular discontent grows. Overall, President Sisi's third term is expected to further strengthen military control and tighten the regime's hold on power. [Extracted from the article]

"L'énigme algérienne: Chroniques d'une ambassade à Alger" by Xavier Driencourt is a book that recounts the author's experiences as France's longest-serving ambassador to Algeria. Driencourt discusses the two main pillars of French influence in Algeria: economic position and cultural and educational influence. He also addresses the tensions and complexities in the France-Algeria relationship, including the perception of the French embassy as a lobby seeking to control Algeria. The book provides insights into the political landscape of Algeria, including the emergence of the hirak protest movement and the role of the military in the country's governance. However, some readers may find the book lacking in historical context and a deeper analysis of the Algerian regime. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the potential impact of the 2024 US presidential election on climate change and the energy transition. It highlights the progress made by the Biden administration in addressing climate change and promoting the energy transition, including legislative measures and international cooperation. It also explores the potential consequences of a second Trump presidency, noting his skepticism towards climate change and his proposed policies to roll back environmental measures. The article concludes by discussing the importance of the election in shaping global perceptions of US commitment to addressing climate change. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the power and limitations of the presidency in democratic Indonesia. It highlights the instability of the early post-Suharto period, with multiple presidents being impeached or facing political challenges. However, since 2004, Indonesia has experienced stable presidencies, disproving the theory that a multi-party system is incompatible with presidential rule. The author explores the concept of "coalitional presidentialism," where presidents build coalitions with political parties, state institutions, and influential non-state actors to establish well-functioning administrations. While this strategy has brought stability to the presidential system, it has also led to a decline in democratic accountability. The article concludes by questioning whether the next president will strengthen coalitional presidentialism or revive democratic accountability. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses the joint effects of Economic Policy Uncertainty (EPU) and inflation risk on the Corporate Cash Holdings (CCH) of US firms from 2011 to 2021. The baseline results suggest that EPU and inflation risk positively impact CCH. Moreover, we find the same results between inflation risk and CCH. However, EPU and CCH are negatively associated. Additionally, construction (finance) firms hold higher (lower) cash at the time of EPU and inflationary risk. We also find that firms hold higher (lower) cash during Democrat (Republican) presidential terms. The two-step system Generalized Method of Moments approach used to control the potential endogeneity issues indicates the same results and supports the baseline findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan's presidential-cum-parliamentary elections of January 2024 broke the traditional pattern of power turnover that happened every eight years (or two presidential terms). The political pendulum was stopped. The elections also brought about a Legislative Yuan devoid of a majority party. The direct cause of these two phenomena is to be found iii the rise of a significant third political force, Ko Wenje and his Taiwan People's Party (TPP). It was Ko's injection into the presidential race that divided the opposition and foiled the KNIT's aspiration to stage a political comeback. It is also because of the TPP's strong showing iii the party vote and the proportional seats it received that the party could play the role of a pivot, a veto player iii the new Legislative Yuan. Whether the Ko Wen-je phenomenon will last and the TPP thrive remains to be seen. A comparison with James Soong and his People First Party (PFP) is made. Reversion to the old system is deemed a likely outcome. The political implications of the elections are twofold: domestically the newly elected president will collide with the parliament over cabinet formation; externally mainland China is bound to put even greater pressure on Taiwan now that a pro-independence president has been elected. Voters extended the DPP government's mandate but put restrictions on its powers. This is the framework within which difficult decisions have to be made iii the following four years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Term limit changes are significantly linked to political instability in Africa. Yet, it is ignored as an issue in the trilateral cooperation between European Union (EU), China and Africa. Indeed, a central question that could face both the EU and China over term limits in Africa is the extent to which it is legitimate for them to take action against attempts to violate term limits. This paper is an attempt to consider joint EU and China influence on African politics from the perspective of term limits. Why and how have/should EU and China respond to term limits? How can a trilateral cooperation between EU, China and Africa help institutionalize the respect of term limits? With the help of qualitative and quantitative data from official communiqués, events, and reports, the paper considers term limits as major political issue EU, China and Africa must care about given that it is a major factor of State fragility and political instability. It finds that a grounded trilateral policy framework on term limits is not only possible in an EU-China-Africa cooperation, but can strengthen democratic institutions in the continent and reflect the genuine commitment of the EU and China to promote sustainable democracy and political stability in Africa. If the EU and China want sustainable development of Africa, then the issue of presidential term limits must be significantly addressed within a trilateral cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction The Society for Research on Nicotine and Tobacco began in the United States as a scientific organization "to stimulate the generation and dissemination of new knowledge concerning nicotine and tobacco in all its manifestations." Now in its 30th year, the Society is taking on new challenges in tobacco control, nicotine vaping, product regulation, and public policy. Aims and Methods This Review describes the formative years of the Society from the perspective of researchers who were in leadership positions during that time, documenting how biobehavioral and clinical research in the first 10 years was a continuation of the scientific mission of the 1988 United States Surgeon General's Report on Nicotine Addiction and summarizing organizational innovations during each president's term of office. Conclusions The Society's promotion of scientific research served as a catalyst for funding, policy, and regulation, setting the stage for its influence and credibility. Implications This Commentary provides context and an overview of the scientific research and the organizational innovations that occurred during the early years of the Society for Research on Nicotine and Tobacco using publications and available documentation. The Society was able to thrive because biobehavioral research on nicotine addiction provided the scientific underpinnings for the tobacco control enterprise as a whole. The objective of this Commentary is to describe formative events in the Society's history based on the accomplishments of its early leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the conditions under which populist presidents undermine, preserve or improve democracy, with evidence from Latin America. We address five varieties of democracy in the region (electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian) from 1994 to 2019 in 18 countries and focus on the backsliding or its absence during each presidential term. To do so, we rely on a QCA approach, through which we interpret the changes on each variety, acknowledging the presence/absence of populist presidents, presidents' popularity, political and economic critical junctures, support for democracy, an institutionalised party system and political stability. Results show an ambivalent relationship between populism and democracy as highlighted by part of the literature. Although populism emerges as an almost necessary condition for democratic backsliding in any variety, there are several cases where the presence of populist presidents led to an improvement of democracy in the different aspects analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a review of the book "Xi Jinping. Political Career, Governance, and Leadership, 1953–2018" by Alfred L. Chan. The book provides insights into Xi Jinping's political career and his ambitions for China's domestic and international standing. It covers Xi's early life, his time in various bureaucratic posts, and his first two presidential terms. The book explores Xi's anti-corruption campaigns, his consolidation of power, and his vision for a modern China guided by the Communist Party. The review suggests that understanding Xi's vision is important, especially as China faces economic challenges and increasing international tensions. [Extracted from the article]

