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Deleuze's monograph on Foucault is often construed as a 'metaphysical fiction' (Frédéric Gros), which would attribute to Foucault a metaphysics of Deleuze's own issue. Notably, Paul Patton has argued that Deleuze thereby deeply mischaracterises Foucault's concepts of actuality, history, power and philosophy itself. Against this view, I argue that Deleuze's interpretation in Foucault clarifies the virtual force ontology that the two thinkers effectively developed in common. This ontological framework not only resolves Patton's specific objections; it also outlines a philosophy of the event demonstrating the conceptual consistency between Foucault and Deleuze on fundamental questions of philosophical critique and political agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the evolution of translation studies over the past fifty years. Topics include the concept and framework of translaboration, as introduced by Alexa Alfer and Cornelia Zwischenberger, which explores labor, power, and ethics in collaborative translation; the role of power dynamics and their impact on conflicts within translaborative events; and an analysis of conflicts in translaboration.

The article discusses the ban on René Descartes's writings and Cartesian philosophy at Utrecht University between 1645 and 2005. It explores the quarrel that emerged between Descartes and Dutch Calvinist theologian Gisbertus Voetius, highlighting Descartes's strategic publication tactics and his efforts to subvert institutional authority. The text delves into the philosophical and political implications of the quarrel, shedding light on Descartes's evolving publication strategy and the emergence of Cartesianism as a philosophical movement. The article emphasizes the significance of the quarrel in shaping Descartes's philosophical legacy and its impact on subsequent public controversies. [Extracted from the article]

A literary criticism of the book "Reconsidering the Life of Power: Ritual, Body, and Art in Critical Theory and Chinese Philosophy," by James Garrison, is presented. It examines readings of texts by European philosophers featured in the book, the book as a critical response to Judith Butler's account of the psychodynamics of power, and Garrison's use of Confucian insights.

According to Rainer Forst, a critical theory of power must break with the tendency of political theorists to conceive of power in opposition to normativity. Appropriately, Forst proposes a noumenal definition according to which power is normative: It works through recognition of reasons and is thereby open to critical assessment. In this discussion note, I first clarify the normativity of power in Forst's noumenal theory by means of Donald Davidson's theory of action and then explain how theory of action leads to a different understanding of force and violence from Forst's noumenal theory. In doing this, I find reason to endorse a non-normative definition of power on the lines proposed by Robert Dahl and endorsed by most authors in analytical political theory. This definition nevertheless remains faithful to Forst's methodological guideline that a theory of power must keep in view the relations between power and normativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the relation between scientific inquiry and philosophical thought in the context of a Thomistic account of human sexual difference. I begin by considering Thomas's own view and its explicit though brief appeal to biological observation. In particular, I focus on his claim that being male or female stems more from a substance's matter than from its form. Then, I look at a fairly recent exchange between William Newton and myself, in which, drawing upon Thomistic thought in the context of contemporary science, we argued opposing positions. Mine held that sex stems more from form than from matter, while Newton maintained that Thomas's original position is better. In reviewing this exchange, I note strengths in Newton's argument and suggest a further distinction, even while concluding that my fundamental position is still a better account. Lastly, I turn to further questions and the necessity of continued partnership between philosophy and science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2017, #MeToo quickly became a global phenomenon: shared over 12 million times on social media in the first twenty-four hours, reaching over eighty-five countries, there would be a "before" and an "after." As a polyphonic global cry against the prevalence of sexual violations, #MeToo is hard to apprehend or theorize within traditional frameworks. Neither a social movement as such nor an organized, coordinated campaign, #MeToo has no leaders, structures, defined aims, or specific goals behind it. Hence, what exactly is #MeToo, and how can we understand it in all its contradictions, nuances, and complexities? This article argues that #MeToo can best be understood as a contemporary form of parrhesia, a practice from Ancient Greece that, as Michel Foucault writes, consists of speaking dangerous truth to power and taking risks in doing so out of a sense of duty to improve a situation for oneself and others. Seeing