The article provides an overview of Singapore's 2023 Presidential Election and the changing role of the presidency in the country. It discusses the historical background of the presidency and the additional powers it gained in 1991. The article also examines the criteria for presidential candidates and highlights specific incidents during the election. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of studying the election and the laws surrounding the presidency. Additionally, the article mentions a list of sources related to the election, including reports, news articles, and parliamentary debates, which can be used for further research. The text also references sources discussing the topic of race and politics in Singapore, exploring the idea of Singapore as a post-race society and the role of minorities in political leadership. These sources provide insights into the discussions and debates surrounding the topic. [Extracted from the article]

Political advertisements play a significant role in improving the relationships between political parties, candidates, and voters. Political advertisements serve as a platform for political entities to establish their identity, articulate their political narratives, secure the loyalty of their existing voter base, and influence the electoral inclinations of opposition supporters, the undecided and apathetic segments of the populace. Political advertising is a crucial method of political communication for political actors, and it is widely acknowledged that well-crafted political advertisements have an impact on election results. This study centers around commercial films with the slogan 'Let's go/do it' (Haydi), created for the Presidential candidates of the People's Alliance and the Nation Alliance during the 2023 Presidential and 28th Term Parliamentary General Election campaign process. In this study, the explicit and implicit meanings of visual and linguistic signals in political advertisements were determined and the presentation forms of the messages conveyed to the voters were analyzed by using the semiotic method. İt was observed that the AK Party utilized positive rhetoric in its advertisements to appeal to voters to preserve the status quo. Conversely, the CHP employed a strategy of negative discourse against the AK Party, aiming to disengage voters from their allegiance while simultaneously cultivating sympathy for its own candidate through positive rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Rethinking Chinese Politics" by Joseph Fewsmith is a timely and informative study of elite politics in post-Mao China. Fewsmith argues that personal relationships and power are more important than rules and institutions in leadership succession within the Chinese Communist Party. He challenges the claim that leadership transitions have been institutionalized and explores the challenges faced by leaders in office. The book also examines the underlying pathologies of reform Leninism and the tensions between a reforming Party and a liberalizing economy. Fewsmith's model has predictive value and suggests that institutionalization is unlikely in the future. The book will appeal to specialists and general readers interested in Chinese politics. [Extracted from the article]

This study applies the appraisal theory of emotions to explore how they influence leaders' responses in the context of long-standing rivalries between states. It argues that policymakers' emotions toward a rival country can help elucidate periods of higher and lower tensions in their bilateral relationship. Focusing on the Bolivian–Chilean rivalry, this study examines the case of Bolivia's former president Evo Morales to shed light on the noticeable change in foreign policy toward Chile during two of his presidential terms. The findings reveal that Morales's emotions were distinctly different during the period of cooperation or de-escalation compared to the period of escalation of tensions. The period of cooperation is characterized by strategies that promote contact, aligning with motive-consistent appraisals of events. Conversely, the period of escalation is marked by strategies that favor distance, stemming from motive-inconsistent appraisals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Metodos Cuantitativos para la Economia y la Empresa is the property of Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Religación: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades is the property of Religacion: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the political risks that affect the mining sector of Burundi and attempts to posit the scenarios that can emanate from such an environment. This article uses a qualitative research approach and an explorative research design. This desktop research obtained data from academic books, journal articles, working papers, credible online sites, and news articles. The key findings are that ethnicity and dictatorship have seriously and negatively affected the mining sector of the country. Burundi has experienced and is experiencing political instability because of ethnic divisions between Hutus and Tutsis and contested presidential terms in office. Consequently, the tension has negatively affected overall economic performance. Ethnic bias in policymaking has sparked widespread resentment as the Hutu and Tutsi fight against unjust policymaking practices, resulting in intense political instability that has posed risks in numerous developmental and economic sectors, including the mining sector. The instability has pulled the country away from the international arena and investment opportunities since investors tend to be wary of investing in such an unstable political and economic climate. The study therefore recommends that both Hutu and Tutsi leaders promulgate policies that overlook ethnic differences, managing the ethnic differences in the country will result in fair policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"War on the Ballot: How the Election Cycle Shapes Presidential Decision-Making in War" by Andrew Payne explores the influence of electoral cycles on the military strategies of US presidents. The book challenges previous studies by considering how, why, and when elections impact leaders, moving beyond the focus on the period directly preceding an election. Payne identifies five mechanisms that explain the relationship between strategic and electoral preferences, such as delay, dampen, spur, hangover, and spoiler. The book examines the administrations of Truman, Eisenhower, Johnson, Nixon, Bush, and Obama, utilizing archival material and interviews with key figures. It highlights the impact of electoral pressures on decision-making and raises questions about the effectiveness and ethics of democratic policy-making. [Extracted from the article]

This paper investigates what form journalistic questioning takes within the international press corps when representatives of different press systems work in close proximity. Within the U.S. context, adversarial questioning is valued as a key resource to ensure an independent press. Yet independent journalism is not universally upheld in media systems worldwide; Russian officials have explicitly criticized adversarial reporting by Western journalists in their coverage of Russian affairs. Questions posed to Russian Presidents Putin and Medvedev in G8/G20 press conferences 2000–2015 were assessed for two indicators: (a) initiative, and (b) critical content, with the aim to determine whether journalistic practice will converge in an international context, and whether the rise in adversarialness documented within U.S. presidential press conferences parallels a more general international phenomenon. Findings show a significant increase in both indicators over time and by presidential term. Questioning practices exhibited by Russian, non-Western, and Western journalists are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book brings together the analyses of historians, anthropologists and political scientists on the first thirteen months of the so-called I hirak i that formed in Algeria in February 2019 against the decision of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to run for a fifth term as president. Tarik Dahou extends his previous research on young people involved in illicit trade activities at the margins of the state in the decade preceding the I hirak i . Cheminements révolutionnaires: Un an de mobilisations en Algérie (2019-2020): edited by Amin Allal, Layla Baamara, Leyla Dakhli, and Giulia Fabbiano, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 2021, 352 pp., €25 (softcover), ISBN 978-2-271-13886-6. [Extracted from the article]