it in this way allows us to complicate our understanding of both #MeToo and parrhesia as a collective, polyphonic, and decentralized praxis that opened up new ways of being and doing (justice) in relation to sexual violations. It is the collective character of #MeToo and parrhesia on social media that led some dominant truths about sexual violations to be challenged while others remained intact. Hence, for feminist scholars and activists, seeing #MeToo as parrhesia and parrhesia as #MeToo provides avenues to capitalize on what courageous truth speaking on social media can achieve without exaggerating its reach, thus doing justice to the millions of voices that spoke out against sexual violations without ignoring the limitations of #MeToo and parrhesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reorients the problematic of political epistemology to put power at the centre of analysis, through an analysis of writings on the relationship between power and knowledge by Horkheimer, Habermas and Foucault. In their work, political epistemology was pursued analogously to the development of political economy, which explored the background conditions and assumptions of economic research. I also show that Horkheimer, Habermas and Foucault each had normative aims intended to improve both epistemology and knowing practices. Though their approaches are distinct, the shared element was a concern with redefining truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Political theorists frequently utilize the ‘firm–state analogy’ (FSA) to support the arguments for democratic governance in firms. This article presents the FSA as an analogy with both justificatory and epistemic functions. Its justificatory function provides valid justificatory strategies for workplace democracy, while its epistemic function offers models that shape the understanding of corporate power. In this article, four limitations of the justificatory function of the FSA are identified: (i) the problem of ambiguity, (ii) the boundary problem, (iii) the issue of normative redundancy, and (iv) the universality problem. Furthermore, the article argues that the epistemic function of the FSA fails to adequately address some of the most concerning forms of corporate power wielded by large, particularly multinational, corporations in the realm of international trade. As a result, the FSA misses crucial reasons for the normative desirability of democracy in corporate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ilya Kasavin's book, "A Social Philosophy of Science: An Introduction," explores the role of philosophy in society and its impact on science and technology studies (STS) and social epistemology. Kasavin argues that philosophy should not be confined to academia but should have a broader influence on society. He also identifies conceptual gaps in social epistemology and STS, suggesting that they could benefit from a philosophical approach. The book is divided into three parts, covering topics such as epistemology, the social turn in the history and philosophy of science, and the intersections of science, technology, and policy. Kasavin's work emphasizes the importance of interdisciplinary communication and the need for a political philosophy of science. Overall, the book offers a thought-provoking and timely perspective on the societal and political role of philosophy in the context of science and technology. [Extracted from the article]

For many centuries, the issues of power, politics, and state have been widely discussed in scientific literature. Developing theories, philosophers proceeded from the side of hierarchical affiliation of power, which is confirmed in theological and biological concepts. Relevance of the presented article is conditioned by the fact that for the first time the French philosopher M. Foucault has offered innovative ideas of power concept from the social point of view. M. Foucault's works are of significant importance for modern researchers in various branches of science since he created a universal tool for the study of social relations. The objective of this study entails conducting a thorough examination of the development of his theory, as well as exploring diverse perspectives presented by scholars on this matter. The result of the research was a full-fledged analysis of the "power" category from the position of a comprehensive phenomenon, which penetrates the whole structure of the state, and not only selected organs or institutions. The main conclusion of the paper is that "power" is a complex social phenomenon that cannot be equated with categories such as "law", "discipline", "subordination", or "punishment". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to highlight that the use of technology, specifically artificial intelligence, used in all areas of human life and especially in education, is supported by the power of philosophy, bringing human nature closer to technology. The ethical theories of ancient and modern philosophers underline that education can play an important role in creating and defining an ethical programming and control of artificial intelligence. Under the light of moral philosophy, a role of the moral and spiritual leader in education is emerged, along with the role of educators and the use of artificial intelligence, where the moral human will be required and guided by wisdom to prevent risks and ensure benefits. On the other hand, it is necessary to train students in skills and abilities that will help them utilize the philosophy of artificial intelligence, after having previously acquired a philosophy of education that is humanoriented in terms of values, choices, decisions and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female empowerment has long been a prominent social concern in Western culture. With the rise of social media, the quest for female empowerment has become embodied in self-presentational practices, occurring conspicuously throughout the Instagram fitness subculture: 'fitspiration'. Here, female empowerment is merged with the body-centrality inherent to fitness, and the self-sexualization that has become characteristic of both photo-based social media in general, and fitspiration in particular. Meanwhile, an extensive body of research highlights numerous detrimental effects of self-sexualization on women. Evidently, something seems awry with the implied proposition 'sexualization as empowerment'. Drawing on Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy of power and its relationship to human flourishing, this article aims to critically examine the conception of female empowerment expressed in fitspiration and to conceptualize a philosophically compelling reformulation of universal human empowerment. I argue that what is commonly conceived of as female empowerment in trends like fitspiration—delineated in its explicit relationship to sexualization—may be seriously flawed. Rejecting this understanding in favor of a Nietzschean universal alternative may prove beneficial to individuals both within and without the contemporary fitness culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do mothers deal with chronic violence and the constant presence of guns in their neighborhoods? How do they build situated meaning and discursive practices out of their experiences and relationships with armed actors? We compare the experiences of women in two poor and working-class neighborhoods in Caracas. Through this comparative ethnographic project, we aim to show how, in the midst of state-sponsored depredation and with an overwhelming presence of guns in their lives, women use their cultural roles as mothers to perform everyday forms of resistance vis-à-vis the different armed actors that impose their presence in the barrios. In the mothers’ daily struggles, dramatic discursive actions—from more openly oppositional ones, such as shouting, scolding, and talking, to more hidden ones, such as both “circulating gossip” and “captive gossip,” to more vulnerable ones, such as whispering—are main resources in the micropolitics of their neighborhoods. Our findings suggest that strategies are context dependent and most likely vary according to numerous factors, including the history of civic organizing, policing practices, and the type of armed actor with whom they cohabitate in their neighborhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the value of consulting religious traditions in liberal democratic states. It argues that religious traditions can provide valuable resources for problem-solving and offers four nonreligious, epistemic reasons for consulting them. These reasons include the continuity of transmission, the test of time, the intergenerational learning process, and the result of moral inquiry. The article emphasizes that while there are epistemic reasons for consulting religious traditions, other factors such as unjust discrimination may outweigh them. The analysis has implications for the role of religious traditions in political or ethical problem-solving in liberal democratic states. [Extracted from the article]

Reyes Linares, Pedro Antonio. The Foundations of Politics: Plurality in Zubiri’s Way of Thinking.In Hannah Arendt’s writings one can speak of politics only when power is plural. The author, however, does not offer sufficient substantiation for her assertion. In this article I seek to show that Zubirian noology makes it possible to formulate a philosophy of power that establishes the necessary plural constitution of human ties, framed in terms of diversity and community, modulating the realm of all personal activity. This makes it more likely to find in political activity a sentimental context of gratification and joy that Arendt also proposes in her analysis of revolutions and political activity, which makes it possible to diagnose whether the lived process is actually contributing to the plural condition of power that politics demands. The agreement of the positions of these two authors, Hannah Arendt and Xavier Zubiri, suggests a political pedagogy that would promote the plural composition of societies and States, and warn against the risks of propagandistic groupthink that gives rise to tyranny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rita Chang-Eppigs debut novel, Deep as the Sky, Red as the Sea, tells the story of a woman who fights to survive and the cost that survival demands. Based on [...]

In some point of view, neither Michel Foucault nor Ibn Khaldun are considered philosophers in the conventional classifications, but both are very important in intellectual and, of course, in philosophical contexts, especially for those who are interested in the deep study of human life from the perspective of political thought. The main concern of two thinkers, one in the 14th century, the other in the 20th century, is the issue of power, although neither of them provided a precise definition of it. In this article, an attempt has been made to show the place of power and domination in the political thought of both thinkers by examining the thoughts of two thinkers. And in search of an answer to this question, how did Asabiyyah and industry of religion in Ibn Khaldun's thought and social control through selftechnology and discipline in Foucault's thought lead to the expansion of the domination of power? This article is written by analytically comparing the opinions of two thinkers based on Ibn Khaldun's most important book called Muqaddimah and Foucault's late works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Affectivity and the Hermeneutics of Power: A Commentary on Aphorism 13 of The Gay Science. Section 13 of The Gay Science is devoted to the doctrine of the feeling of power, which recapitulates Nietzsche's main ideas of the previous years and already presents them in the form of a doctrine that does not yet bear the name "will to power." Hence, GS 13 is a turning point in the development of Nietzsche's philosophy of power, which, from the perspective of feeling, points to two essential components of all power: affect and hermeneutics. This article retraces the structure of the section and the main features of the feeling of power with special attention to the progression of the first twelve sections. It provides a better understanding of The Gay Science and of Nietzsche's philosophy of power by paying due consideration to a severely underestimated concept, which most commentators have reduced to a mere psychological and draft version of the famous later concept of "will to power." Although the purpose of this article is not to confront both formulations, some analyses (e. g., on vanity, sacrifice, hedonism, on the continuity and complementarity of strong and weak natures as well as of their moralities) will prove useful to gain a better insight into Nietzsche's overall conception of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on the cross-cultural interaction between a French traveller and pilgrims from West Africa, this study analyses the actors involved in the construction of European knowledge about West African societies in the mid-nineteenth century. It stresses the role of pilgrims, actors that were often considered peripheral to European knowledge production. The use of the concept of knowledge circulation allows me to explore dimensions of knowledge production such as power relations, resistance, or negotiation, described in the travel account. The paper argues that despite the asymmetries in the pilgrim-traveller relationship, pilgrims co-produced the traveller's knowledge about West Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main problem of Plato's Republic and of contemporary Russia is the fusion of the state power and philosophy in order to improve both the state and the individual. The article deals with the problem of widening the logic causing the defacement of sciences and endangering the existence of the state. There is a hidden agenda, a hidden problem: The prepositive widened attribute destroying the "philosophical (logical) syntax" of the Vienna Circle. The article raises the problem of the metaphysics as the spiritual foundation of the European civilization and considers its repudiation by the logical positivists as a knotty problem. The great problem is the evil influence of the logical positivism on the American politics wich is applying the syncretic method of the Vienna Circle. At present, philosophy is not even mentioned among the related disciplines of politics in the sense of state theory (history, state law, international law, sociology, political economy, psychology, ethics). Today there is a necessity that makes philosophers anxious about the state, and the state will have to obey them if it does not want to perish. Philosophy is the valiant guardian of the state, a guarantee of its preservation. It was the absence of this guard that led to the death of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sophia, Colección de Filosofía de la Educación is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tourism Tribune / Lvyou Xuekan is the property of Tourism Institute of Beijing Union University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Can the desire for efficiently systematised theories in science be explained from within a powers metaphysics? It is plausible that the traditional 'Powers Theory of Laws', endorsed by many friends of powers, does not alone provide such an explanation. This has led a number of recent authors to argue that a 'Powers Best System Account' of laws would be a preferable alternative. This account borrows a method for determining laws from the Humean and applies it to a reality of powers. Here I claim, to the contrary, that this account is both internally unworkable and, anyway, completely undermotivated when compared with the traditional view. Apart from some brief suggestions for alternative accounts, I'll conclude that the powers theorist still has their work cut out to explain systematising in science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resistance against tourism development has become a key analytical domain among tourism researchers. Yet, little attention has been paid to understanding online resistance against tourism development