This article investigates the determinants and consequences of manipulating COVID-19 statistics in an authoritarian federation using the Russian case. It abandons the interpretation of the authoritarian regime as a unitary actor and acknowledges the need to account for a complex interaction of various bureaucratic and political players to understand the spread and the logic of manipulation. Our estimation strategy takes advantage of a natural experiment where the onset of the pandemic adjourned the national referendum enabling new presidential terms for Putin. To implement the rescheduled referendum, Putin needed sub-national elites to manufacture favourable COVID-19 statistics to convince the public that the pandemic was under control. While virtually all regions engaged in data manipulation, there was a substantial variation in the degree of misreporting. A third of this variation can be explained by an asynchronous schedule of regional governors' elections, winning which depends almost exclusively on support from the federal authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, there has been an increasing body of scholarship analyzing the conditions under which incumbent presidents can launch successful attempts to evade existing term limits. It has generally been found that if presidents use multi-strategy approaches, the probability of their success is high. Failure of term limit evasion, on the other hand, is typically ascribed to opposition by judges or to popular disapproval. The case of Indonesia, presented in this article, challenges some of these assumptions. We show that President Widodo's attempts to achieve a revision of term limit regulations or to delay the next elections failed despite a determined multi-strategy approach, and they did so primarily because of sustained elite opposition, including from his own party. Judges played no role, and popular rejection was relevant only insofar as it aligned with elite attitudes. Widodo's failed term evasion attempts, then, highlight two contradictory trends in Indonesia's contemporary democracy: they demonstrated both the erosion of democratic culture that made the initiative possible and the continued resilience of democracy that ultimately thwarted the plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Actual Online is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

However, Guinea-Bissau contested the validity of the 1960 agreement, not to say that the 1960 agreement only dealt with the territorial sea, the contiguous zone and the continental shelf. 1. On 14 October 1993, the Republic of Senegal and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau ("the Parties"), after rounds of negotiations, reached the Management and Cooperation Agreement ("the Agreement"), which ended the proceeding in the International Court of Justice and put aside the maritime delimitation dispute between the two States. One of a number of such agreements signed by countries with contested maritime boundaries across the globe, the Agreement is arguably the first of its kind in the Gulf of Guinea region.[1] Many lessons could be drawn from the Agreement. The respective territorial seas of Guinea-Bissau and Senegal shall be excluded from this joint exploitation zone, except for small-scale fishing from canoes (Agreement, Art. [Extracted from the article]

Conflicts resulting from the dual legitimacy problem of presidential systems (where the president and the legislature are elected by different majorities) sometimes result in legislative gridlock – a point made by those who criticize the alleged perils of presidentialism. The socialist government of Salvador Allende (1970–73), that ended with the breakdown of democracy, is often used as a poster child for legislative gridlock. With information on the 23,798 bills and 12,809 laws enacted in Chile between 1932 and 1973, we compare the passage of legislation in eight presidential terms and demonstrate that not to be the case. Legislative output showed an upward trend after the 1943 constitutional reform but was on a downward trend since the mid-1960s, before the 1970 constitutional reform restricted the scope of bills that legislators could introduce. Under Allende, while 1653 bills were introduced (438 of which were presidential bills), 642 laws were passed (38.8% and 68.2%, respectively) – compared to 53.8% and 39.9% for all presidents in the period, respectively. The evidence does not justify the claim that there was legislative gridlock under Allende. Instead, variations in legislative output across presidential terms in Chile can be explained by changes in the rules of the legislative process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lying just below the surface of these familiar visuals is a crucial political trigger: President Emmanuel Macron's intention to reform the state pension and, specifically, to raise the legal retirement age from 62 to 64, in increments, by 2030. Since Socialist Party President Francois Mitterrand lowered the retirement age to 60 in 1983, his successors and their governments have reformed pensions in the face of significant opposition. Le Pen's success mercilessly pointed to Macron's failure: far from rendering the far right irrelevant, as he had hoped in 2017, the RN was now the largest single party of opposition in the Assembly. [Extracted from the article]

During his first presidential term, faced with antitrust law reform, Woodrow Wilson had to deal with the reconstitution of conflicting values. These were, on the one hand, the importance of efficiency, guaranteed by the role of experts capable of effectively managing public administration; and, on the other hand, the importance of public and democratic participation, and therefore respect for traditional democratic values. Wilson faced a theoretical impasse in defining concepts such as competition and fairness when developing antitrust laws and had to put his theory of administration to the test. He opted for a pragmatic approach, based on managerial ideas and integrating the figure of the manager, expert in know-how. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]