as a discursive phenomenon. This inquiry provides a discourse analytical study regarding an online petition against a large-scale infrastructure project in the Austrian Alps. Employing an analytical framework of discursive objects, subjects, and concepts, the study investigates the justification strategies of activists, posted on the online petition platform. The study finds that activists' rationales are embedded within an overarching degrowth discourse. The conflict exists between the opposing subjectivities of activists and project initiators with nature as their primary discursive object. Activist rationales were found to criticize the growth imperative of capitalism in broad strokes, rather than directly addressing the project and its proponents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief response concerns Arash Abizadeh's recently proposed four-place 'grammar' of agential social power: that the social power of an agent, V, with respect to outcome type O consists in V's capacity to effect outcomes of type O 'with the assistance of agents X, despite the resistance of agents Y '. Among other problems, this grammar implies that all agential power is social power. I propose, in place of Abizadeh's grammar, that V 's social power with respect to O consists in V 's capacity to effect O with the assistance of X, thereby affecting patients Y. Among other things, this grammar goes further than Abizadeh's in rejecting the tradition, owing to Max Weber, that holds that all social power is power to overcome resistance. Talk of overcoming resistance drops out of the definition of social power completely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective is to identify the sociological nature of the political process that occurred in Venezuela during the government of Hugo Chávez Frías. To do this, by analyzing the content of documentary sources, the most relevant events from 1999 to 2006 have been reconstructed, where the constituent process of 1999 and its consequences for the judiciary are seen as the cornerstone of the conflict between the government and its opponents. Based on Claude Lefort's political philosophy of power and democracy, and Fauconnet and Mauss's anthropological concept of institution, it is concluded that since 1999 the main political process that has occurred in Venezuela is a replacement of elites. Consequently, the break point of Venezuelan democracy is prior to this date. The political order of the country was already submerged in an authoritarian process before the arrival of Hugo Chávez Frías, however most of the analyzes published on his government deal with a degradation of democracy and a battle to restore it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a review of the book "Las razones y las fuerzas. Ensayos sobre filosofía en Chile" by Alejandro Fielbaum S. The book examines the historical relationships between power and philosophy in Chile, focusing on intellectual debates during the authoritarian regime of the 19th century and the transition to neoliberalism. The author argues that the dominant historical bloc in Chile has failed to establish a coherent narrative of domination due to its lack of interest in reasons. The book also highlights the importance of creativity and recreation in local philosophy, and proposes a cosmopolitan reading of philosophical debates in Chile. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that to be effective, community development ethics need to be embedded in community development practice. In the professional experience of the authors, ethics are often said by community development practitioners to be important in theory but may seem abstract or have little impact on day-to-day work. We therefore argue that to bridge that gap between theory and practice the establishment of an ethical contract between community workers and the groups that they work with should be seen as an indispensable element of good practice. We suggest that for an ethical contract to be effective it should be established by workers and community groups working in inclusive and participative ways. This will increase the degree to which ethical practice is understood and owned by all participants and opens up opportunities for practice to be accountable to everyone involved in the community development process and not just professional workers. Drawing on human rights literature and insights from popular education, the article highlights the ways in which using a static ethics framework (such as a statement of ethical principles or code of ethics) may reinforce existing power imbalances and inadvertently disempower communities. It explores how establishing a dynamic ethical contract between practitioners and the groups they work with offers greater potential for embedding ethical practice in community development work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper defends an account of the laws of nature in terms of irreducibly modal properties (aka powers) from the threat posed by functional laws, conservation laws and symmetries. It thus shows how powers theorists can avoid ad hoc explanations and resist an inflated ontology of powers and governing laws. The key is to understand laws not as flowing from the essences of powers, as per Bird (2007), but as features of a description of how powers are possibly distributed, as per Demarest (2017), Kimpton-Nye (2017, 2021) and Williams (2019); call this the Powers-BSA. This underappreciated powers-based account of laws is continuous with actual scientific practice and thereby quite naturally accommodates functional laws, conservation laws and symmetries. This paper thus positions the Powers-BSA as the leading anti-Humean account of the relationship between laws and properties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]